UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT   LOS  ANGELES 


1%  o 
51?  X 


CONTENTS 


THE   SECOND  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  XL 

A.D. 

1 720.  Review  of  Stanhope's  administration 
Accession  of  Walpole  and  Townshend    - 
The  South  Sea  Company 
Competition  with  the  Bank 

Passing  of  the  South  Sea  Bill     - 

Rage  for  speculation  at  this  period 

Mr.  Law  and  his  system,  at  Paris 

Quarrel  between  him  and  Lord  Stair 

Lord  Stair  recalled         ... 

General  delusion  in  England 

Various  bubble  Companies 

The  re-action  begins 

It  becomes  a  crash 

The  public  resentment   - 

The  King  hastens  from  Hanover 

Prudence  of  Walpole     - 

The  Parliament  meets    - 

Walpole  proposes  his  plan 

1721.  A  secret  Committee  of  Inquiry  - 
Violence  against  the  South  Sea  Directors 
Angry  debate  in  the  Lords 

Illness  and  death  of  Earl  Stanhope 
Report  of  the  Secret  Committee 
Death  of  Secretary  Craggs 
Proceedings  against  Mr.  Charles  Stanhope 
Against  Mr.  Aislabie     - 
And  against  Lord  Sunderland    - 
Restoration  of  public  credit 
Gloomy  forebodings  of  the  future 
A  2 


Page 

1 

2 

3 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

ib. 

10 

J2 

13 

ib. 

14 

A 

15 
16 
ib. 
17 
18 
ib. 
19 
20 
ib. 
21 
ib. 
ib. 
23 
24 


IV  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  Page 

1722.  Dissolution  of  Parliament  -  -  -  -      26 

Death  of  Lord  Sunderland          ....       ,'£. 

And  of  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  -  -  -       28 

Walpole  left  undisputed  Prime  Minister  -  29 


CHAPTER  XH. 

Birth  of  Prince  Charles  Stuart    -  -  -  -  30 

Hopes  of  the  Jacobites  in  England          ...  $. 

Their  Council  of  Five    -  -  -  -  31 

Atterbuiy,  Bishop  of  Rochester  -  .  -  -  32 

Plot  to  seize  the  Tower  and  the  Bank     -  -  -  35 

Discovered  by  the  Government  -  ...  $. 

Layer,  Plunkett,  and  others,  taken  into  custody  -  -  36 

The  dog  Harlequin        -  -  •  -  -  37 

Arrest  of  Bishop  Atterhury         -  ...  f  6. 

His  harsh  treatment  in  the  Tower  -  -  -  38 

Meeting  of  Parliament   -  -  -  -  39 

Vote  against  the  Pretender's  Declaration  -  40 

Tax  on  Roman  Catholics  ....  $. 

Compulsory  oaths  of  allegiance  -  41 

1723.  Charge  against  Earl  Cowper      -            -            -  43 
His  death  and  character              ....  ib. 
Trial  and  execution  of  Layer     -            -            -  44 
Bill  of  penalties  against  Bishop  Atterbury           -            -  ib. 
His  eloquent  defence      -            -            -            -  46 
The  Bill  passes                                          ...  48 
His  last  interview  with  Pope       -            -            -            -  49 
He  is  conveyed  to  Calais             ....  ib, 
Pardon  of  Lord  Bolingbroke       -            -            -            -  50 
Bolingbroke  arrives  in  England               -            -            -  51 
His  overtures  to  Walpole            -            -            -            -  52 
He  returns  to  Paris        -            -            -            -  53 
Lord  Carteret,  Secretary  of  State            ...  ib. 
Disagreement  between  Walpole  and  Carteret      -            -  56 
Struggle  for  power         -            -            -            -  ib. 
Intrigues  of  Bolingbroke                         -            -            -  57 

1724.  Carteret  is  dismissed  from  his  office        -            -            -  58 
But  appointed  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland          -            -  59 


CHAPTER  XHL 

Affair  of  Wood's  Patent              -  -  -  .60 

Dissatisfaction  in  Ireland            -  .  -  -61 

Exertions  of  Swift          -            -  -  .  62 


CONTENTS.  V 

X  D.  Page 

1724.  The  Drapier's  Letters    -.           •           -  -  63. 
The  popular  ferment  increases    -            -  -  64 
Arrival  of  Lord  Carteret            -.           ..  .  -      f,5 
His  ineffectual  measures              -            -  -  66 
The  Government  is  compelled  to  yield   -  ib. 
The  Malt  Tax  in  Scotland         -            -  -  67 
Tumult  at  Glasgow       -            -            -  -  69 
Combination  of  Brewers  at  Edinburgh   ...      ib. 

1725.  Prudent  measures  of  Walpole  and  Lord  Isla  -  -      ib. 
Tranquillity  restored  among  the  Scots    -  -  70 
Lord  Chancellor  Macclesfield  impeached  -  -      ib. 
Partial  restoration  of  Lord  Bolingbroke  -  -  71 
Opposed  by  the  ardent  Whigs    -            -  -  72 
And  also  by  the  ardent  Jacobites            ...      ib. 
William  Pulteney           -            -            -  -  73 
His  league  with  Bolingbroke      -            -  -  -      ib. 
The  City  Act    -            -            -            -  -  76 
The  Order  of  the  Bath  revived  -           -  -  ib. 
State  of  Foreign  Affairs              -            -  -  77 
The  Infanta  sent  back  from  France        -  -  78 
Resentment  of  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain  -  -       79 
Conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  Vienna        ...      f  j. 
Counter- Alliance  at  Hanover     -  81 
Clamours  of  the  Opposition        -  82 
First  rivalry  of  Walpole  and  Townshend  -  83 


CHAPTER  XTV. 

Jacobite  intrigues          -            -           -  -                  85 
State  of  the  Highlanders             ....      jj. 

Mission  of  Allan  Cameron  in  Scotland    -  -            -      86 

Bishop  Atterbury  at  Paris          -  87 

Lord  Mar  out  of  favour  with  James        -  -                   ib. 

Influence  of  Colonel  Hay  (Lord  Inverness)  -            -      88 

Quarrel  between  James  and  his  Consort  -      89 

She  retires  to  a  convent  at  Rome  -      ib. 

1726.  HI  effects  to  the  Jacobite  cause  -  +                   90 

The  Duke  of  Wharton  openly  joins  it    -  92 

Proceeds  on  a  mission  to  Madrid            -  -                   93 
His  strange  behaviour    -                         ...      t'6. 

Ripperda,  the  Spanish  Prime  Minister    -  -      94 

His  fickleness  and  falsehood        -  95 

Dismissed  from  office     -  -            -      96 

He  takes  refuge  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Stanhope  -                   97 

But  is  arrested  -  ib. 

He  escapes  from  the  Castle  of  Segovia    -  98 

A  3 


VI  CONTENTS. 


A.  ». 

1726.  His  adventures  in  England        -  -            -  98 
Goes  to  Marocco,  and  becomes  a  Bashaw           -  -  99 
His  death           -            -            -  -            -  ib. 
State  of  affairs  in  France             -  -            -  ib. 
Character  of  Cardinal  Fleury     -  ...  jj. 
He  becomes  Prime  Minister        -  -            -  -  100 
Horace  Walpole,  ambassador  at  Paris  -            -  -  102 
Death  of  the  Czarina      -  -            -  -  103 

1727.  Cabals  of  M.  Palm  in  England  -  ...  ib. 
Preparations  for  the  siege  of  Gibraltar  -            -  -  105 
The  Marquis  de  Villadarias        -  ...  ib. 
Failure  of  the  Spaniards  -            -  -  106 
Preliminaries  of  Peace  signed  at  Paris  -            -  -  107 
Intrigues  of  Bolingbroke  with  the  Duchess  of  Kendal  -  ib. 
His  interview  with  the  King       -  -            -  -  108 
The  King  sets  out  for  Hanover  -  ib. 
His  illness  and  death,  on  his  journey  -            -  109 
Account  of  his  Consort,  Sophia-Dorothea  of  Zell  -  ib. 
His  Majesty's  Will         -  -  111 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Character  of  George  the  Second             -            -  -  1 1 2 

And  of  Queen  Caroline  -            -  -  113 

Lady  Suffolk 115 

Sir  Spencer  Compton  designated  as  Prime  Minister  -  116 

But  yields  to  Walpole    -                         -            -  -  118 

Dismay  of  the  Jacobites              -            -            •  -  1 1 9 

James  at  Bologna          -            -            -            -  ib. 

He  hastens  to  Lorraine  -            -            -            •  -120 

His  projects  of  invasion  -            -            -            -  -  121 

Discouraged  by  his  friends          ...  -  ib. 

He  takes  refuge  at  Avignon       -            -            -  -  122 

1728.  And  returns  to  Italy      -            -            -            -  ib. 
Meeting  of  the  new  Parliament               -            -  -  123 
Discussion  between  Walpole  and  Pulteney  on  the  Sinking 

Fund    '         -                         -                         -    *  -  124 

Preliminaries  signed  with  Spain            .'-     '        -  -  125 

The  Congress  of  Soissons            -  ib. 

Arrival  in  England  of  Frederick,  Prince  of  Wales  -  126 

1729.  Resolutions  against  reporting  debates      -  -  ib. 


Demand  of  Gibraltar  by  the  Spaniards   - 
Views  of  Earl  Stanhope  in  1 720 
His  policy  pursued  by  Lord  Townshend 
Letter  of  George  the  First 
Impatience  of  the  Queen  of  Spain 


127 
ib. 

130 
ib. 

131 


CONTENTS.  Vii 

A,  D.  Page 

1729.  Debates  in  Parliament  upon  this  subject  -  -  133 
Mission  of  William  Stanhope  to  Spain  -            .  -  134 
He  concludes  the  Treaty  of  Seville  -            -  -  135 

1730.  He  is  created  Lord  Harrington  -  ...  ib. 
Quarrel  between  Walpole  and  Townshend  -  -  137 
Townshend  resigns        -  -  ib. 
The  Jacobite  party         -            -  -            -  -138 
Death  of  Lord  Mar        -  -            -  -  139 
Eccentricities  of  the  Duke  of  Wharton  -            -  -  140 
He  dies  in  a  Spanish  convent      -  -            -  -  141 
Bishop  Atterbury  neglected  by  James  -  ib. 
He  retires  to  Montpellier  -  -  142 
He  is  joined  by  his  daughter      -  -            -  -  143 
Her  illness  and  decease  -            -  -            -  ib. 
Atterbury  returns  to  Paris           -  -             -  -  145 
His  defence  of  Clarendon's  History  ...  ib. 
He  dies  -  -  147 
His  coffin  opened  and  searched  -  ib. 
Jacobite  correspondence  -  -  148 


CHAPTER  XVL 

1731.  Ascendency  of  Walpole  in  the  Cabinet  -            -  .  149 

English  substituted  for  Latin  in  legal  proceedings  -  ib. 

Inquiry  into  the  Public  Prisons  -            -            -  -  150 

Lord  Harrington,  Secretary  of  State       -            -  -  1 52 

The  Duke  of  Newcastle,  his  colleague    -            -  -  153 

Weakness  of  the  Opposition       -            -            -  -  155 

Duel  between  Pulteney  and  Lord  Hervey            -  -  156 

1733.  Inroad  upon  the  Sinking  Fund  -                         -'  -  157 
Views  of  the  Fundholder  at  this  tune     -            -  -  158 
The  Excise  Scheme        -            -            -            -  -  159 
Speech  of  Walpole         -                         -            -  -  161 
Replies  of  Barnard  and  Wyndham         -            -  -  1 62 
The  "  Sturdy  Beggars"     '                      -            -  -  164 
Strong  popular  ferment  -             -             -             -  -  165 
Meeting  of  Ministerial  Members             -            -  -  1 66 
The  Bill  is  dropped        .....  157 
Rejoicing  throughout  the  country           -            -  -  168 
Conduct  of  Lord  Chesterfield     ....  ib. 
His  dismissal  from  office                           -             -  «  169 
Duke  of  Bolton  and  Lord  Cobham  deprived  of  their 

regiments       -                         -                         -  -  ib. 

Lord  Talbot,  Chancellor                                       .  -  170 

War  for  the  Crown  of  Poland    -  ib. 

1734.  Conquest  of  Naples  by  the  Spaniards     -            .  -  171 


viii  CONTENTS. 

A.  u.  Page 

1734.  Campaign  on  the  Rhine             -            -            -  -1752 
Marshal  Berwick  is  killed            -            -            -  ib. 
Proceedings  in  Parliament  ..                    -            •  -     173 
Motions  on  the  dismissal  of  Bolton  and  Cobham  -      ib. 
Motion  for  Repeal  of  the  Septennial  Act              -  174 
Speech  of  Walpole         -                                     -  176 
Dissolution  of  Parliament  and  General  Election  177 

1735.  Bolingbroke  retires  to  France      -            -            -  179 
His  disagreement  with  Pulteney             -            -  ib. 


CHAPTER  XVH. 

Negotiations  abroad       -            -                        -            -  181 

Mission  of  Abbe  Strickland  to  England  -            -            -  182 

Preliminaries  of  Peace  concluded                         -            -  182 

Dispute  between  the  Courts  of  Spain  and  Portugal          -  184 

1 736.  Correspondence  of  Walpole  with  Cardinal  Fleury            -  ib. 
The  Dissenters'  attempt  to  repeal  the  Test  Act  -            -  185 
Bill  for  the  relief  of  Quakers      -            -            -            -  186 

The  Mortmain  Act        -            -            -            -            -  187 

The  Gin  Act      ------  ib. 

Riots  at  Spitalfields        -                                                    -  188 
Two  smugglers,  Wilson  and  Robertson,  imprisoned  at 

Edinburgh     -  -  -  -  -  -189 

Escape  of  Robertson      •            -            -            -  ib. 

Execution  of  Wilson      -                         -            -            -  190 

Captain  Porteous  fires  at  the  mob           ...  ib. 

He  is  condemned  to  death          ....  ib. 

But  reprieved    -                                                              -  191 

Popular  resentment  and  tumult  at  Edinburgh     -            -  ib. 

Attack  upon  the  Tolbooth          -            -            -            -  192 

Execution  of  Porteous  by  the  mob                        -            -  195 

Lord  Isla  despatched  to  Scotland            ...  ib. 

But  fails  to  discover  the  ringleaders        ...  195 

1737.  Bill  of  Penalties  against  the  city  of  Edinburgh    -            -  197 
The  most  obnoxious  clauses  dropt                        -            -  ib. 
Sir  John  Barnard                                                               -  198 
His  plan  to  reduce  the  interest  of  the  National  Debt        -  199 
Frederick  Prince  of  Wales  in  Opposition             -  ib. 
His  marriage     ------  200 

Complaints  of  his  narrow  income            -            -             -  201 

Motion  of  Pulteney  for  increasing  it       -            -            -  203 

The  High  Tories  refuse  to  vote                                          -  204 

The  Prince  conveys  the  Princess  from  Hampton  Court    -  ib. 

She  is  delivered  of  a  daughter                              -            -  ib. 

Irritation  of  the  King     -                         ...  205 


CONTENTS. 


A.  D.  Page 

1737.  Public  division  in  the  Royal  Family  -                         -    207 

Illness  and  death  of  Queen  Caroline  -                         -     208 

Her  fortitude  and  resignation     -  -    209 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

LITERATURE. 

English  writers  under  Charles  the  First  -  210 

Under  Charles  the  Second         -  -  2 1 1 

Under  Queen  Anne       -  -  212 

Superior  correctness  of  the  latter  -  213 

Denied  by  Dr.  Johnson                           -  -  214 

The  Dramatic  Unities    -  -  215 

Opinion  of  Alfieri,  Schiller,  and  Byron    -  -  ib. 

Advantages  of  preserving  the  Unities      -  -  216 

Modern  attacks  on  the  poetry  of  Pope    -  -  218 

His  faultlessness  urged  as  his  reproach   -  -  ib. 

Increase  in  the  number  of  readers  -            -  219 

Literary  patronage  before  the  government  of  Walpole     -  221 

Comparison  of  those  times  with  ours      ...  222 

Literary  profits  and  Literary  patronage  -  223 

Contempt  of  Walpole  for  Literature       -  -  224 

Sufferings  of  authors  under  his  administration  -            -  ib. 

Their  attacks  upon  him  -            -  225 

His  mercenary  writers    -  -  ib. 

Queen  Caroline,  a  patron  of  learning      -  226 

Introduction  of  Swift  in  1726     -  -  227 

His  last  journey  to  England  in  1727       -  -  228 

His  Gulliver's  Travels    -----  229 

He  retires  to  Ireland  in  disgust  -            -  ib. 

Complaints  of  Gay  against  the  Queen     -  230 

His  Beggar's  Opera  and  Polly    -  -             -  ib. 

Licentiousness  of  the  Stage         -  -            -  231 

Playhouse  Bill  of  Walpole  -            -  ib. 

Splendid  speech  of  Lord  Chesterfield      -  232 

Consequences  of  this  enactment  -            ...  233 


CHAPTER  XIX 

METHODISM. 

Birth  and  education  of  John  Wesley  -     235 

His  mission  to  Georgia  -  -                  236 

Origin  of  the  Methodists             -  .                   ib, 
VOL.  II.                                 a 


X  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  Page 

Whitefield  commences  field-preaching    ...  237 

The  same  course  pursued  by  Wesley      -  -  238 

Breach  between  the  Methodists  and  the  Moravians  -  289 

And  between  Wesley  and  Whitefield      ...  ib. 

Enthusiasm  of  the  first  Methodists           -  -  240 

Their  excellent  organization        -  -241 

Attachment  of  Wesley  to  the  Church  of  England  -  242 

His  doctrines     -  -  243 

State  of  the  Church  at  that  period  -  244 

Alienation  between  the  higher  and  lower  clergy  -  -  245 

State  of  the  Universities  -  246 

Useful  impulse  given  by  the  Methodists  -  247 

Wesley  in  Ireland  -  248 

His  journeys  throughout  England  -  250 

The  Methodists  at  Newcastle     -  -  251 

Converts  from  the  poorer  classes  -  252 

Popular  violence  and  insults  to  the  preachers      -  -  253 

Political  principles  of  the  Wesleys  -  ib. 

The  Jumpers     -  -  254 

Methodist  soldiers  at  Fontenoy  -  -  255 

Wesley's  domestic  life    -  -  256 

His  death  -  ib. 

His  daily  journal  -  ib. 

His  great  authority  over  his  followers     -  -  258 

Preaching  of  Whitefield  -  ib. 

He  dies  in  America        -  -  259 

Present  state  and  prospects  of  the  Methodists      -  -  ib. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

1738.  Court  intrigues  on  the  death  of  Queen  Caroline  -  -  262 
Meeting  of  Parliament    -  -  263 
Attempts  to  reduce  the  army      -  -  264 
And  to  kindle  a  war      -  -  ib. 
Illicit  trade  to  the  South  American  Colonies       -  -  265 
Complaints  of  the  British  Merchants  -                          -  267 
Inflamed  by  the  Opposition        -  -  ib. 
The  fable  of  Jenkins's  ears         -  -  268 
Geraldino,  the  Spanish  envoy    -  -  270 
Intrigues  of  Newcastle  -            -  «*• 
Negotiations  of  Walpole 

1 739.  Convention  signed  at  Madrid 
Clamours  against  it  in  England 
Debates  in  the  House  of  Lords   - 

And  of  Commons  -  275 

Eloquent  speech  of  Pitt  -  **• 


CONTENTS. 


A.  D.  Page 

1739.  The  Opposition  determines  to  secede      -  -    277 

Their  secession  announced  by  Wyndham  -      ib. 

Ill  received  by  the  public  -     278 

The  Danish  Subsidy      -  -    279 

Close  of  the  Session        -                         •  280 


Failure  of  the  negotiations  with  Spain    - 

Declaration  of  war         -  - 

Great  public  rejoicings  - 

Walpole  and  the  Opposition  both  blameable 


APPENDIX 


ib. 
281 
282 
283 


THE 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND 


THE  PEACE  OF  UTRECHT. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

IN  the  spring  of  1720,  the  administration  of  Lord  Stan- 
hope had  attained  a  high  pitch  of  success  and  renown. 
By  negotiation,  he  had  driven  Alberoni  from  Madrid ; 
by  force,  the  Spaniards  from  Sicily.  The  authority  of 
the  Regent  had  been  secured  in  France,  and  his  friend- 
ship with  England  confirmed ;  and  some  fresh  difficulties 
which  arose  after  Stanhope  had  left  Paris  in  January, 
were  adjusted  by  another  journey  of  that  Minister  in 
March.  At  the  same  time  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna  had 
been  brought  into  a  concert  of  measures,  and  the  ancient 
alliance  renewed  with  the  Dutch.  In  the  North,  the 
confederacy  against  Sweden  had  been  successfully  broken ; 
Prussians,  Danes,  and  Poles  were  disarmed ;  and  the 
languid  hostilities  which  the  Czar  still  continued  from 
his  want  of  temper,  must,  it  was  evident,  speedily  termi- 
nate from  his  want  of  support.*  The  Jacobites  could  no 
longer  fix  their  station,  or  conduct  their  intrigues,  on 
the  neighbouring  coasts  ;  an  edict  for  their  total  banish- 

*  The  Peace  of  Nystad  between  Russia  and  Sweden  was  signed 
August,  1721.  (Dumont,  SuppL  Corps  Diplom.  vol.  viii.  part  2. 
p.  36.) 

VOL.  n.  B 


2  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI. 

ment  from  France  had  been  granted  to  Stanhope  at  Paris.* 
The  Pretender  had  not  left  him  a  single  great  power  to 
afford  him  aid  or  countenance,  and  was  reduced  to  vague 
hopes  and  empty  promises  —  to  the  prophecies  of  monks 
or  the  dreams  of  exiles !  Thus,  therefore,  the  exertions 
of  Stanhope  had  happily  restored  peace  throughout  Eu- 
rope ;  and  it  was  by  pursuing  his  policy,  and  treading  in 
his  footsteps  that  Walpole  afterwards  preserved  this 
blessing  for  so  many  years. 

At  home,  the  prospect  for  Stanhope  was  not  less  cheer- 
ing. He  had  risen  to  much  the  highest  place  in  the 
Royal  confidence  ;  a  fact  so  well  understood,  that  we  find 
it  publicly  mentioned  in  some  foreign  State  Papers  of 
this  period,  f  The  defeat  on  the  Peerage  Bill  had  not 
shaken  him  or  Sunderland ;  they  were  not  less  strong 
with  Parliament;  they  were  not  less  trusted  by  the 
King ;  and  the  party  of  Walpole,  hopeless  of  overthrow- 
ing, consented  to  join  them.  This  junction  was  on  far 
from  equal  terms.  It  made  no  change  at  all  in  the  mea- 
sures, and  but  little  in  the  men.  Walpole  received  no 
higher  place  than  Paymaster  of  the  Forces  (out  of  the 
Cabinet),  nor  Townshend  than  President  of  the  Council ; 
while  Methuen  was  satisfied  with  an  office  in  the  Royal 
Household-^  Their  support,  accordingly,  was  by  no 
means  warm  and  willing  ;  they  were  treated  as  inferiors, 
and,  of  course,  behaved  as  malcontents  ;  but  at  all  events 
their  opposition  was  disarmed,  and  their  connection  with 
the  Tories  broken.  Another  great  advantage  attending 
their  accession  was,  healing  the  breach  in  the  Royal 
family.  Walpole,  who  had  lately  ingratiated  himself 
with  the  Prince  of  Wales,  induced  him  to  write  a  sub- 
missive letter  to  the  King  ;  Stanhope  induced  His  Majesty 
to  receive  it  favourably  :  a  meeting  ensued,  and  a  recon- 


*  In  March,  1720.  See  St.  Simon,  Mem.  vol.  xviii.  p.  153.  ed. 
1829. 

f  Abbe  Dubois  to  M.  Landi,  Jan.  19.  1720.  (Hist.  Rcgist.  p. 
76,  &c.) 

j  The  -vacancies  were  made  by  the  Duke  of  Kent,  the  Earl  of 
Lincoln,  and  Mr.  Boscawen.  The  latter  was  rewarded  with  the 
title  of  Viscount  Falmouth,  Lord  Lincoln  was  a  personal  friend  of 
Stanhope,  had  taken  office  only  at  his  solicitation,  and  readily  relin- 
quished it. 


1720.          THE  SOUTH  SEA  COMPANY.  8 

ciliation  was  effected.  This  union,  both  of  statesmen 
and  of  princes,  dashed  the  best  hopes  of  Jacobitiem. 
Bishop  Atterbury  writes  to  James,  that,  though  the  re- 
conciliation is  far  from  sincere,  it  will  by  degrees  become 
so,  or  that  at  least  the  appearances  and  consequences  of 
it  will  be  the  same  as  if  it  really  were.  .  "  I  think  myself 
"  obliged,"  he  adds,  "  to  represent  this  melancholy  truth, 
"  that  there  may  be  no  expectation  of  any  thing  from 
"  hence,  which  will  certainly  not  happen."* 

Such,  then,  was  the  prosperous  aspect  of  affairs,  when 
in  June  the  King,  attended  by  Stanhope,  set  out  for  his 
German  dominions.  But  the  happy  calm  was  not  of  long 
continuance.  It  is  now  for  me  to  relate  how  that  glitter- 
ing and  hollow  bubble,  the  South  Sea  Scheme,  rising  to 
the  surface,  broke  the  tranquillity  and  troubled  the  clear- 
ness of  the  waters. 

The  South  Sea  Company  was  first  formed  by  Harley 
in  J.711,  his  object  being  to  improve  public  credit,  and 
to  provide  for  the  floating  debts,  which  at  that  period 
amounted  to  nearly  10,000,000^.  The  Lord  Treasurer, 
therefore,  established  a  fund  for  that  sum.  He  secured 
the  interest  by  making  permanent  the  duties  on  wine, 
vinegar,  tobacco,  and  several  others  ;  he  allured  the  cre- 
ditors by  promising  them  the  monopoly  of  trade  to  the 
Spanish  coasts  in  America ;  and  the  project  was  sanc- 
tioned both  by  Royal  Charter  and  by  Act  of  Parliament. 
Nor  were  the  merchants  slow  in  swallowing  this  gilded 
bait ;  and  the  fancied  Eldorado  which  shone  before  them 
dazzled  even  their  discerning  eyes.  The  exploits  of 
Drake  were  quoted,  and  the  dreams  of  Raleigh  renewed. 
This  spirit  spread  throughout  the  whole  nation,  and 
many,  who  scarcely  knew  whereabouts  America  lies,  felt 
nevertheless  quite  certain  of  its  being  strewed  with  gold 
and  gems.  Meanwhile  the  partisans  of  Harley  zealously 
forwarded  this  illusion,  as  tending  to  raise  the  reputation 
and  secure  the  power  of  their  chief;  and  they  loudly 
vaunted  the  South  Sea  Scheme  as  the  Earl  of  Oxford's 
master-piece,  and  as  not  unworthy  of  Sully  or  of  Colbert. 

The  negotiations  of  Utrecht,  however,  in  this  as  in 

*  Bishop  Atterbury  to  James,  May  6.  1720,  Appendix.  See  also 
the  Marchmont  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  409. 

B  2 


4  HisTonr  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  xi. 

other  matters,  fell  far  short  of  the  Ministerial  promises 
and  of  the  public  expectation.  Instead  of  a  free  trade, 
or  any  approach  to  a  free  trade,  with  the  American  colo- 
nies, the  Court  of  Madrid  granted  only,  besides  the  shame- 
ful Asiento  for  negro  slaves,  thr  privilege  of  settling  some 
factories,  and  sending  one  annual  ship ;  and  even  this 
single  ship  was  not  unrestricted  :  it  was  to  be  under  500 
tons  burthen,  and  a  considerable  share  of  its  profits  to 
revert  to  the  King  of  Spain.  This  shadow  of  a  trade 
was  bestowed  by  the  British  Government  on  the  South 
Sea  Company,  but  it  was  very  soon  disturbed.  Their 
first  annual  ship,  the  Royal  Prince,  did  not  sail  till  1717; 
and  next  year  broke  out  the  war  with  Spain  ;  when,  as 
I  have  already  had  occasion  to  relate,  Alberoni,  in  defiance 
of  the  treaty,  seized  all  the  British  goods  and  vessels  in 
the  Spanish  ports.  Still,  however,  the  South  Sea  Com- 
pany continued,  from  its  other  resources,  ajiourishing 
and  wealthy  corporation  :  its  funds  were  high,  its  influ- 
ence considerable,  and  it  was  considered  on  every  occa- 
sion the  rival  and  competitor  of  the  Bank  of  England. 

At  the  close  of  1719,  when  the  King  returned  from 
Hanover,  this  aspiring  Company  availed  itself  of  the 
wish  of  Ministers  to  lessen  the  public  debts  by  consoli- 
dating all  the  funds  into  one.  Sir  John  Blunt,  once  a 
scrivener,  and  then  a  leading  South  Sea  Director,  laid 
before  Stanhope,  as  chief  Minister,  a  proposal  for  this 
object.  He  was  referred  by  Stanhope  to  Sundorland,  as 
First  Lord  of  the  Treasury,  and  to  Aislabie,  as  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer.  Several  conferences  ensued  with  the 
latter ;  several  alterations  were  made  in  the  scheme  ;  and 
it  was  at  length  so  far  adjusted  to  the  satisfaction  of 
Ministers,  that  the  subject  was  recommended  to  Parlia- 
ment in  the  King's  Speech.*  The  great  object  was  to 
buy  up  and  diminish  the  burthen  of  the  irredeemable 
Annuities  granted  in  the  two  last  reigns,  for  the  term, 

*  Our  best  authorities  for  this  negotiation,  and  the  subsequent- 
debate  in  the  House  of  Commons,  are,  Mr.  Jirodrick's  Letter  to  Lord 
Midleton,  Jan.  24.  1720  ;  and  Mr.  Aislabie's  Second  Speech  before 
the  House  of  Lords,  July,  1721.  The  latter  seems  to  be  overlooked 
by  Coxe.  Both,  however,  require  to  be  rend  with  much  suspicion  ; 
Aislabie  being  then  on  his  defence,  and  Brodrick  a  violent  partisan 
on  the  other  side. 


1720.  THE    SOUTH    SEA   COMPANY.  5 

mostly,  of  99  years,  and  amounting  at  this  time  to  nearly 
800,0007.  a  year.  But  when  the  question  came  on  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  a  wish  was  expressed  by  Mr. 
Brodrick  and  many  more,  that  every  other  company 
should  be  at  liberty  to  make  offers.  This,  exclaims  the 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  was  like  setting  the  nation 
to  auction ;  and  the  only  point  on  which  all  parties  con- 
curred was  one  which  experience  has  proved  to  be  totally 
wrong.  "  I  quite  agreed  with  Ministers,"  says  Mr.  Bro- 
drick, "  that  till  the  national  debt  was  discharged,  or  at 
"  least  in  a  fair  way  of  being  so,  we  were  not  to  expect 
"  to  make  the  figure  we  formerly  had  !  Nay,  further,  I 
"  said,  till  this  was  done,  we  could  not,  properly  speak- 
"  ing,  call  ourselves  a  nation ! "  At  length,  after  some 
violent  wrangling  between  Lechmere  and  Walpole  *,  the 
House  divided,  and  the  question  of  competition  was  car- 
ried by  a  very  large  majority. 

New  proposals  were  accordingly  sent  in,  both  from  the 
South  Sea  Company  and  the  Bank  of  England.  Accord- 
ing to  Aislabie,  this  was  a  sudden  resolution  of  the  Bank, 
"  who  before  had  shown  great  backwardness  in  under  - 
"  taking  any  thing  to  reduce  the  public  debts,  and  had 
"  treated  this  scheme  with  much  contempt." f  Be  this 
as  it  may,  the  two  bodies  now  displayed  the  utmost  eager- 
ness to  outbid  one  another,  each  seeming  almost  ready  to 
ruin  itself,  so  that  it  could  but  disappoint  its  rival.  They 
both  went  on  enhancing  their  terms,  until  at  length  the 
South  Sea  Company  rose  to  the  enormous  offer  of  seven 
millions  and  a  half,  which  was  accepted.  Yet  the  bene- 
fit of  this  competition  to  the  public  was  any  thing  but 
real ;  for  such  high  terms  almost  of  necessity  drew  the 
South  Sea  Directors  into  rash  means  for  improving  their 
rash  bargain,  into  daring  speculation,  and  into  final  ruin. 

The  last  proposals  of  the  Bank  had  been  little  less  ex- 
traVagant.  It  is  urged  by  Aislabie,  in  his  defence  next 

*  There  seems  to  have  been  great  uproar.  When  Lechmere 
attempted  to  speak  a  second  time  in  Committee,  the  Opposition  rose 
from  their  places  ;  and  on  the  Chairman  exclaiming,  "  Hear  your 
"  Member,"  they  answered,  "  We  have  heard  him  long  enough ! " 
Brodrick  to  Lord  Midleton,  Jan.  24.  1 720. 

f  Second  Speech,  July,  1721.  See  also  Sinclair's  Public  Revenue, 
part  ii.  p.  104. 

B  3 


6  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI. 

year  before  the  Peers,  "  I  will  be  bold  to  say,  my  Lords, 
'  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  Bank,  I  believe,  will  own, 
'  that  if  they  had  carried  the  scheme  upon  their  last  pro- 
'  posals,  they  could  not  have  succeeded ;  and  I  will  show 
'  your  Lordships,  from  what  they  have  done  since,  that 
'  they  would  have  acted  in  the  same  manner  as  the  South 
'  Sea  Company."  Even  at  the  time  Aislabie  had  some 
glimmerings  of  the  future  danger,  and  proposed  to  Sir 
John  Blunt  that  the  two  Corporations  should  undertake 
the  compact  jointly,  and  therefore  with  double  resources. 
But  Sir  John,  who  was,  or  pretended  to  be,  a  most  aus- 
tere Puritan,  and  who  brought  forward  Scripture  on  all 
occasions,  immediately  quoted  Solomon's  judgment,  and 
added,  "  No,  Sir,  we  will  never  divide  the  child  !  " 

Thus  then  the  South  Sea  Bill  proceeded  through  the 
House  of  Commons  without  any  further  competition  from 
the  Bank.*  An  attempt  was  made  to  introduce  a  clause 
fixing  how  many  years'  purchase  should  be  granted  to 
the  annuitants  by  the  South  Sea  Company.  To  this  it 
was  objected,  that  as  it  was  the  interest  of  the  Company 
to  take  in  the  annuities,  and  as  the  annuitants  had  the 
power  of  coming  in  or  not  as  they  pleased,  there  was  no 
doubt  that  the  Company  would  offer  advantageous  terms, 
and  that  therefore  the  affair  might  safely  be  left  to  pri- 
vate adjustment.  "  Nor,"  says  Aislabie,  "  would  the 
"  South  Sea  Company  submit  to  be  controlled  in  an 
"  undertaking  they  were  to  pay  so  dear  for."  On  these 
grounds  was  the  clause  rejected,  though  only  by  a  ma- 
jority of  four.  But  these  grounds,  though  specious  and 
indeed  well-founded,  were  not  the  only  ones,  and  we 
shall  see  hereafter  that  several  persons  in  Government 
had  probably  other  reasons  as  weighty,  though  not  quite 
so  honourable,  for  supporting  the  Directors. 

The  South  Sea  Bill  finally  passed  the  Commons 
by  a  division  of  172  against  55.  In  the  Lords, 'on 

*  I  must  observe,  that  the  observations  ascribed  to  Walpole  by 
Coxe(vol.  i.  p.  130.)  seem  to  have  been  drawn  up  on  Coxe's  own 
ideas  of  probability.  He  makes  Walpole  point  out  "  the  ruin  and 
"  misery  which  then  prevailed  in  France  from  similar  measures." 
Now  this  is  quite  an  anachronism  :  the  speech  of  Walpole  was 
delivered  Feb.  1.  1720  ;  and  at  that  time  the  system  of  Law  was  still 
in  its  glory. 


1720.  THE    SOUTH   SEA   SCHEME.  7 

the  4th  of  April,  the  minority  was  only  17,  notwith- 
standing an  able  speech  from  Lord  Cow  per,  who  com- 
pared the  project  to  the  Trojan  horse,  ushered  in 
with  great  pomp  and  acclamation,  but  contrived  for 
treachery  and  destruction.  But  like  every  other  states- 
man at  this  time,  he  did  not  foresee  the  real  point  or 
extent  of  danger;  and  nothing  could  be  more  erroneous 
than  his  prediction,  that  "the  main  public  intention 
"  of  this  Bill,  the  repurchase  of  annuities,  would  meet 
"  with  insuperable  difficulties."  Such,  on  the  contrary, 
was  the  rising  rage  for  speculation,  that  on  the  passing 
of  the  Bill  very  many  of  the  annuitants  hastened  to 
carry  their  orders  to  the  South  Sea  House,  before  they 
even  received  any  offer,  or  knew  what  terms  would  be 
allowed  them !  —  ready  to  yield  a  fixed  and  certain  in- 
come for  even  the  smallest  share  in  vast  but  visionary 
schemes ! 

The  offer  which  was  made  to  them  on  the  29th  of 
May  (eight  years  and  a  quarter's  purchase)  was  much 
less  favourable  than  they  had  hoped ;  yet  neverthe- 
less, six  days  afterwards,  it  is  computed  that  nearly 
two  thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  annuitants  had 
already  agreed.* 

In  fact,  it  seems  clear,  that  during  this  time,  and 
throughout  the  summer,  the  whole  nation,  with  ex- 
tremely few  exceptions,  looked  upon  the  South  Sea 
Scheme  as  promising  and  prosperous.  Its  funds  rapidly 
rose  from  130  to  above  300.  Walpole,  although  one  of 
its  opponents,  readily,  as  we  have  seen,  joined  the  Min- 
istry at  this  period  under  very  mortifying  circumstances, 
which  he  would  certainly  not  have  done,  had  he  fore- 
seen the  impending  crash,  and  the  necessity  that  would 
arise  for  his  high  financial  talents.  Lord  Townshend 
concurred  in  the  same  view.  Atterbury  thought  it  a 
great  blow  to  Jacobitism.  He  charitably  hints  to  James, 
in  his  letters,  that  some  attempt  from  the  Duke  of 
Ormond  might  "  disorder  our  finances,  and  throw  us  into 
"  a  good  deal  of  confusion."  But  if  the  advice  of  this 
minister  of  peace  and  good  will  towards  men  cannot  be 

*  Boyer's  Polit.  State,  vol.  xix.  p.  518. 

B  4 


8  HISTORY  OP   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI. 

taken  in  this  respect,  he  then  anticipates  that  "the 
"  grand  money  schemes  will  settle  and  fix  themselves 
"  in  such  a  manner  that  it  will  not  be  easy  to  shake 
"them."*  Such  being  the  feeling,  not  merely  of  the 
Ministerial  party,  but  of  most  of  their  opponents,  it 
seems  scarcely  just  to  cast  the  blame  of  the  general  de- 
lusion on  the  Ministers  alone,  and  to  speak  of  them  as 
deaf  to  warning  and  precipitate  to  ruin. 

The  example  of  these  vast  schemes  for  public  wealth 
was  set  us  from  Paris.  John  Law,  a  Scotch  adventurer 
had  some  years  before  been  allowed  to  establish  a  public 
bank  in  that  city ;  and  his  project  succeeding,  he  en- 
grafted another  upon  it  of  an  "  Indian  Company,"  to 
have  the  sole  privilege  of  trade  with  the  Mississippi. 
The  rage  for  this  speculation  soon  became  general :  it 
rose  to  its  greatest  height  about  December,  1719;  and 
the  "  actions,"  or  shares,  of  the  new  Company  sold  for 
more  than  twenty  times  their  original  value.  The  Rue 
Quincampoix,  the  chief  scene  of  this  traffic,  was  thronged 
from  daybreak  by  a  busy  and  expecting  crowd,  which 
disregarded  the  hours  of  meals,  and  seemed  to  feel  no 
hunger  or  thirst  but  that  of  gold,  nor  could  they  be  dis- 
persed until  a  bell  at  night  gave  them  the  signal  to 
withdraw.  The  smallest  room  in  that  street  was  let  for 
exorbitant  sums ;  the  clerks  were  unable  to  register 
the  growing  multitude  of  claimants  ;  and  it  is  even  said 
that  a  little  hunchback  in  the  street  gained  no  less  than 
50,000  francs  by  allowing  eager  speculators  to  use  his 
hump  for  their  desk.f  Law,  the  projector  of  this  System, 
as  it  was  called,  at  once  became  the  greatest  subject  in 
Europe.  "I  have  seen  him  come  to  Court,"  says  Voltaire, 
"  followed  humbly  by  Dukes,  by  Marshals,  and  by  Bi- 
"  shops; "and  evenDubois,  the  Prime  Minister,  and  Or- 
leans, the  Regent,  might  be  said  to  tremble  at  his  nod.  Ar- 
rogance and  presumption,  the  usual  faults  of  upstarts,  daily 
grew  upon  him :  he  said  publicly,  before  some  English, 
that  there  was  but  one  great  kingdom  in  Europe,  and  one 
great  town,  and  that  was  France  and  Paris.  J  And  at 

*  Letters  to  James  and  to  General  Dillon,  May  6.  1720.  See 
Appendix. 

f  Mem.  de  la  Regence,  torn.  iv.  p.  53.  ed.  1 749. 
j  Lord  Stair  to  Secretary  Craggs,  Sept.  9.  1719. 


1720.  MB.  LAW   AXD   HIS    SYSTEM.  9 

length  he  so  far  galled  the  pride  or  raised  the  jealousy  of 
his  countryman,  Lord  Stair,  as  to  draw  him  into  per- 
sonal wrangling,  and  consequently  interrupt  the  friendly 
correspondence  between  the  French  and  British  Govern- 
ments. It  was  one  main  object  of  Stanhope's  journey  in 
January  to  re-establish  harmony;  but  finding  the  tAvo 
Scotsmen  irreconcilable,  and  one  of  them  supreme  in 
France,  he,  in  concert  with  Dubois,  recalled  Lord  Stair, 
to  England,  and  appointed  Sir  Robert  Sutton  his  suc- 
cessor.* Thus  ended  Stair's  celebrated  embassy,  which 
Lord  Hardwicke  truly  calls  most  important  in  its  objects, 
most  brilliant  and  spirited  in  its  execution.!  But  this 
last  great  error  kept  him  under  disgrace,  or  at  least  out  of 
employment,  for  twenty  years.  In  1733,  we  find  Horace 
Walpole  write  of  him  as  one  "  whose  haughty  intriguing 
"  character  has  drawn  upon  him  the  displeasure  of  the 
«King."J 

The  connection  of  Law  with  the  French  Government 
was  very  profitable  to  the  latter,  who  contrived  to  throw 
off  1500  millions  of  public  debts  from  their  shoulders 
upon  his;  but  this  very  circumstance,  and  the  natural 
revulsion  of  high-wrought  hopes,  soon  began  to  shake 
his  air-built  edifice.  Two  or  three  arbitrary  Royal 
Decrees  to  support  him  served  only  to  prove  that  credit 
is  not  to  be  commanded.  The  more  the  public  was  bid 
to  trust,  the  more  they  were  inclined  to  fear,  and  the 
more  eager  they  became  to  realise  their  imaginary  profits. 
No  sooner  was  the  bubble  touched,  than  it  burst.  Before 
the  end  of  1720,  Law  was  compelled  not  only  to  resign 
his  employments,  but  to  fly  the  kingdom  for  his  life ;  a 
few  speculators  were  enriched,  but  many  thousand  inno- 
cent families  ruined. §  Still,  however,  in  the  early  part 

*  Lord  Stanhope  to  Abbe  Dubois,  Dec.  18.  1719.  (Appendix)  ; 
and  Lord  Stair's  apologetic  letters  in  the  Hardwicke  State  Papers, 
vol.  iL  pp.  603 — 615. 

f  Hardwicke  State  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  521. 

J  To  Baron  Gedda,  1733.  This,  however,  was  after  the  Excise 
Scheme. 

§  lu  1723,  Walpole  wished  to  promote  the  restoration  of  Law  in 
France,  since  the  power  might  fall  into  much  worse  hands  for 
England.  (To  Sir  Luke  Schaub,  April  19.  1723.)  But  the  public 
resentment  was  far  too  violent  to  admit  of  such  a  scheme.  It  is  very 
remarkable  as  the  strongest  proof  of  the  ascendency  of  Lord  Stanhope 


10  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XL 

of  that  year  the  crash  had  not  yet  begun,  and  the  rage  of 
speculation  spread  over  from  France  to  England.  In 
fact,  from  that  time  downward,  it  may  be  noticed  that 
each  of  the  two  countries  has  been  more  or  less  moved 
by  the  internal  movements  of  the  other ;  and  there  has 
been  scarcely  any  impulse  at  Paris  which  has  failed  to 
thrill  and  vibrate  through  every  member  of  the  British 
Empire. 

As  soon  as  the  South  Sea  Bill  had  received  the  Royal 
Assent  in  April,  the  Directors  proposed  a  subscription  of 
one  million,  which  was  so  eagerly  taken,  that  the  sum 
subscribed  exceeded  two.  A  second  subscription  was 
quickly  opened,  and  no  less  quickly  filled.  The  most 
exaggerated  hopes  were  raised,  and  the  most  groundless 
rumours  set  afloat ;  such  as  that  Stanhope  had  received 
overtures  at  Paris  to  exchange  Gibraltar  and  Port  Mahon 
for  some  places  in  Peru !  The  South  Sea  trade  was 
again  vaunted  as  the  best  avenue  to  wealth ;  objections 
were  unheard  or  over-ruled ;  and  the  friends  of  Lord 
Oxford  might  exult  to  see  his  visions  adopted  by  his  op- 
ponents.* In  August,  the  stocks,  which  had  been  130 
in  the  winter,  rose  to  1000!  Such  general  infatuation 
would  have  been  happy  for  the  Directors,  had  they  not 
themselves  partaken  of  it.  They  opened  a  third,  and 
even  a  fourth  subscription,  larger  than  the  former ;  they 
passed  a  resolution,  that  from  Christmas  next  their 
yearly  dividend  should  not  be  less  than  fifty  per  cent. ; 
they  assumed  an  arrogant  and  overbearing  tone.  "  We 
have  made  them  Kings,"  says  a  Member  of  Parliament, 
"  and  they  deal  with  every  body  as  such!"f  But  the 
public  delusion  was  not  confined  to  the  South  Sea  Scheme ; 
a  thousand  other  mushroom  projects  sprung  up  in  that 


over  Dubois  and  the  French  Government,  that  it  was  he  who,  from 
Hanover,  planned  and  counselled  all  the  steps  for  the  expulsion  of 
Law  and  the  restoration  of  public  credit  in  France.  (M.  DJtetouches 
to  Dubois,  Sept.  8.  1720.  See  Appendix.) 

*  "You  remember  when  the  South  Sea  was  said  to  be  Lord 
•*  Oxford's  brat.  Now  the  King  has  adopted  it,  and  calls  it  his 
"  beloved  child  :  though  perhaps  you  may  say,  if  he  loves  it  no  better 
"  than  his  son,  it  may  not  be  saying  much  !  "  (Duchess  of  Ormond 
to  Swift,  April  18.  1720.) 

f  Mr.  Brodrick  to  Lord  Midleton,  Sept.  13.  1720. 


1720.  VARIOUS   BUBBLE   COMPANIES.  11 

teeming  soil.  This  evil  had  been  foreseen,  and,  as  they 
hoped,  guarded  against  by  Ministers.  On  the  very  day 
Parliament  rose  they  had  issued  a  Royal  Proclamation 
against  "  such  mischievous  and  dangerous  undertakings, 
"  especially  the  presuming  to  act  as  a  corporate  body,  or 
"  raising  stocks  or  shares  without  legal  authority."  But 
how  difficult  to  enforce  that  prohibition  in  a  free  country ! 
How  impossible,  when  almost  immediately  on  the  King's 
departure,  the  Heir  Apparent  was  induced  to  publish  his 
name  as  a  Governor  of  the  Welsh  Copper  Company !  In 
vain  did  the  Speaker  and  Walpole  endeavour  to  dissuade 
him,  representing  that  he  would  be  attacked  in  Parlia- 
ment, and  that  "  The  Prince  of  Wales's  Bubble"  would 
be  cried  in  Change  Alley.*  It  was  not  till  the  Company 
was  threatened  with  prosecution,  and  exposed  to  risk, 
that  His  Royal  Highness  prudently  withdrew,  with  a 
profit  of  40,000/. 

Such  an  example  was  tempting  to  follow ;  the  Duke  of 
Chandos  and  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland  appeared"  like- 
wise at  the  head  of  bubbles ;  and  the  people  at  large  soon 
discovered  that  to  speculate  is  easier  than  to  work. 
Change  Alley  became  a  new  edition  of  the  Rue  Quin- 
campoix.  The  crowds  were  so  great  within  doors,  that 
tables  with  clerks  were  set  in  the  streets.  In  this  motley 
throng  were  blended  all  ranks,  all  professions,  and  all 
parties ;  Churchmen  and  Dissenters,  Whigs  and  Tories, 
country  gentlemen  and  brokers.  An  eager  strife  of 
tongues  prevailed  in  this  second  Babel ;  new  reports,  new 
subscriptions,  new  transfers,  flew  from  mouth  to  mouth ; 
and  the  voice  of  ladies  (for  even  many  ladies  had  turned 
gamblers)  rose  loud  and  incessant,  above  the  general 
din.  A  foreigner  would  no  longer  have  complained  of 
the  English  taciturnity.^  Some  of  the  Companies  hawked 
about  were  for  the  most  extravagant  objects;  we  find 

*  Secretary  Craggs  to  Earl  Stanhope,  July  12.  1720. 

f  A  French  traveller,  a  few  years  afterwards,  declares  that  the 
"  Actions  du  Sud  et  les  Gallons  d'Espagne  "  were  almost  the  only 
subjects  on  which  Englishmen  would  talk.  In  general,  he  says,  we 
are  quite  silent.  "  L'on  boit  et  fume  sans  parler.  Je  connais  un 
"  Anglais,  qui,  toutes  les  fois  qu'on  veut  le  forcer  a  rompre  le  silence, 
"  a  coutumc  dc  rc'pondre,  quo  parler  c'est  gater  la  conversation  ! " 
(Lettrcs  d'un  Pranyais,  torn.  ii.  p.  108.  ed.  1745.) 


12  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI. 

amongst  the  number,  "  Wrecks  to  be  fished  for  on  the 
"  Irish  Coast — Insurance  of  Horses,  and  other  Cattle 
'  (two  millions) — Insurance  of  Losses  by  Servants  —  To 
'  make  Salt  Water  Fresh — For  building  of  Hospitals 
'  for  Bastard  Children  —  For  building  of  Ships  against 
'  Pirates  —  For  making  of  Oil  from  Sun-flower  Seeds  — 
'  For  improving  of  Malt  Liquors  —  For  recovering  of 
'  Seamen's  Wages — For  extracting  of  Silver  from  Lead 
'  — For  the  transmuting  of  Quicksilver  into  a  malleable 
'  and  fine  Metal  —  For  making  of  Iron  with  Pit-coal — 
'  For  importing  a  Number  of  large  Jack  Asses  from 
'  Spain  —  For  trading  in  Human  Hair  —  For  fatting  of 
'  Hogs.  For  a  Wheel  for  a  Perpetual  Motion."*  But 
the  most  strange  of  all,  perhaps,  was  "  For  an  Under- 
"  taking  which  shall  in  due  time  be  revealed."  Each 
subscriber  was  to  pay  down  two  guineas,  and  hereafter 
to  receive  a  share  of  one  hundred  with  a  disclosure  of 
the  object;  and  so  tempting  was  the  offer,  that  1000  of 
these  subscriptions  were  paid  the  same  morning,  with 
which  the  projector  went  off  in  the  afternoon.  Amidst 
these  real  follies,  I  can  scarcely  see  any  difference  or 
exaggeration  in  a  mock  proposal  which  was  circulated  at 
the  time  in  ridicule  of  the  rest.  "  For  the  Invention  of 
"  melting  down  Saw-dust  and  Chips,  and  casting  them 
"  into  clean  Deal  Boards  without  Cracks  or  Knots!" 

Such  extravagances  might  well  provoke  laughter;  but, 
unhappily,  though  the  farce  came  first,  there  was  a  tra- 
gedy behind.  When  the  sums  intended  to  be  raised  had 
grown  altogether,  it  is  said,  to  the  enormous  amount  of 
three  hundred  millions  f,  the  first  check  to  the  public  in- 
fatuation was  given  by  the  same  body  whence  it  had  first 
sprung.  The  South  Sea  Directors,  craving  for  fresh 
gains,  and  jealous  of  other  speculators,  obtained  an  order 
from  the  Lords  Justices,  and  writs  of  SCIRE  FACIAS,  against 
several  of  the  new  bubble  Companies.  These  fell,  but  in 

*  Macpherson's  Hist,  of  Commerce,  vol.  iii.  p.  90.  ed.  1805.  Mr. 
Hutcheson  observes,  "  To  speak  in  a  gaming  style,  the  South  Sea 
"  stock  must  be  allowed  the  honour  of  being  the  Gold  Table  ; 
"  the  better  sort  of  bubbles,  the  Silver  Tables  ;  and  the  lower  sort 
"  of  these,  the  Farthing  Tables  for  the  footmen ! "  (Treatises, 
p.  87.) 

f  Tindals  Hist.  vol.  vii.  p.  357. 


1720.  THE  CRASH  BEGINS.  13 

falling  drew  down  the  whole  fabric  with  them.  As  soon 
as  distrust  was  excited,  all  men  became  anxious  to  con- 
vert their  bonds  into  money ;  and  then  at  once  appeared 
the  fearful  disproportion  between  the  paper  promises  and 
the  coin  to  pay.  Early  in  September,  the  South  Sea 
Stock  began  to  decline :  its  fall  became  more  rapid  from 
day  to  day,  and  in  less  than  a  month  it  had  sunk  below 
300.  In  vain  was  money  drained  from  all  the  distant 
counties  and  brought  up  to  London.  In  vain  were  the 
goldsmiths  applied  to,  with  whom  large  quantities  of 
stock  were  pawned :  most  of  them  were  broke  or  fled.  In 
vain  was  Walpole  summoned  from  Houghton  to  use  his 
influence  with  the  Bank ;  for  that  body,  though  it  entered 
into  negotiations,  would  not  proceed  in  them,  and  refused 
to  ratify  a  contract  drawn  up  and  proposed  by  the 
Minister.*  Once  lost,  the  public  confidence  could  not  be 
restored :  the  decline  progressively  continued,  and  the 
news  of  the  crash  in  France  completed  ours.  Thousands 
of  families  were  reduced  to  beggary;  thousands  more 
were  threatened  with  the  same  fate ;  and  the  large  fortunes 
made,  or  supposed  to  be  made,  by  a  few  individuals,  served 
only  by  comparison  to  aggravate  the  common  ruin.  Those 
who  had  sported  most  proudly  on  the  surface  of  the 
swollen  waters  were  left  stranded  and  bare  by  the  ebbing 
of  that  mighty  tide.  The  resentment  and  rage  were 
universal.  "  I  perceive,"  says  a  contemporary,  "  the  very 
"  name  of  a  South  Sea  man  grows  abominable  in  every 
"  county ; "  |  and  a  cry  was  raised  not  merely  against 
the  South  Sea  Directors,  not  merely  against  the  Ministry, 
but  against  the  Royal  Family,  against  the  King  himself. 
Most  of  the  statesmen  of  the  time  had  more  or  less  dab- 
bled in  these  funds.  Lord  Sunderland  lost  considerably  J ; 
Walpole,  with  more  sagacity,  was  a  great  gainer  § ;  the 
Duke  of  Portland,  Lord  Lonsdale,  and  Lord  Irwin,  were 

*  Hutcheson's  Second  Postscript,  Sept.  24. 1720.  Treatises,  p.  89. 
See  also  in  my  Appendix  a  letter  from  Lord  Hervey  to  H.  Walpole, 
Sept.  12.  1735. 

f  Mr.  Brodrick  to  Lord  Midleton,  Sept.  27.  1720. 

+  Mr.  Brodrick  to  Lord  Midleton,  Sept.  13.  1720. 

§  Coxe's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  730.  Walpole  sold  out  at  the  highest 
price  (1000),  saying,  as  he  well  might,  "I  am  fully  satisfied."  His 
wife  continued  to  speculate  a  little  longer  on  her  own  account. 


14  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI. 

reduced  to  solicit  West  India  governments ;  and  it  is 
mentioned  as  an  exception,  that  "  neither  Lords  Stan- 
"  hope,  Argyle,  nor  Roxburgh,  have  been  in  the  stocks."  * 
Townshend,  I  believe,  might  also  be  excepted.  But  the 
public  indignation  was  pointed  chiefly  against  Sir  John 
Blunt  as  projector,  and  against  Sunderland  and  Aislabie 
as  heads  of  the  Treasury ;  and  it  was  suspected,  how 
truly  will  afterwards  appear,  that  the  King's  mistresses 
and  several  of  his  Ministers,  both  English  and  German, 
had  received  large  sums  in  stock  to  recommend  the  pro- 
ject. In  short,  as  England  had  never  yet  undergone 
such  great  disappointment  and  confusion,  so  it  never  had 
so  loudly  called  for  confiscation  and  blood. 

That  there  was  some  knavery  to  punish,  I  do  not  deny, 
and  I  shall  presently  show.  It  seems  to  me,  however, 
that  the  nation  had  suffered  infinitely  more  by  their  own 
self-willed  infatuation  than  by  any  fraud  that  was  or 
could  be  practised  upon  them.  This  should  not  have 
been  forgotten  when  the  day  of  disappointment  came. 
But  when  a  people  is  suffering  severely,  from  whatever 
cause,  it  always  looks  round  for  a  victim,  and  too  often 
strikes  the  first  it  finds.  It  seeks  for  no  proof;  it  •"•ill 
listen  to  no  defence  ;  it  considers  an  acquittal  as  only  a 
collusion.  Of  this  fatal  tendency  our  own  times  may 
afford  a  striking  instance.  Whilst  the  cholera  prevailed 
at  Paris  and  Madrid,  it  was  seen  that  the  mob,  instead  of 
lamenting  a  natural  and  unavoidable  calamity,  were  per- 
suaded that  the  springs  had  been  poisoned,  and  ran  to 
arms  for  their  revenge. 

During  this  time,  express  after  express  was  sent  to  the 
King  at  Hanover,  announcing  the  dismal  news,  and 
pressing  his  speedy  return.  George  had  intended  to 
make  a  longer  stay  in  Germany ;  but  seeing  the  urgency 
of  the  case  he  hastened  homewards,  attended  by  Stanhope, 
and  landed  at  Margate  on  the  9th  of  November.  It  had 
been  hoped  that  His  Majesty's  presence  Avould  have  re- 
vived the  drooping  credit  of  the  South  Sea  Funds,  but  it 
had  not  that  effect;  on  the  contrary,  they  fell  to  135  at 
the  tidings  that  Parliament  was  further  prorogued  for  a 

*  Mr.  Drummond  to  Mr.  D.  Pultency,  "November  24.  1720. 
(Coxe's  Walpole.) 


1720.  PRUDENCE   OF   WALPOLE.  15 

fortnight.  That  delay  was  necessary  to  frame  some 
scheme  for  meeting  the  public  difficulties,  and  this  task, 
by  universal  assent,  and  even  acclamation,  was  assigned 
to  Walpole.  Fortunately  for  that  Minister  he  had  been 
out  of  office  when  the  South  Sea  Act  was  passed ;  he  had 
opposed  it  as  he  had  opposed  all  the  measures,  right  or 
wrong,  of  Stanhope's  and  Sunderland's. government ;  and 
its  unpopularity,  therefore,  turned  to  his  reputation  with 
the  country.  Every  eye  was  directed  towards  him  ;  every 
tongue  invoked  him,  as  the  only  man  whose  financial 
abilities,  and  public  favour,  could  avert  the  country's  ruin. 
Nor  did  he  shrink  from  this  alarming  crisis.  Had  he 
stood  aloof,  or  joined  the  opposition,  he  would  probably 
have  had  the  power  to  crush  the  South  Sea  Directors  and 
their  abettors,  and  especially  to  wreak  his  vengeance 
upon  Sunderland ;  and  he  is  highly  extolled  by  a  modern 
writer  for  magnanimity  in  resisting  the  temptation.*  But 
though  Walpole  undoubtedly  deserves  great  praise  through 
all  his  administration  for  placability  and  personal  forbear- 
ance, yet  I  can  scarcely  think  the  present  case  an  instance 
of  it.  In  this  case  the  line  of  interest  exactly  coincided 
with  the  line  of  duty.  Would  not  the  King  have  shut 
out  Walpole  for  ever  from  his  confidence  had  Walpole 
headed  this  attack  on  his  colleagues?  Would  not  a 
large  section,  at  least,  of  the  Whigs,  have  adhered  to 
their  other  chiefs?  Was  it  not  his  evident  policy,  in- 
stead of  hurling  down  the  objects  of  popular  outcry,  to 
befriend  them  in  their  inevitable  fall,  and  then  quietly  to 
step  into  their  places,  with  the  consent,  perhaps  even 
with  the  thanks,  of  their  personal  adherents  ? 

Meanwhile  the  German  Ministers  and  mistresses,  full 
of  fear  for  themselves,  and  in  utter  ignorance  of  England, 
were  whispering,  it  is  said,  the  wildest  schemes.  One 
spoke  of  a  pretended  resignation  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  ; 
another  wished  to  sound  the  officers  of  the  army,  and  try 
to  proclaim  absolute  power ;  another  again  advised  to  ap- 
ply to  the  Emperor  for  troops.  But  such  mad  proposals, 
if,  indeed,  they  were  ever  seriously  made,  were  coun- 

*  Coxe's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  138.  A  letter  in  his  second  volume 
(p.  194.)  from  Pulteney,  then  a  friend  of  Walpole,  confirms  the  Tiew 
I  have  taken. 


16  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI. 

teracted  by  the  English  Ministers,  and  still  more,  no  doubt, 
by  the  King's  own  good  sense  and  right  feeling. 

On  the  8th  of  December  Parliament  met  in  a  mood 
like  the  people's,  terror-stricken,  bewildered,  and  thirst- 
ing for  vengeance.     In  the  House  of  Commons  parties 
were  strangely  mixed  ;  some  men,  who  had  dipped  in  dis- 
honest practices,  hoped  by  an  affected  severity  to  disarm 
suspicion ;  others,  smarting  under  their  personal  losses, 
were  estranged  from  their  political  attachments.     Whigs 
and  Tories  crossed  over,  while  the  Jacobites,  enjoying 
and  augmenting  the  general  confusion,  hoped  to  turn  it 
in  tfieir  own  behalf.    The  King's  opening  speech  lamented 
the  unhappy  turn  of  affairs,  and  urged  the  seeking  a 
remedy.     This  passed  quietly  in  the  Lords;  but  when 
Pulteney  moved  the  Address  in  the  Commons,  Shippen 
proposed  an  angry  amendment,  and  produced  a  violent 
debate.    "  Miscreants  "  —  "  scum  of  the  people  "  —  "  ene- 
"  mies  of  their  country ; "  such  were  the  names  given  to 
the  South  Sea  Directors.     One  member  complained  that 
the  Ministry  had  put  a  stop  to  all  the  little  bubbles, 
only  in  order  to  deepen  the  water  for  the  great  one. 
Lord  Molesworth  admitted  that  the  Directors  could  not 
be   reached  by  any  known  laws ;    "  but   extraordinary 
'  crimes,"  he  exclaimed,    "  call  for  extraordinary  reme- 
'  dies.     The  Roman  lawgivers  had  not  foreseen  the  pos- 
'  sible  existence  of  a  parricide ;  but  as  soon  as  the  first 
'  monster  appeared,  he  was  sewn  in  a  sack,  and  cast 
'  headlong  into  the  Tiber ;  and  as  I  think  the  contri- 
'  vers  of  the  South  Sea  Scheme  to  be  the  parricides  of 
'  their  country,  I  shall  willingly  see  them  undergo  the 
'  same   punishment ! "      Such   was   the   temper   of  the 
times !     On  this  occasion,  Walpole  spoke  with  his  usual 
judgment,  and  with  unwonted  ascendency.     He  said  that 
if  the  city  of  London  were  on  fire,  wise  men  would  be  for 
extinguishing  the  flames  before  they  inquired  after  the 
incendiaries,   and   that   he    had    already   bestowed    his 
thoughts  on  a  proposal  to  restore  Public  Credit,  which, 
at  a  proper  season,  he  would  submit  to  the  wisdom  of  the 
House.     Through  his  influence,  chiefly,  the  amendment 
of  Shippen  was  rejected  by  261  against  103 ;  but  next 
day  on  the  Report  no  one  ventured  to  oppose  the  inser- 
tion of  words  "  to  punish  the  authors  of  our  present  mis- 


1721.  SECRET   COMMITTEE.  17 

"  fortunes."  Three  days  afterwards  it  was  carried  that 
the  Directors  should  forthwith  lay  before  the  House  an 
account  of  all  their  proceedings*,  and  a  Bill  was  in- 
troduced against  "the  infamous  practice  of  Stock- 
"  Jobbing." 

It  was  amidst  this  general  storm  that  Walpole,  on  the 
21st  of  December,  brought  forward  his  remedy.  He  had 
first  desired  the  House  to  decide  whether  or  not  the  pub- 
lic contracts  with  the  South  Sea  Company  should  be  pre- 
served inviolate.  This  being  carried  by  a  large  majority, 
Walpole  then  unfolded  his  scheme  ;  it  was  in  substance  to 
engraft  nine  millions  of  Stock  into  the  Bank  of  England, 
and  the  same  sum  into  the  East  India  Company,  on  cer- 
tain conditions,  leaving  twenty  millions  to  the  South  Sea. 
This  measure,  framed  with  great  financial  ability,  and 
supported  by  consummate  powers  of  debate,  met  with  no 
small  opposition,  especially  from  all  the  three  Companies, 
not  one  of  which  would  gain  by  it ;  and  though  it  passed 
both  Houses,  it  was  never  carried  into  execution,  being 
only  permissive,  and  not  found  necessary,  in  consequence, 
as  will  be  seen  hereafter,  of  another  law. 

A  short  Christmas  recess  had  no  effect  in  allaying  ani- 
mosities. Immediately  afterwards,  a  Bill  was  brought 
in  by  Sir  Joseph  Jekyll,  restraining  the  South  Sea  Direc- 
tors from  going  out  of  the  kingdom,  obliging  them  to 
deliver  upon  oath  the  strict  value  of  their  estates,  and 
offering  rewards  to  discoverers  or  informers  against  them.! 
The  Directors  petitioned  to  be  heard  by  counsel  in  their 
defence,  the  common  right,  they  said,  of  British  subjects 
—  as  if  a  South  Sea  man  had  been  still  entitled  to  justice ! 
Their  request  was  rejected,  and  the  Bill  was  hurried 
through  both  Houses.  A  Secret  Committee  of  Inquiry 
was  next  appointed  by  the  Commons,  consisting  chiefly 
of  the  most  vehement  opponents  of  the  South  Sea  Scheme, 

*  "Governor  Pitt  moved  that  the  Directors  should  attend  on 
"  Thursday  with  their  Myrmidons,  the  secretary,  the  treasurer,  and,  it 
"  they  pleased,  with  their  great  Scanderbeg :  who  he  meant  by  that 
"  I  know  not  ;  but  the  epithet  denotes  somebody  of  consideration  ! " 
Mr.  Brodrick  to  Lord  Midleton,  December  10.  1720.  Compare  with 
this  letter  the  Parl.  Hist.  vol.  vii.  p.  680. 

f  This  last  clause  is  mentioned  by  Brodrick  to  Lord  Midleton, 
Jan.  19.  1721. 

VOL.  II.  0 


18  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI. 

such  as  Molesworth,  Jekyll,  and  Brodrick,  the  latter  of 
whom  they  selected  for  their  Chairman. 

This  Committee  proceeded  to  examine  Mr.  Knight, 
the  cashier  of  the  Company,  and  the  agent  of  its  most 
secret  transactions.  But  this  person,  dreading  the  con- 
sequences, soon  after  his  first  examination  escaped  to 
France,  connived  at,  as  was  suspected,  by  some  persons 
in  power,  and  carrying  with  him  the  register  of  the 
Company.  His  escape  was  reported  to  the  House  on  the 
23d  of  January,  when  a  strange  scene  of  violence  ensued. 
The  Commons  ordered  the  doors  to  be  locked,  and  the 
keys  to  be  laid  on  the  table.  General  Ross  then  stated 
that  the  Committee,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  had 
"  discovered  a  train  of  the  deepest  villany  and  fraud  that 
"  hell  ever  contrived  to  ruin  a  nation."  No  proof  beyond 
this  vague  assertion  was  required  :  four  of  the  Directors, 
members  of  Parliament,  were  immediately  expelled  the 
House,  taken  into  custody,  and  their  papers  seized.* 

Meanwhile  the  Lords  had  been  examining  other  Direc- 
tors at  their  Bar,  and  on  the  24th  they  also  ordered  five 
to  be  taken  into  custody.  Some  of  the  answers  indicated 
that  large  sums  in  South  Sea  Stock  had  been  given  to 
procure  the  passing  of  the  Act  last  year ;  upon  which 
Lord  Stanhope  immediately  rose,  and  expressing  his  in- 
dignation at  such  practices,  moved  a  Resolution,  that  any 
transfer  of  Stock,  without  a  valuable  consideration,  for 
the  use  of  any  person  in  the  administration,  during  the 
pendency  of  the  South  Sea  Act,  was  a  notorious  and 
dangerous  corruption.  He  was  seconded  by  Lord  Town- 
shend,  and  the  Resolution  passed  unanimously.  On  the 
4th  of  February,  the  House,  continuing  their  examina- 
tions, had  before  them  Sir  John  Blunt,  who,  however, 
refused  to  answer,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  already 
given  his  evidence  before  the  Secret  Committee  of 
the  Commons.  How  to  proceed  in  this  matter  was 
a  serious  difficulty ;  and  a  debate  which  arose  upon 
it  soon  branched  into  more  general  topics.  A  vehement 
philippic  was  delivered  by  the  Duke  of  Wharton,  the  son 
of  the  late  Minister,  who  had  recently  come  of  age,  and 

*  "  Several  of  the  Directors  were  so  far  innocent  as  to  be  found 
"  poorer  at  the  breaking  up  of  the  scheme  than  when  it  began." 
(Alacpherson's  Hist,  of  Commerce,  vol.  iii.  p.  112.) 


1721.         DEATH  OF  EARL  STANHOPE.  19 

who  even  previously  had  received  the  honour  of  a  duke- 
dom, his  father  having  died  while  the  patent  was  in  pre- 
paration. This  young  nobleman  was  endowed  with 
splendid  talents,  hut  had  early  plunged  into  the  wildest 
excesses,  and  professed  the  most  godless  doctrines  ;  and 
his  declamations  against  the  "  villanous  scheme,"  or  on 
public  virtue,  came  a  little  strangely  from  the  President 
of  the  Hell-fire  Club.*  On  this  occasion  he  launched 
forth  into  a  general  attack  upon  the  whole  conduct  of 
administration,  and  more  than  hinted  that  Stanhope  had 
fomented  the  late  dissension  between  the  King  and  Prince 
of  Wales.  Look  to  his  parallel,  he  cried,  in  Sejanus,  that 
evil  and  too  powerful  Minister,  who  made  a  division  in 
the  Imperial  family,  and  rendered  the  reign  of  Tiberius 
hateful  to  the  Romans !  Stanhope  rose  with  much  passion 
to  reply ;  he  vindicated  his  own  conduct  and  that  of  the 
administration ;  and  in  conclusion,  after  complimenting 
the  Noble  Duke  on  his  studies  in  Roman  history,  hoped 
that  he  had  not  overlooked  the  example  of  the  patriot 
Brutus,  who,  in  order  to  assert  the  liberty  of  Rome,  and 
free  it  from  tyrants,  sacrificed  his  own  degenerate  and 
worthless  son !  But  his  transport  of  anger,  however  just, 
was  fatal  to  his  health ;  the  blood  rushed  to  his  head  ;  he 
was  supported  home  much  indisposed,  and  relieved  by 
cupping,  but  next  day  was  seized  with  a  suffocation,  and 
instantly  expired.  Thus  died  James  Earl  Stanhope, 
leaving  behind  him  at  that  time  few  equals  in  integrity, 
and  none  in  knowledge  of  foreign  affairs.  His  disinter- 
estedness in  money  matters  was  so  well  known,  that  in 
the  South  Sea  transactions,  and  even  during  the  highest 
popular  fury,  he  stood  clear,  not  merely  of  any  charge, 
but  even  of  any  suspicion  with  the  public  ;  and  the  King, 
on  learning  the  news,  was  so  much  affected,  that  he  re- 
tired for  several  hours  alone  into  his  closet  to  lament  his 
loss. 

In  the  room  of  Stanhope,  Townshend  became  Secretary 

*  On  the  29th  of  April,  this  year,  the  King  issued  a  Proclamation 
against  the  Hell-fire  Club.  Wharton  hereupon  played  a  strange 
farce  :  he  went  to  the  House  of  Lords,  declared  that  he  was  not,  as 
was  thought,  a  "  patron  of  blasphemy,"  and  pulling  out  an  old  family 
Bible,  proceeded  with  a  sanctified  air  to  quote  several  texts !  But  he 
soon  reverted  to  his  former  courses. 

C  2 


20  mSTORT  OF   EXGLA1O).  CHAP.  XI. 

of  State ;  while  Aislabie,  finding  it  impossible  to  stem 
the  popular  torrent,  resigned  his  office,  which  was  con- 
ferred upon  Walpole.  But  this  resignation  was  far  from 
contenting  the  public,  or  abating  their  eagerness  for  the 
Report  of  the  Secret  Committee.  That  Committee  cer- 
tainly displayed  no  want  of  activity :  it  sat  every  day 
from  9  in  the  morning  till  1 1  at  night,  being  resolved,  as 
the  Chairman  expresses  it,  "  to  show  how  the  horse  was 
"  curried  !"*  At  length,  on  the  16th  of  February,  their 
first  Report  was  presented  to  the  House.  It  appeared 
that  they  had  experienced  obstacles  from  the  escape  of 
Knight,  from  the  taking  away  of  some  books,  and  from 
the  defacing  of  others  ;  but  that  the  cross-examination  of 
the  Directors  and  Accountants  had  supplied  the  deficiency. 
A  scene  of  infamous  corruption  was  then  disclosed.  It 
was  found  that  last  year  above  half  a  million  of  fictitious 
South  Sea  Stock  had  been  created,  in  order  that  the  pro- 
fit upon  that  sum  might  be  disposed  of  by  the  Directors 
to  facilitate  the  passing  of  the  Bill.  The  Duchess  of 
Kendal  had  10,000/. ;  another  of  the  King's  favourites, 
Madame  de  Platen,  with  laudable  impartiality,  had  the 
same  sum  ;  nor  were  the  two  nieces  of  the  latter  forgot- 
ten. Against  these  ladies  no  steps  were,  nor,  perhaps, 
could  be  taken.  But  those  persons  in  the  administration 
accused  of  similar  peculation  were  Secretary  Craggs,  his 
father  the  Postmaster-General,  Mr.  Charles  Stanhope, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Mr.  Aislabie,  and  the  Earl  of 
Sunderland  ;  and  the  Report  added  the  various  evidence 
in  the  case  of  each. 

On  the  very  day  when  this  Report  was  reading  in  the 
Commons  died  one  of  the  statesmen  accused  in  it,  James 
Craggs,  Secretary  of  State.  His  illness  was  the  small- 
pox, which  was  then  very  prevalent  f,  joined  no  doubt  to 
anxiety  of  mind.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  conduct 
in  the  South  Sea  affairs  (for  his  death  arrested  the  in- 
quiry), he  undoubtedly  combined  great  talents  for  busi- 
ness, with  a  love  of  learning  and  of  literature ;  and  his 
name,  were  it  even  to  drop  from  the  page  of  History, 

*  Mr.  Brodrick  to  Lord  Midleton,  Feb.  4.  1721. 
•f  See  a  list  of  its  victims  in  that  month  in  Boyer's  Political  State, 
voL  xxi.  v.  196,  &c. 


1721.  DEATH  OF    SECRETARY  CRAGGS.  21 

would  live  enshrined  for  ever  in  the  verse  of  Pope.  But 
the  fate  of  his  father  was  still  more  lamentable ;  —  a  few 
weeks  afterwards,  when  the  accusation  was  pressing  upon 
him,  he  swallowed  poison  and  expired.  If  we  may  trust 
Horace  Walpole,  Sir  Robert  subsequently  declared  that 
the  unhappy  man  had  hinted  his  intention  to  him.* 

The  other  cases  were  prosecuted  by  the  House  with 
proper  vigour,  and  singly,  as  standing  each  on  separate 
grounds.  The  first  that  came  on  was  that  of  Mr.  Charles 
Stanhope,  Secretary  to  the  Treasury ;  he  was  a  kinsman 
of  the  late  Minister,  and  brother  of  Colonel  William 
Stanhope,  afterwards  Lord  Harrington.  It  was  proved 
that  a  large  sum  of  stock  had  been  entered  for  him  in  the 
bank  of  Sir  George  Caswall  and  Co.,  and  that  his  name 
had  been  partly  erased  from  their  books,  and  altered  to 
STANGAPE.  On  his  behalf  it  was  contended  that  the 
transfer  had  been  made  without  his  knowledge  or  con- 
sent ;  but  I  am  bound  to  acknowledge  that  I  think  the 
change  of  his  name  in  the  ledger  a  most  suspicious  cir- 
cumstance. On  a  division  he  was  declared  innocent,  but 
only  by  a  majority  of  three.  On  this  occasion,  according 
to  Mr.  Brodrick,  "  Lord  Stanhope,  son  to  Lord  Chester- 
"  field,  carried  off  a  pretty  many,  by  mentioning  in  the 
"  strongest  terms  the  memory  of  the  late  Lord  of  that 
"  name."  *  This  respect  to  a  living  Minister  would  not 
surprise  us,  but  it  surely  was  no  small  testimony  to  the 
merits  of  a  dead  one. 

The  next  case  was  Aislabie's.  It  was  so  flagrant,  that 
scarce  any  member  ventured  to  defend  him,  and  none  to 
divide  the  House  :  he  was  unanimously  expelled  and  sent 
to  the  Tower,  and  afterwards  great  part  of  his  property 
seized.  Many  had  been  the  murmurs  at  Stanhope's 
acquittal;  and  so  great  was  the  rejoicing  on  Aislabie's 
conviction,  that  there  were  bonfires  that  night  in  the  City. 

Lord  Sunderland  now  remained.  He  was  charged  with 
having  received,  through  Knight,  50,000/.  stock,  without 
payment ;  and  the  public  outcry  against  him  was  fierce 
and  loud,  but,  as  I  believe,  unfounded.  The  charge 

*  Compare  Walpolc's  Reminiscences  (Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  288. 
ed.  1798),  and  Brodrick's  Letter  to  Lord  Midleton,  March  16. 
1721. 

t  To  Lord  Midleton,  March  7.  1721. 
C  3 


22  HISTORY  OP   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI. 

rested  entirely  on  hearsay  testimony,  on  words  which  Sir 
John  Blunt  said  that  Knight  had  said  to  him  :  there  was 
collateral  evidence  to  shake  it ;  and  the  character  of 
Blunt  himself  was  that  of  a  dishonest,  and  now  ruined  and 
desperate  man.  It  is  also  remarkable  that  Sunderland 
had  in  fact  lost  considerably  by  the  South  Sea  Scheme, 
and  that  one  of  his  bitterest  enemies  then  accused  him, 
not  of  having  confederated  with  the  Directors,  but  of 
being  their  dupe  and  victim.*  So  strong  seemed  these 
considerations,  that  a  large  majority  (233  against  172) 
declared  the  Minister  innocent.  But,  notwithstanding 
this  acquittal,  the  popular  ferment  was  too  strong  for 
Sunderland  to  continue  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury :  he 
resigned,  and  was  succeeded  by  Walpole.  His  influence 
at  Court,  however,  still  continued ;  and  he  obtained  the 
appointment  of  Lord  Carteret  in  the  room  of  Secretary 
Oaggs. 

The  South  Sea  Directors,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
treated  as  a  body,  and  with  no  measured  severity. 
Amongst  them  was  Mr.  Gibbon,  grandfather  of  the  great 
'historian,  who  has  raised  his  eloquent  voice  against  the 
oppressions  of  that  period.f  They  were  disabled  from 
ever  holding  any  place  or  sitting  in  Parliament ;  and 
their  estates,  amounting  altogether  to  above  two  millions 
sterling,  were  confiscated  for  the  relief  of  the  South  Sea 
sufferers.  Even  the  small  allowance  voted  to  each  Di- 
rector was  often  embittered  by  insult,  or  diminished  by 
enmity.  Sometimes  an  allowance  of  one  shilling,  or  of 
twenty  pounds,  was  jestingly  moved.  A  rough  answer 
of  one  Director  at  the  Treasury  many  months  before  was 
rancorously  quoted  against  him.  Another,  it  seems,  had 
been  foolish  enough  to  boast  that  his  horses  should  feed 
on  gold  :  a  facetious  member  observed  that"  he  might  now 
feed  on  it  himself,  and  should  have  just  as  much  gold  as 
he  could  eat,  and  no  more  ! 

If  we  blame  the  conduct  of  Parliament  towards  these 
unhappy  men,  we  shall  find  that  their  contemporaries 
also  complained  of  it.  .  But  it  was  for  the  exactly  oppo- 
site reason !  We  may  think  such  proceedings  harsh  and 

*  Mr.  Brodrick  to  Lord  Midlcton,  Sept.  27.  1720 

f  Gibbon,  Memoirs  (Miscell.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  16.  ed.  1814). 


1721.       RESTORATION  OF  PUBLIC  CREDIT.         23 

cruel ;  they  thought  them  shamefully  lenient.  Petitions 
had  been  pouring  in  from  all  parts  of  the  country  pray- 
ing for  "  condign  punishment"  on  these  "  monsters  of 
"  pride  and  covetousness" — "  the  Cannibals  of  Change 
"Alley" — "the  infamous  betrayers  of  their  country!" 
One  worthy  representative  laments  the  sad  grievance 
that  after  all  there  will  be  nobody's  blood  shed !  *  And 
in  pamphlets  of  the  day  I  read  such  expressions  as — "  If 
"  you  ask  what,  monsters  as  they  are,  should  be  done 
"  with  them?  the  answer  is  short  and  easy — Hang 
"  them !  for  whatever  they  deserve,  I  would  have  no  new 
"  tortures  invented,  nor  any  new  deaths  devised.  In 
"  this,  I  think,  I  show  moderation.  Let  them  only  be 
"  hanged,  but  hanged  speedily  !"f 

This  general  exasperation  and  disappointment  made 
the  House  of  Commons  more  chary  than  had  been  usual 
with  them  in  voting  the  Supplies.  When  a  King's  mes- 
sage was  sent  down  asking  for  a  subsidy  of  72,000/.  to 
Sweden,  it  was  warmly  opposed  by  many  members,  es- 
pecially Lord  Molesworth,  who  went  into  the  whole  state 
of  Northern  politics.  He  said  that  obtaining  naval  stores 
was  the  main  advantage  we  reaped  from  our  trade  in  the 
Baltic ;  that  he  owned  hemp  was  a  very  necessary  com- 
modity, especially  at  this  juncture  (a  remark  which  pro- 
duced a  general'laugh),  but  that  in  his  opinion  we  might 
be  supplied  more  cheaply  from  our  plantations  in  Ame- 
rica. Nevertheless  the  subsidy  was  carried. 

The  great  object  of  Walpole  was  now  the  restoration 
of  Public  Credit.  In  addition  to  the  measure  formerly 
mentioned,  and  in  fact  as  superseding  it,  he  now  proposed 
a  fresh  Bill,  which  met  with  the  concurrence  of  both 
Houses.  Of  the  seven  millions  and  a  half,  which  the 
South  Sea  Directors  had  agreed  to  pay  the  public,  ho 
remitted  more  than  five,  and  on  their  incessant  complaints 
the  other  two  also  were  afterwards  yielded.  The  for- 
feited estates  served  partly  to  clear  their  encumbrances ; 
the  credit  of  their  bonds  was  maintained ;  and  33  per 
cent,  of  the  capital  was  paid  to  the  proprietors ;  and  thus 
as  far  as  possible  was  justice  done  to  all  parties,  and  the 

*  Mr.  St.  John  Brodrick  to  Lord  Midleton,  May  24.  1721. 
f  Letter  of  Britannicus,  London  Journal,  Nov.  19.  1720. 
C  4 


24  HISTORY  OP   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI. 

ill  effect  of  the  late  calamity  retrieved.  Many  proprie- 
tors, however,  of  the  redeemable  annuities  were  highly 
dissatisfied ;  on  one  occasion  they  thronged  into  the 
lobby,  tumultuously  calling  on  each  member  as  he  passed, 
and  holding  out  a  paper  with  the  words  — "  Pray  do 
"justice  to  the  Annuitants  who  lent  their  money  on 
"  Parliamentary  security ! "  It  was  found  necessary  to 
read  the  Riot  Act,  and  difficult  to  disperse  the  crowd} 
many  of  them  exclaiming  as  they  went,  "  You  first  pick 
"  our  pockets,  and  then  send  us  to  gaol  for  complaining!" 

Nor  did  the  motives  and  conduct  of  Walpole  escape 
censure ;  he  was  long  afterwards  accused  in  the  Crafts- 
man of  having  made  a  collusive  bargain  with  the  Bank, 
and  concerted  his  public  measures  with  a  view  to  his 
personal  enrichment.  Coxe  frankly  owns  that  he  will 
not  attempt  to  justify  Sir  Robert  in  every  particular  of 
these  transactions* ;  but  as  to  the  main  facts  his  defence 
seems  quite  satisfactory,  and  the  Minister  quite  innocent ; 
nor  should  it  ever  be  forgotten,  to  the  honour  of  Walpole, 
that  he  stepped  forward  at  a  most  perilous  and  perplexing 
crisis,  and  that  it  was  he  who  stood  between  the  people 
and  bankruptcy,  between  the  King  and  sedition. 

Throughout  all  these  transactions  there  is  nothing  more 
remarkable  than  the  national  despondency  and  common 
forebodings  of  disasters  for  the  future.  For  forty  years 
after  the  accession  of  the  House  of  Hanover  our  liberties 
were  constantly  pronounced  on  the  very  brink  of  extinc- 
tion. After  the  South  Sea  year  the  country  no  less  re- 
sounded with  prophecies  of  "  a  sinking  state"  and  "irre- 
"  trievable  ruin."  Yet  how  little  in  either  case  has  the 
event  tallied  with  the  expectation !  If  our  Constitution 
has  changed,  it  has  certainly  not  been  from  any  diminu- 
tion of  popular  control.  If  our  Commerce  has  changed, 
it  has  only  been  by  swelling  to  a  size  and  extent  such  as 
our  forefathers,  in  their  wildest  speculations,  never 
dreamed.  Were  it  not  beneath  the  dignity  of  History, 
I  might  indulge  a  conjecture,  what  would  have  been  the 
feelings  of  Walpole  or  of  Stanhope,  had  he  some  morning, 
—  at  breakfast  perhaps  —  been  thus  addressed  by  a  pro- 
jector or  a  prophet :  "  With  that  vapour  which  you  see 

*  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  158. 


1721.  VISIONS  OF   THE   FUTURE.  25 

"  rising  froui  the  tea-urn  will  I  do  the  work  of  hundreds 
"  of  thousands  of  men. — I  will  ride  without  horses. — I 
"  will  sail  against  wind  and  tide. — I  will  carry  heavier 
"  burthens  than  the  camel,  and  yet  my  speed  shall  be 
"  swifter  than  the  bird's !  With  another  such  vapour 
"  will  I  fill  vast  globes,  which  you  shall  see  arise  from 
"  the  earth,  and  bear  men  up  into  the  bosom  of  the  clouds ! 
"  With  these  and  other  such  discoveries,  shall  you  attain 
"  a  new  era  of  wealth,  prosperity,  and  knowledge.  Cul- 
"  tivation  shall  spread  beyond  the  fruitful  valleys,  up 
"  into  the  chalk  or  clay,  and  drive  sterility  to  the  very 
"  summits  of  the  bleakest  fells !  The  single  towns  of 
"  Liverpool  and  Manchester  shall  engross  more  trade  and 
"  business  than  now  the  whole  of  England.  You  shall 
"  have  a  hundred  millions  of  Indians  for  your  subjects. 
"  Your  yearly  revenue  shall  be  greater  than  the  whole 
"  principal  of  your  present,  which  you  call  enormous  and 
"  intolerable  debt."  Had  any  seer  thus  spoken,  would 
the  Minister  have  withheld  his  indignation  from  the 
audacious  impostor,  or  would  not  Bedlam  have  received 
the  poor  deluded  wretch  ?  Yet  have  all  these  things  been 
fulfilled  to  the  letter,  and  the  widest  prospect  of  national 
wealth,  which  the  South  Sea  Directors  ever  held  out  in 
the  very  hey-day  of  their  hopes,  has  been  far  —  very  far 
—  outstripped  by  the  reality ! 

But  should  these  mighty  changes  afford  us  unmixed 
exultation  ?  Have  not  the  tares  grown  up  thickly  with 
the  corn  ?  The  frightful  abuses  of  the  Factory  System — 
perhaps  also  the  necessary  evils  of  that  system  under  any 
regulation,  have  raised  up  gaunt  poverty  side  by  side 
with  overgrown  wealth  —  a  race  of  men  bound  to  their 
superiors  by  no  other  tie  than  wages  and  hire  —  with  no 
mutual  and  hereditary  feelings  of  kindness  —  too  rarely 
either  provident  in  prosperity  or  patient  in  distress.  In- 
stead of  the  healthy  and  invigorating  pursuits  of  agricul- 
ture, their  unwholesome  labours  often  tend  only  to  dwarf 
the  body  and  depress  the  mind.  Behold  in  the  pale  and 
blear-eyed  mechanic,  in  the  feverish  and  stunted  factory 
child,  the  descendants  of  the  hardy  and  joyous  English 
yeomen !  No  longer  dwelling  on  the  free  hillside,  but 
cooped  up  in  noisome  dens  and  wrapt  in  the  smoke  of  a 
thousand  manufactories,  the  sun  and  air  that  come  to  all, 


26  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI. 

come  not  to  them.  Ready  to  sell  their  skill  to  the  highest 
bidder,  they  are  transferred  without  care  and  reflection 
from  master  to  master,  and  from  mill  to  mill.  To  their 
ever-growing  numbers  the  religious  provision  of  the 
Church  has  proved  utterly  inadequate,  and  in  some 
cases  their  want  of  spiritual  food  has  been  supplied  by 
the  rankest  poison.  Through  the  kind  exertions  of 
agitators  they  have  sometimes  been  made  to  read  just 
enough  to  see  objections  against  all  religion  and  all  go- 
vernment, and  not  enough  to  see  those  objections  trium- 
phantly refuted.  God  forbid  that  this  description  should 
apply  to  all !  But  does  it  not  apply  to  more  than  a  few  ? 
And  is  such  a  state  of  things  free  from  grievous  misery  ? 
Is  it  free  from  appalling  danger  ? 

The  South  Sea  Scheme,  and  the  consequent  exaspera- 
tion throughout  the  country,  seemed  to  render  a  Dissolu- 
tion of  Parliament  a  most  perilous  venture,  and  yet  its 
septennial  period  was  near  at  hand.  Hence  was  suggested 
a  remedy  far  worse  than  the  danger  —  an  idea  of  obtain- 
ing another  special  prolongation  of  the  term ;  and  it  is 
said  that  of  the  King's  chief  advisers,  this  idea  was  op- 
posed by  Sunderland,  but  advised  by  Walpole.  This  is 
reported  by  Mr.  St.  John  Brodrick*,  nephew  to  Lord 
Midleton,  who  had  just,  as  he  tells  us,  carried  his  election 
at  Beralston  through  Walpole's  influence,  and  was  not 
therefore  likely  to  misrepresent  his  opinions  ;  yet  it  seems 
difficult  to  believe  that  so  cool  and  cautious  a  statesman 
should  have  supported  this  violent  and  unconstitutional 
scheme.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  scheme,  if  ever  enter- 
tained, was  soon  relinquished  ;  the  Parliament  met  again 
for  a  very  short  and  unimportant  Session,  in  the  winter 
of  1721,  and  was  dissolved  in  the  March  following.  The 
country  was  then  restored  to  quiet,  and  the  new  elections, 
like  the  last,  gave  a  large  and  overwhelming  majority  to 
the  party  in  power. 

In  less  than  three  weeks  after  the  elections,  on  the  19th 
of  April,  died  the  Earl  of  Sunderland,  so  suddenly  that 
poison  was  rumoured,  but  his  body  being  opened  the 
surgeons  discovered  a  disease  in  the  heart.f  His  cha- 

*  To  Lord  Midleton,  June  10.  1721.  Lord  Orrery  repeats  a 
report  to  just  the  contrary  effect,  Oct.  28.  1721.  See  Appendix. 

f  See  the  medical  certificate  in  Boyer's  Polit.  State,  voL  xxiii. 
p.  453. 


1722.        DEATH  OP  LORD  SUNDERLAND.          27 

racter  I  have  elsewhere  endeavoured  to  portray,  and  it 
only  remains  for  me  to  touch  upon  a  charge  connected 
with  the  last  year  of  his  life.  He  is  suspected  by  a  con- 
temporary of  having  "  entered  into  such  correspondence 
"  and  designs  as  would  have  been  fatal  to  himself  or  to 
"  the  public  "  *  —  in  plain  words,  intrigues  with  the  Pre- 
tender. Certain  it  is  that  at  the  time  the  Jacobites  had 
strong  hopes  of  gaining  him ;  but  their  most  secret  cor- 
respondence, so  far  as  I  have  seen  it,  in  the  Stuart 
Papers,  does  not  go  beyond  hopes,  rumours,  and  loose 
expressionsf :  and  finally,  when  Mr.  Lockhart,  a  leader  of 
their  party  in  Scotland,  distinctly  applied  to  James,  at 
the  eve  of  the  new  elections,  to  know  how  far  their  sup- 
port should  be  given  to  any  friend  of  Sunderland,  the 
Chevalier  answers,  January  31.  1722,  "It  is  very  true 
"  that  Sunderland  has  to  some  people  made  of  late  a 
"  show  of  wishing  me  well ;  but  I  have  never  heard 
"  directly  from  him  myself,  and  have  been  far  from 
"  having  any  particular  proof  of  his  sincerity."  J  This, 
in  fact,  appears  the  upshot  of  the  whole  affair ;  and  it  is 
far  from  improbable  that  the  overtures  of  Sunderland 
may  have  been  to  win  over  some  leading  Tories  to  his 
party,  and  not  to  attach  himself  to  theirs.  The  hopes  of 
his  support  were,  perhaps,  just  as  groundless  as  when 
Atterbury,  four  years  afterwards,  drew  up  an  elaborate 
argument  to  prove  that  Walpole  intended  to  restore  the 
Stuarts  whenever  George  the  First  should  die !  § 

But  further  still,  there  seems  great  reason  to  believe 
that  however  Sunderland  may  have  tampered  with  the 
Jacobites  for  the  object  of  obtaining  their  support,  he 
did  not  take  a  single  step  without  the  knowledge  and  ap- 
proval of  his  sovereign.  After  his  death  the  Regent  of 
France,  speaking  to  the  English  Minister  at  Paris,  ex- 
pressed his  suspicion  that  Sunderland  had  intrigued  with 
the  Pretender's  party,  and  stated  some  facts  in  corrobo- 
ration  of  the  charge.  This  was  accordingly  communi- 
cated to  Lord  Carteret  as  Secretary  of  State ;  but  Car- 

*  Tindal's  Hist.  vol.  vii.  p.  450. 

•\  James  to  Mr.  Menzies,  July  20.  1721.    Lord  Orrery  to  James, 
October  28.  1721.     See  Appendix. 
J  Lockhart's  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  74. 
§  See  this  paper  in  Coxe's  Walpole,  vol.  ii.  p.  226. 


28  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI. 

teret's  answer  was  as  follows  :  —  "A  thousand  thanks  for 
"  your  private  letter,  which  affords  me  the  means  of 
"  obviating  any  calumny  against  the  memory  of  a  person 
"  who  will  be  always  dear  to  me.  I  have  shown  it  to  the 
"  King,  who  is  entirely  satisfied  with  it."  * 

Lord  Sunderland,  as  I  have  stated,  died  on  the  19th  of 
April.  The  father  very  speedily  followed  the  son-in-law ; 
and  England  lost  one  of  her  noblest  worthies  in  John, 
Duke  of  Marlborough.  A  paralytic  attack  in  1716  had 
impaired  his  commanding  mind,  and  he  expired  on  the 
16th  of  June  in  this  year.  His  achievements  do  not  fall 
within  my  limits,  and  his  character  seems  rather  to  be- 
long to  the  historians  of  another  period.  Let  them  endea- 
vour to  delineate  his  vast  and  various  abilities  —  that 
genius  which  saw  humbled  before  it  the  proudest  Mares- 
chals  of  France  —  that  serenity  of  temper  which  enabled 
him  patiently  to  bear,  and  bearing  to  overcome,  all  the 
obstinacy  of  the  Dutch  Deputies,  and  all  the  slowness  of 
the  German  Generals  —  those  powers  of  combination  so 
provident  of  failure,  and  so  careful  of  details  that  it  might 
almost  be  said  of  him  that  before  he  gave  any  battle  he 
had  already  won  it !  Let  them  describe  him  great  in 
council  as  in  arms,  not  always  righteous  in  his  ends,  but 
ever  mighty  in  his  means ! 

The  Duke  left  his  widow  in  possession  of  enormous 
wealth,  insomuch  that  she  was  able  in  some  degree  to 
control  the  public  loans  and  affect  the  rate  of  interest-! 
This  wealth  —  or,  as  they  declared,  her  personal  charms 
even  at  the  mature  age  of  sixty-two  —  soon  attracted 
several  suitors  around  her,  especially  the  Duke  of  Somer- 
set and  Lord  Coningsby.  Their  letters  are  still  preserved 
at  Blenheim.  Coningsby  writes  like  a  man  bewildered 
with  the  most  passionate  love  :  —  "  To  my  dearest,  dearest 
"Lady  Marlborough  alone  I  could  open  the  inmost  thoughts 
"  of  my  loaded  heart,  and  by  her  exalted  wisdom  find  re- 
"  lief ! Whither  to  go  or  how  to  dispose  of  a  life 

*  Sir  Luke  Schaub  to  Lord  Carteret,  June  1.  8722.  Lord 
Carteret's  answer,  June  21.  1722.  Coxe's  Collections,  voL  liL  This 
volume  contains  several  other  proofs  to  the  same  effect ;  but  the  one 
I  have  given  above  seems  decisive. 

t  Robert  Walpole  to  Lord  Townshend,  August  30.  1 723.  See 
also  Coxe's  Life  of  Marlborough,  vol.  vi.  p.  387. 


1722.  WALPOLE   PRIME  MINISTER.  2i> 

"  entirely  devoted  to  you,  I  know  not  till  I  receive  your 

"  orders  and  commands I  live  in  hopes  that  the 

"  great  and  glorious  Creator  of  the  world,  who  does  and 
"  must  direct  all  things,  will  direct  you  to  make  me  the 
"  happiest  man  upon  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  enable  me 
"  to  make  my  dearest,  dearest  Lady  Marlborough,  as  she 
"  is  the  wisest  and  best,  the  happiest  of  all  women ! "  * 
This  effusion,  be  it  observed,  was  written  only  six  months 
after  her  husband's  decease.  But  both  to  Coningsby  and 
Somerset  the  Duchess  replied  with  a  noble  and  becoming 
spirit.  She  declared  that  if  she  were  only  thirty  instead 
of  sixty  she  would  not  allow  even  the  Emperor  of  the 
world  to  succeed  in  that  heart  which  had  been  devoted  to 
John,  Duke  of  Marlborough. 

The  deaths  in  such  rapid  succession  of  Stanhope, 
Craggs,  and  Sunderland,  and  the  expulsion  of  Aislabie, 
left  Walpo.lp  pntirply  Tnastg^jvP  fTiQ-fioM  The  late  schism 
between  rival  statesmen  was  closed  up,  as  it  were,  with 
coffins ;  and  although,  as  will  be  seen,  there  were  still 
some  dissensions  in  the  Cabinet,  these  found  no  echo 
either  in  Parliament  or  in  the  country.  No  longer  was 
the  Whig  party  divided,  no  longer  the  House  of  Commons 
nearly  balanced.  The  late  elections  had  confirmed  the 
Ministerial  majority,  and  the  Jacobites  and  Tories  de- 
spairing of  victories  in  Parliament  rather  turned  their 
minds  to  projects  of  conspiracy  or  hopes  of  invasion.  In 
the  Session  of  1724,  for  example,  there  was  only  one  single 
public  division  in  the  House  of  Commons.  From  this 
time  forward,  therefore,  and  during  a  considerable  period, 
the  proceedings  of  Parliament  seem  no  longer  to  require 
or  admit  the  same  minute  detail  as  I  have  hitherto  given 
them,  nor  shall  I  have  to  record  either  rebellion  at  home 
or  great  wars  abroad.  The  twenty  years  of  Walpole's 
administration  (to  their  high  honour  be  it  spoken)  afford 
comparatively  few  incidents  to  History.  Of  these  years 
I  shall  therefore  have  much  less  to  say  than  of  the 
tumultuous  periods  both  before  and  after  them,  nor  let  the 
reader  imagine  that  my  flow  of  narrative  is  altered  be- 
cause it  glides  more  swiftly  on  smooth  ground. 

*  To  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough,  November  20. 1722.  Blenheim 
Papers  and  Coxe's  Copies,  voL  xliii. 


30  nisTOEr  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  xii. 


CHAPTER  XH. 

THE  confusion  and  disaffection  which  followed  the  South 
Sea  Scheme  were  of  course  highly  favourable  to  the 
views  of  the  Jacobites,  and  revived  their  drooping  hopes, 
and  still  more  were  they  cheered  at  the  birth  of  an  heir, 
even  though  at  a  time  when  there  was  nothing  to  inherit. 
The  prospect  of  this  event  was  first  communicated  to 
them  in  the  spring  of  1720 :  —  "It  is  the  most  acceptable 
"  news,"  writes  Bishop  Atterbury,  "  which  can  reach  the 
"ears  of  a  good  Englishman."*  Lord  Oxford  also  was 
consulted  as  to  the  number  and  rank  of  the  persons  who 
should  be  invited  as  witnesses  on  this  solemn  occasion.f 
At  length  on  the  last  day  of  the  year  the  titular  Queen  of 
England,  then  residing  at  Rome,  was  delivered  of  a 
Prince,  who  received  the  names  of  Charles  Edward  Lewis 
Casimir,  and  became  the  hero  of  the  enterprise  of  1745. 
According  to  the  fond  fancy  of  the  Jacobites,  there  ap- 
peared a  star  in  the  heavens  at  the  moment  of  his  birth  J  ; 
and,  what  is  rather  more  certain,  seven  Cardinals  were 
present  by  order  of  the  Pope.§  The  Pretender's  second 
son,  Henry  Benedict,  Duke  of  York,  and  afterwards  Car- 
dinal, was  not  born  till  1725. 

At  this  period  the  Jacobites  seem  really  to  have  deluded 
themselves  so  far  as  to  believe  that  the  hearts  of  nearly  the 
whole  nation,  even  down  to  the  rabble,  were  with  them. 
Thus  James  is  told  by  Lord  Lansdowne :  —  "  There  were 
"great  rejoicings  in  London  upon  the  Lord  Mayor's  day, 
"whose  name  happening  to  be  Stuart,  the  people  made 
"  the  streets  ring  with  no  other  cry  but  A  Stuart !  A 
"Stuart!  High  Church  and  Stuart!  Every  day  pro- 

•  Letter  to  James,  May  6.  1 720.     Appendix. 

+  James  to  Lord  Oxford,  May  26.  1720.     Appendix. 

j  See  the  Lockhart  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  568.  ;  and  the  Medals  of 
the  Stuarts  in  Exile,  No.  53.,  in  Sir  H.  Ellis 's  Catalogue. 

$  St.  Simon,  Mem.  vol.  xviii.  p.  338.  A  Te  Deum  was  afterwards 
sung  in  the  Pope's  chapel,  and  in  his  presence. 


1722.  JACOBITE   COUNCIL  OF  FIVE.  31 

"cluces  some  new  evidence  of  their  inclination."*  To 
promote  the  favour  of  the  multitude  the  Jacobites  often 
made  use  of  reasonings  suited  only  to  its  capacity.  Thus 
when  the  King's  German  mistresses  were  inveighed 
against,  as  they  might  justly  be,  it  is  gravely  stated, 
amongst  other  grounds  of  complaint,  that  they  are  not 
sufficiently  young  and  handsome!  For  instance,  the 
letter  of  Decius  in  Mist's  Journal,  May  27.  1721,  laments, 
that  "  we  are  ruined  by  trulls,  nay,  what  is  more  vexa- 
"  tious,  by  old  u^ly  trulls,  such  as  could  not  find  enter- 
"  tainment  in  the  most  hospitable  hundreds  of  OldDrury ! " 
This  letter  was  warmly  resented  by  the  House  of  Com- 
mons on  the  motion  of  Lechmere,  and  Mr.  Mist  the  printer 
was  sentenced  to  fine  and  imprisonment ;  but  his  journal 
continued  many  years  afterwards  under  the  new  and  pun- 
ning title  of  Fog's. 

The  affairs  of  James  in  England  were  at  this  time 
managed  by  a  Junta,  or  Council  of  five  persons,  namely, 
as  it  would  seem,  the  Earls  of  Arran  and  Orrery,  Lords 
North  and  Gower,  and  the  Bishop  of  Rochester.  Between 
them  and  James  an  active  correspondence  was  carried  on, 
for  the  most  part  in  cipher  or  with  cant  names,  and  gene- 
rally by  the  hands  of  non-jurors,  Roman  Catholic  priests, 
and  other  trusty  persons  that  were  constantly  passing  to 
and  fro.  There  were  also  communications  with  Lord 
Oxford,  probably  through  Erasmus  Lewis,  his  former 
secretary,  a  man  of  fidelity  and  talent,  but  not  much 
courage  ;  at  least  I  find  his  excessive  caution  a  subject  of 
good-humoured  jest  among  his  friends.f  It  appears  that 
the  Council  of  Five  was  often  discordant  and  wrangling 
in  its  deliberations,  and  this  in  the  opinion  of  James 
showed  the  necessity  of  a  single  head,  by  which  means, 
he  says,  his  business  would  certainly  be  done  with  much 
more  harmony  and  secrecy.  He  wrote  to  suggest  that 
Lord  Oxford  should  act  as  the  chief  J ;  but  that  nobleman 

*  Lord  Lansdowne  to  James,  Nov.  17.  1721.     Stuart  Papers. 

f  "  Lewis  is  in  the  country  with  Lord  Bathurst,  and  has  writ  me 
"  a  most  dreadful  story  of  a  mad  dog  that  bit  their  huntsman  ;  since 
"  which  accident,  I  am  told  he  has  shortened  his  stirrups  three  bores; 
"  they  were  not  long  before  I  "  Dr.  Arbuthnot  to  Swift,  December 
11.  1718. 

J  James    to   Lord    Lansdowne,    April    13.    1722.     Lansdowne 


32  mSTORT  OF  ENGLAND.        CHAP.  XH. 

had  retired  to  the  country,  his  irresolution  had  (if  pos- 
sible) increased,  and  his  health  was  declining,  and  in  fact 
he  died  in  two  years  from  this  time.  The  old  manage- 
ment therefore  appears  to  have  continued.  Of  the  five, 
Lord  Arran  had  all  the  mediocrity  of  his  brother,  Ormond, 
without  any  of  his  reputation.  Lord  Gower  was  a  man 
of  sense  and  spirit,  and  great  local  influence :  —  "no  man 
"  within  my  memory,"  writes  Dr.  King,  "  was  more  es- 
"  teemed  and  reverenced."  *  Orrery  was  one  of  a  family 
where  genius  had  hitherto  been  a  sort  of  heir-loom,  and 
he  had  not  degenerated.  Parliamentary  talents  and 
military  knowledge  were  centered  in  Lord  North ;  he  had 
served  under  Marlborough,  and  lost  an  arm  at  the  battle 
of  Blenheim,  and,  in  the  absence  of  Ormond,  was  acknow- 
ledged as  the  Jacobite  general. 

But  by  far  the  ablest  of  this  Junta,  and  indeed  not  in- 
ferior in  talent  to  any  one  of  his  contemporaries,  was 
Francis  Atterbury.  Born  in  1662,  and  educated  at 
Westminster  School  and  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  he  dis- 
tinguished himself  at  a  very  early  age  by  a  powerful 
defence  of  Luther,  and  on  taking  Orders  commanded 
universal  attention  by  his  eloquence  and  active  temper. 
It  was  by  him  that  the  Lower  House  of  Convocation  was 
mainly  guided  and  governed ;  he  was  high  in  the  confi- 
dence of  Queen  Anne's  last  Ministers,  and  in  1713  was 
promoted  by  them  to  the  Deanery  of  Westminster  and 
Bishoprick  of  Rochester.  Few  men  have  attained  a 
more  complete  mastery  of  the  English  language ;  and  all 
his  compositions  are  marked  with  peculiar  force,  elegance, 
and  dignity  of  style.  A  fine  person  and  a  graceful  de- 
livery added  lustre  to  his  eloquence,  both  in  the  pulpit 
and  in  the  House  of  Lords.  His  haughty  and  aspiring 
mind  constantly  impelled  him  into  violent  measures, 
which  were  well  supported  by  his  abilities,  but  which 
seemed  in  some  degree  alien  from  his  sphere.  It  is  well 
observed  by  Mirabeau,  in  speaking  of  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick, that  one  great  sign  of  a  well  regulated  character  is 
not  merely  to  be  equal  to  its  daily  task,  but  to  be  satisfied 

about  this  time  withdrew  into  France,  where  he  remained  for  ten 
years. 
*  Anecdotes  of  his  own  Time,  p.  xlv. 


1722.  BISHOP   ATTERBUEY.  33 

with  it,  and  not  to  step  beyond  it  in  search  of  fresh  em- 
ployment.* Atterbury,  on  the  contrary,  could  never 
remain  tranquil.  He  might  be  compared  to  the  chivalrous 
Peterborough  exclaiming  to  the  Minister,  —  "  You  must 
"  find  me  work  in  the  Old  World  or  the  New  ! "  f  His 
devotion  to  the  Protestant  faith  was  warm  and  pure  ;  his 
labours  for  the  Established  Church  no  less  praiseworthy ; 
but  his  defence  was  of  somewhat  tpo  fierce  and  turbulent 
a  character ;  he  thought  less  of  personal  worth  than  of 
party  principles  in  others ;  and  he  was  one  of  those  of 
whom  it  has  been  wittily  said,  that  out  of  their  zeal  for 
religion  they  have  never  time  to  say  their  prayers !  Yet 
in  private  life  no  trace  of  his  vehemence  and  bitterness 
appeared  ;  his  "  softer  hour  "  is  affectionately  remembered 
by  Pope ;  and  his  own  devoted  love  to  his  daughter,  Mrs. 
Morice,  sheds  a  milder  light  around  his  character.  On 
the  whole,  he  would  have  made  an  admirable  Bishop  had 
he  been  a  less  good  partisan. 

The  political  views  of  Atterbury  were  always  steadily 
directed  against  the  accession  of  the  House  of  Hanover. 
When  the  Rebellion  broke  forth  in  1715,  a  Declaration 
of  Abhorrence  of  it  was  published  by  the  other  Prelates ; 
but  Atterbury  refused  to  sign  it  on  the  pretext  of  some 
reflections  it  contained  against  the  High  Church  party. 
At  no  distant  period  from  that  time  we  find  him  in  fre- 
quent correspondence  with  James,  writing  for  the  most  part 
in  a  borrowed  hand,  and  under  counterfeit  names,  such  as 
Jones,  or  Illington.  Were  we  inclined  to  seek  some  ex- 
cuse for  his  adherence  to  that  cause,  we  might,  perhaps, 
find  it  in  his  close  study  of  Lord  Clarendon's  History, 
which  had  been  edited  by  himself  conjointly  with  Aid- 
rich  and  Smalridge.  I  have  always  considered  the  pub- 
lication of  that  noble  work  (it  first  appeared  under  Queen 
Anne)  as  one  of  the  main  causes  of  the  second  growth  of 

*  "  Une  marque  d'un  tres  bon  esprit  ce  me  semble,  et  d'un  caractere 
"  supcrieur,  c'est  moins  encore  qu'il  suffit  au  travail  de  chaque  jour 
"  que  le  travail  de  chaque  jour  lui  suffit."  Histoire  Secrete  de  Berlin, 
&c.  vol.  i.  p.  30.  ed.  1789. 

f  See  his  letter  to  Swift,  April  18.  1711.  On  the  style  of  this 
striking  letter  Swift  remarks  in  his  Journal,  "He  writes  so  well, 
"  I  have  no  mind  to  answer  him  ;  and  so  kind,  that  I  must  answer 
"  him ! " 

VOL.  H.  D 


34  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XII. 

Jacobitism.  How  great  seems  the  character  of  the 
author  !  How  worthy  the  principles  he  supports,  and  the 
actions  he  details !  Who  could  read  those  volumes  and  not 
first  be  touched,  and  at  last  be  won,  by  his  unconquerable 
spirit  of  loyalty  —  by  his  firm  attachment  to  the  fallen  — 
by  his  enduring  and  well-founded  trust  in  God  when 
there  seemed  to  be  none  left  in  man  !  Whose  heart  could 
fail  to  relent  to  that  unhappy  Monarch  more  sinned 
against  than  sinning  —  to  that  "  gray  discrowned  head  " 
which  lay  upon  a  pillow  of  thorns  at  Carisbrook,  or  rolled 
upon  a  block  at  Whitehall !  Or  whose  mind  would  not 
brighten  at  the  thought  of  his  exiled  son  —  in  difficulty 
and  distress,  with  every  successive  attempt  disappointed 
—  every  rising  hope  dashed  down — yet  suddenly  restored 
against  all  probable  chances,  and  with  one  universal 
shout  of  joy !  How  spirit-stirring  must  that  History 
have  been  to  all,  but  above  all  to  those  (and  there  were 
many  at  that  time)  whose  own  ancestors  and  kinsmen  are 
honourably  commemorated  in  its  pages  —  the  soldiers  of 
Rupert  —  or  the  friends  of  Falkland !  Can  we  wonder 
then,  or  severely  blame,  if  their  thoughts  sometimes  de- 
scended one  step  lower,  and  turned  to  the  grandson  — 
also  exiled  for  no  fault  of  his  own,  and  pining  in  a  distant 
land,  under  circumstances  not  far  unlike  to  those  of  Charles 
Stuart  in  France  !  I  know  the  difference  of  the  cases  — 
and  most  of  all  in  what  Atterbury  ought  least  to  have 
forgotten,  in  religion ;  I  am  not  pleading  for  Jacobitism ; 
but  I  do  plead  for  the  honest  delusion  and  pardonable 
frailty  of  many  who  espoused  that  cause ;  I  am  anxious 
to  show  that  the  large  section  of  our  countrymen  which 
sighed  for  the  restoration  of  James,  were  not  all  the  base 
and  besotted  wretches  we  have  been  accustomed  to  con- 
sider them. 

The  great  object  of  Atterbury,  and  of  the  other  Jacobite 
leaders,  was  to  obtain  a  foreign  force  of  5000  foreign 
troops  to  land  under  Ormond.  Failing  in  this,  from  the 
engagements  of  the  English  Government  with  almost 
every  Continental  Court,  they  determined,  nevertheless, 
to  proceed  with  only  such  assistance  in  arms,  money,  and 
disbanded  officers  or  soldiers,  as  could  be  privately  pro- 
cured abroad.  For  this  purpose  their  manager  in  Spain 
was  Ormond ;  in  France,  General  Dillon,  an  Irish  Roman 


1722.  JACOBITE  PLOT.  35 

Catholic,  who  had  left  Ireland  after  the  capitulation  of 
Limerick,  and  had  since  risen  in  the  French  service.  The 
project  was  to  have  made  themselves  masters  of  the 
Tower ;  to  have  seized  the  Bank,  the  Exchequer,  and 
other  places  where  the  public  money  was  lodged,  and  to 
have  proclaimed  the  Pretender  at  the  same  time  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  kingdom.  The  best  time  for  this  explo- 
sion was  thought  to  be  during  the  tumults  and  confusion 
of  the  General  Election  ;  but  the  chiefs  not  being  able  to 
agree  among  themselves,  it  was  deferred  till  the  King's 
journey  to  Hanover,  which  was  expected  to  take  place  in 
the  summer.  James  himself  was  to  embark  at  Porto 
Longone,  where  three  vessels  were  ready  for  him,  and  to 
sail  secretly  to  Spain,  and  from  thence  to  England,  as 
soon  as  he  should  hear  of  the  King's  departure.  Already 
had  he  left  Rome  for  a  villa,  the  better  to  cover  his  ab- 
sence when  it  should  take  place  ;  and  with  a  similar 
view  had  Ormond  also  gone  from  Madrid  to  a  country 
seat  half  way  to  Bilbao.* 

But  the  eye  of  the  Government  was  already  upon 
them.  One  of  their  applications  for  5000  troops  had 
been  made  to  the  Regent  of  France,  who,  as  they  might 
have  foreseen,  so  far  from  granting  their  request,  imme- 
diately revealed  it  to  Sir  Luke  Schaub,  the  English 
Minister  f  ;  on  the  condition,  it  is  said,  that  no  one  should 
die  for  it.J  Other  intelligence  and  discoveries  completed 
the  information  of  the  Government,  and  they  became 
apprised,  not  merely  of  the  intended  schemes  and  of  the 
contriving  heads,  but  also  of  the  subaltern  agents,  espe- 
cially Thomas  Carte  and  Kelly,  two  non-juring  clergy- 
men ;  Plunkett,  the  same  Jesuit  whose  active  intrigues 
in  1713  have  been  mentioned  at  that  period;  Neynoe, 
another  Irish  priest ;  and  Layer,  a  young  barrister  of  the 
Temple.  So  many  of  their  letters  were  intercepted 
abroad,  that  at  length  some  conspirators  perceiving  it, 

*  Robert  Walpole  to  Horace,  May  29.  1722.  Reports  of  Select 
Committee,  1723.  W.  Stanhope  to  Lord  Carteret,  June  8.  1722. 
Appendix. 

t  Schaub  had  been  knighted  at  Stanhope's  recommendation  in 
October,  1720  ;  and  next  year  was  appointed  Minister  at  Paris. 
(Boyer's  Polit.  State,  vol.  xx.  p.  379,  &c.) 

J  Speaker  Onslow's  Remarks.    Coxe's  Walpole,  voL  ii  p.  554. 
D  2 


36  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XII. 

wrote  letters  on  purpose  to  be  opened,  and  with  false 
news,  to  mislead  and  distract  the  Government ;  but  this 
artifice  could  not  impose  on  the  sagacity  of  Walpole.* 
Prudent  measures  were  now  adopted  with  prudent  speed. 
The  King  was  persuaded  to  relinquish  his  journey  to 
Hanover  for  this  year ;  troops  were  immediately  drawn 
to  London,  and  a  camp  was  formed  in  Hyde  Park.  An 
order  was  also  obtained  from  the  Court  of  Madrid  to  re- 
strain Ormond  from  embarking.  This  would  no  doubt 
have  been  sufficient  to  make  the  conspirators  postpone 
their  scheme,  but  the  object  was  to  crush  it  altogether  ; 
and  with  this  view  warrants  were  issued  for  the  appre- 
hension of  all  the  subaltern  agents  above  named,  and  of 
several  others. 

On  the  21st  of  May,  accordingly,  Mr.  Kelly  was  seized 
at  his  lodgings  in  Bury  Street  by  two  messengers.  They 
came  upon  him  by  surprise,  and  took  his  sword  and 
papers,  which  they  placed  in  a  window  while  they  pro- 
ceeded with  their  search.  But  their  negligence  gave 
Kelly  an  opportunity  of  recovering  his  weapon,  and  of 
threatening  to  run  through  the  first  man  that  came  near 
him  ;  and  so  saying  he  burnt  his  papers  in  a  candle  with 
his  left  hand,  while  he  held  his  drawn  sword  in  the  other. 
When  the  papers  were  burnt,  and  not  till  then,  he  sur- 
rendered. Neynoe,  on  his  arrest,  showed  equal  spirit, 
but  he  did  not  meet  with  the  same  success.  He  escaped 
from  a  window  two  stories  high  by  tying  the  blankets  and 
sheets  together,  and  came  down  upon  a  garden-wall  near 
the  Thames,  from  whence  he  leaped  into  the  water,  but 
as  he  could  not  swim  was  drowned.  An  attempt  to  escape 
was  also  made  by  Layer ;  but  being  brought  back,  he  was 
examined  at  great  length,  and  with  some  success.  Much 
information  was  also  gained  from  the  papers,  none  from 
the  answers,  of  Plunkett.  As  for  Carte,  the  same  whose 
historical  writings  have  since  gained  him  a  high  and  de- 
served reputation,  he  fled  betimes  to  France. 

At  the  news  of  the  arrest  of  Layer,  Lord  North,  who 

*  Letter  to  Horace  Walpole,  May  29.  1722.  Even  where  no  trap 
was  intended,  the  Report  of  the  Select  Committee  observes  of  their 
cant  names  and  allegories,  that  "  several  of  these  disguises  are  so 
"  gross  and  obvious,  that  they  only  serve  to  betray  themselves."  This 
I  have  remarked  in  many  of" the  Stuart  MS.  Papers. 


1722.  ARREST  OP  ATTERBURY.  37 

had  been  principally  in  communication  with  that  person, 
fearing  the  consequences,  passed  over  under  a  feigned 
name  to  the  Isle  of  Wight,  intending  from  thence' to  make 
his  way  to  the  Continent ;  but  he  was  discovered,  seized, 
and  brought  back  to  London.  Some  time  afterwards 
Lord  Orrery  was  sent  to  the  Tower ;  at  a  later  period 
still,  the  Duke  of  Norfolk.  But  the  evidence  against 
these  noblemen  being  insufficient,  or  the  Government  less 
eager  to  press  it,  they  were,  after  some  confinement,  re- 
leased. The  Bishop  of  Rochester  was  less  fortunate. 
The  proofs  against  him  might  also  have  been  thought  too 
scanty,  had  it  not  been  for  a  very  trifling  and  ridiculous 
but  most  convincing  incident.  The  case  was  as  follows : 
—  There  was  no  doubt  that  the  letters  to  and  from  Jones 
and  Illington  were  of  a  treasonable  nature ;  the  point 
was  to  prove  that  these  names  were  designed  for  the 
Bishop.  Now  it  so  happened  that  Mrs.  Atterbury,  who 
died  early  this  year,  had  a  little  before  received  a  present 
from  Lord  Mar  in  France  of  a  small  spotted  dog  called 
Harlequin ;  and  this  animal  having  broken  its  leg,  and 
being  left  with  one  Mrs.  Barnes  to  be  cured,  was  more 
than  once  mentioned  in  the  correspondence  of  Jones  and 
Illington.  Mrs.  Barnes  and  some  other  persons  were  ex- 
amined before  the  Council  on  this  subject,  and  they,  sup- 
posing that  at  all  events  there  could  be  no  treason  in  a 
lap-dog,  readily  owned  that  Harlequin  was  intended  for 
the  Bishop  of  Rochester.  There  were  many  other  colla- 
teral proofs ;  but  it  was  the  throwing  up  of  this  little 
straw  which  decisively  showed  from  what  quarter  blew 
the  wind. 

Had  the  proofs  against  Atterbury  been  less  strong,  or 
his  abilities  less  dangerous,  the  Ministers  would  probably 
have  shrunk  from  the  unpopularity  of  touching  him.  As 
it  was,  they  hesitated  during  three  months  ;  but  at  length, 
on  the  24th  of  August,  a  warrant  being  issued,  the  Bishop 
was  arrested  at  the  Deanery,  and  brought  before  the 
Council.  Though  taken  by  surprise,  his  answers  to  their 
questions  showed  his  usual  coolness  and  self-possession  ; 
and  he  is  said  to  have  concluded  with  the  words  of  the 
Saviour  :  —  "If  I  tell  you,  ye  will  not  believe ;  and  if  I 
"  also  ask  you,  ye  will  not  answer  me,  nor  let  me  go."  * 

*  St.  Luke,  xxii.  67,  68. 
D  3 


38  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XH. 

After  three  quarters  of  an  hour's  examination  he  was  sent 
to  the  Tower  privately  in  his  own  coach,  without  any 
public  notice  or  disturbance. 

The  arrest  of  a  Bishop,  for  the  first  time  since  the  ill- 
omened  precedent  of  James  the  Second,  was,  however,  no 
sooner  known  than  it  produced  a  general  clamour.  The 
High  Churchmen  had  always  inveighed  against  the  Go- 
vernment as  neglecting  the  Establishment  and  favouring 
the  Dissenters,  and  this  new  incident  was  of  course  urged 
in  confirmation  of  the  charge.  They  called  it  an  outrage 
upon  the  Church  and  the  Episcopal  Order ;  and  they 
boldly  affirmed  that  the  plot  had  no  real  existence,  and 
was  a  mere  Ministerial  device  for  the  ruin  of  a  political 
opponent.  Atterbury  had  also  great  influence  among  the 
parochial  clergy,  not  only  from  the  weight  of  his  abilities, 
but  from  his  having  so  long  stood  at  the  head  of  their 
party  in  Convocation.  Under  the  pretence  of  his  being 
afflicted  with  the  gout,  he  was  publicly  prayed  for  in  most 
of  the  churches  of  London  and  Westminster  ;  and  there 
was  spread  among  the  people  a  pathetic  print  of  the 
Bishop  looking  through  the  bars  of  a  prison,  and  holding 
in  his  hand  a  portrait  of  Archbishop  Laud.  The  public 
ferment  was  still  further  increased  by  rumours  (I  fear  too 
truly  founded)  of  the  great  harshness  with  which  Atter- 
bury was  treated  in  the  Tower.  "  Such  usage,  such 
"  hardships,  such  insults  as  I  have  undergone,"  said 
the  Bishop  himself  on  his  trial,  "might  have  broke  a 
"  more  resolute  spirit,  and  a  much  stronger  constitution 
"  than  fall  to  my  share.  I  have  been  treated  with  such 
"  severity,  and  so  great  indignity,  as  I  believe  no  prisoner 
"  in  the  Tower  of  my  age,  infirmities,  function,  and  rank 
"  ever  underwent."  *  He  was  encouraged,  or  permitted, 
to  write  private  letters  which  were  afterwards  pried  into, 
and  made  use  of  to  support  the  accusation  against  him. 
He  was  restricted  in  his  only  consolation  —  the  visits  of 
his  beloved  daughter  |;  nor  was  he  at  first  allowed  to 
prepare  freely  for  his  defence  with  his  son-in-law,  Mr. 

*  Speech,  May  11.  1723. 

f  He  writes  to  Lord  Townshend,  April  10.  1723, —  "  I  am  thank- 
"  ful  for  the  favour  of  seeing  my  daughter  any  way  ;  but  was  in 
"  hopes  the  restraint  of  an  officer's  presence  in  respect  to  her  might 
"  have  heen  judged  needless." 


1722.  MEETING  OF  PARLIAMENT.  39 

Moricc.*  Every  thing  sent  to  him  was  narrowly  searched; 
even  some  pigeon-pies  were  opened :  "  it  is  the  first  time," 
says  Pope,  "  dead  pigeons  have  been  suspected  of  carry- 
"  ing  intelligence  ! "  f 

It  was  amidst  great  and  general  excitement  that  the 
new  Parliament  met  on  the  9th  of  October.  The  King's 
Speech  gave  a  short  account  of  the  conspiracy: — "I 
"  should  less  wonder  at  it,"  he  said,  "  had  I,  in  any  one 
"  instance  since  my  accession  to  the  throne,  invaded  the 
"  liberty  or  property  of  my  subjects."  With  equal  jus- 
tice he  observed  on  the  infatuation  of  some  Jacobites  and 
the  malice  of  others,  —  "  By  forming  plots  they  depre- 
"  ciate  all  property  that  is  vested  in  the  Public  Funds, 
"  and  then  complain  of  the  low  state  of  credit ;  they 
"  make  an  increase  of  the  national  expenses  necessary, 
"  and  then  clamour  at  the  burthen  of  taxes,  and  endea- 
"  vour  to  impute  to  my  government,  as  grievances,  the 
"  mischiefs  and  calamities  which  they  alone  create  and 
"  occasion."  The  first  business  of  the  Commons,  after 
again  placing  Mr.  Compton  in  the  Chair,  was  to  hurry 
through  a  Bill  suspending  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  for  one 
year.  Mr.  Spencer  Cowper,  and  Sir  Joseph  Jekyll,  ob- 
served that  the  Act  had  never  yet  been  suspended  for  so 
long  a  period,  and  proposed  six  months,  declaring,  that  at 
the  end  of  that  period  they  would,  if  necessary,  readily 
agree  to  a  further  suspension.  Yet  notwithstanding  the 
popularity  and  plausibility  of  this  amendment,  it  was  re- 
jected by  246  votes  against  193. 

The  next  subject  with  both  Houses  was  the  Pretender's 
Declaration.  It  appears  that  James  had  been  so  far  de- 
luded by  the  sanguine  hopes  of  his  agents,  or  by  his  own, 
as  to  believe  that  the  British  people  were  groaning  under 
a  state  of  bondage  and  oppression,  and  that  the  King  him- 
self was  ready  to  cast  off  an  uneasy  and  precarious 
Crown.  Under  these  impressions,  he  issued  from  Lucca, 
on  the  22d  of  September,  a  strange  manifesto,  proposing, 
that  if  George  will  quietly  deliver  to  him  the  throne  of 
his  fathers,  he  will,  in  return,  bestow  upon  George  the 

*  Preface  to  his  Correspondence,  p.  vi.  Mr.  Morice  used  to  stand 
in  an  open  area,  and  the  Bishop  to  look  out  of  a  two-pair  of  stairs 
window,  and  thus  only  were  they  allowed  to  converse  ! 

f  Pope  to  Gay,  Sept.  11.  1722. 

D  4 


40  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XH. 

title  of  King  in  his  native  dominions,  and  invite  all  other 
States  to  confirm  it ;  with  a  promise  to  leave  his  succes- 
sion to  the  British  dominions  secure,  if  ever,  in  due 
course,  his  natural  right  should  take  place.  This  de- 
claration was  printed  and  distributed  in  England.  Both 
Houses  expressed  their  astonishment  at  its  "surprising 
"insolence:"  it  was  ordered  to  be  burnt  by  the  common 
hangman ;  and  a  joint  Address  was  presented  to  His  Ma- 
jesty, assuring  him  that  the  designs  of  the  public  enemy 
shall  be  found  "  impracticable  against  a  Prince  relying 
"  on  and  supported  by  the  vigour  and  duty  of  a  British 
"  Parliament,  and  the  affections  of  his  people." 

Walpole,  availing  himself  of  the  general  resentment, 
next  proposed  to  raise  100,000/.  by  a  tax  upon  the  estates 
of  Roman  Catholics.  The  project  of  Stanhope  to  relieve 
them  from  the  Penal  Laws,  which  was  still  on  foot  at  the 
beginning  of  the  South  Sea  Scheme*,  had  been  arrested, 
first  by  the  crash,  and  then  by  his  death.  Moderation  to 
the  Roman  Catholics  had  always  been  one  of  his  leading 
principles  of  government.  Other  maxims  now  prevailed; 
a  system  of  general  and  indiscriminate  punishment,  which 
was,  at  least,  nearly  allied  to  persecution,  and  which,  if 
it  did  not  find  every  Roman  Catholic  a  Jacobite,  was 
quite  sure  to  make  him  so.  Many,  said  Walpole,  had 
been  guilty  —  an  excellent  reason  for  punishing  all! 
With  a  better  feeling  did  Onslow  (afterwards  Speaker) 
declare  his  abhorrence  of  persecuting  any  others  on  ac- 
count of  their  opinions  in  religion.  Sir  Joseph  Jekyll, 
after  praising  the  moderation  and  wisdom  of  the  King, 
wished  he  could  say  the  same  of  those  who  had  the  hon- 
our to  serve  him.  But  the  proposal  of  Walpole  was  quite 
in  accordance  with  the  temper  of  the  times ;  it  was  not 
only  carried  by  217  against  168,  but,  on  a  subsequent 
motion,  was  even  extended  to  all  nonjurors.f  The  House, 
however,  favourably  entertained  a  singular  petition  from 
the  family  of  the  Pendrills,  praying  to  be  exempted  from 

*  Mr.  Brodrick  to  Lord  Midleton,  January  24.  1720.  Refer  to  my 
first  voL  p.  326. 

f  I  am  sorry  to  find  Coxe  assert,  in  a  blind  panegyrical  spirit,  that 
"  though  scarcely  conformable  to  justice,  the  policy  of  this  measure 
"was  unquestionable."  How  far  more  correct  and  enlightened  were 
the  views  (published  by  himself)  of  Speaker  Onslow  !  See  Coxe's 
Walpole,  vol.  i.  p.  176.,  and  vol.  ii.  p.  555. 


1722.  COMPULSORY  OATHS.  41 

the  tax  on  account  of  the  services  of  their  ancestors 
in  preserving  Charles  the  Second  after  the  battle  of 
Worcester.* 

Amongst  the  foremost  evils  (and  they  were  many)  of 
this  persecuting  spirit,  was  the  frightful  degree  of  perjury 
which  it  produced.  For  as  the  estates  of  nonjurors  were 
to  be  taxed,  it  became  necessary  to  determine  precisely 
who  were  nonjurors  or  not;  in  other  words,  almost  the 
whole  nation  was  to  be  summoned  to  swear  allegiance  to 
the  Government.  Nor  was  it  explicitly  stated  what 
would  be  the  consequence  of  this  refusal,  but  a  sort  of 
vague  threat  was  hung  over  them  ;  and  it  seemed  a  trap 
in  which,  when  once  caught,  men  might  hereafter  be  sub- 
jected not  only  to  the  largest  fines,  but  even  to  forfeiture 
and  confiscation.  "  I  saw  a  great  deal  of  it,"  says  Speaker  - 
OnsloWj.  "  and  it  was  a  strange,  as  well  as  ridiculous,  sight 
"  to  see  people  crowding  at  the  Quarter  Sessions  to  give 
'  a  testimony  of  their  allegiance  to  a  Government,  and 
c  cursing  it  at  the  same  time  for  giving  them  the  trouble 
'  of  so  doing,  and  for  the  fright  they  were  put  into  by  it ; 
'  and  I  am  satisfied  more  real  disaffection  to  the  King  and 
'  his  family  arose  from  it  than  from  any  thing  which 
'  happened  in  that  time."  Some  of  the  Jacobites  con- 
sulted their  Prince  as  to  the  course  which  they  should 
pursue  in  this  emergency,  but  he  prudently  avoided  any 
positive  answer.f  It  was  thought  very  desirable  that 
they  should  act  together  as  a  body,  in  one  course  or  the 
other,  but  no  such  general  arrangement  could  be  com- 
passed. The  greater  number  were  inclined  to  swear,  and 
did  so,  saying  that  they  had  rather  venture  themselves  in 
the  hand  of  God  than  of  such  men  as  they  had  to  do  with.J 
Yet  they  still  retained  all  their  first  principles ;  and  the 
oath,  however  it  might  torture  their  consciences,  did  not 
influence  their  conduct.  Such  is,  I  fear,  the  inevitable 
result  of  any  oath  imposed  by  any  government  for  its 
security.  Examples  of  that  kind  are  too  common  in  all 
countries.  Swearing  allegiance  to  King  George  did  not 

*  Commons'  Journals,  vol.  xx.  p.  210. 

f  Mr.  Lockhart  to  James,  Sept.  10.  1723.    James's  answer,  NOT. 
24.  1723. 
J  Lockhart's  Memoirs,  voL  ii.  p.  108. 


42  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CIIAP.  XH. 

shut  out  all  the  Jacobites  from  Parliament ;  swearing 
allegiance  to  King  Louis  Philippe  does  not  shut  out  all 
the  Carlists  from  the  Chambers.  Nay  more,  so  far  may 
right  principle  be  distorted  by  faction,  that  such  breach 
of  faith  is  not  only  excused  but  even  praised  by  the  party 
which  it  aids.  The  Jacobites,  beyond  all  doubt,  ap- 
plauded their  leader,  Mr.  Shippen  —  that  worthy,  public- 
spirited  man,  they  probably  said,  who  has  had  the 
courage  to  swear  against  his  conscience  on  purpose  to 
serve  the  good  cause !  There  were,  of  course,  numerous 
exceptions;  but  I  am  speaking  of  the  general  effect. 
And  though  we  might  reasonably  infer  from  theory 
that  men  whom  we  find  honourable  and  high-minded  in 
private  life,  and  in  far  more  trifling  transactions,  would 
be  scrupulously  bound  by  the  solemn  and  public  obliga- 
tion of  an  oath,  yet  experience,  I  apprehend,  would  teach 
the  very  reverse. 

It  was  not  till  after  these  preliminaries,  that  a  Select 
Committee  was  appointed  to  examine  Layer  and  others, 
in  relation  to  the  plot.  The  Report  of  this  Committee, 
drawn  up  by  Pulteney,  their  Chairman,  and  read  to  the 
House  on  the  1st  of  March,  is  a  very  long  and  circum- 
stantial document.  The  evidence  which  it  gives  touch- 
ing Atterbury,  though  founded  on  many  trifling  inci- 
dents, such  as  the  dog  Harlequin,  and  dark  hints  in 
intercepted  letters,  was  yet,  by  their  combination,  as  I 
think,  more  than  sufficient  to  satisfy  any  candid  minds. 
The  Opposition,  however,  did  not  belong  to  that  class ; 
they  not  only  asserted  the  innocence  of  Atterbury,  and 
of  the  rest,  but  maintained  that  the  plot  itself  was  a 
chimera,  devised  by  Ministers  for  the  basest  purposes 
of  faction.  The  incident  of  Harlequin  especially  was 
held  up  to  ridicule.  Swift,  who  during  the  last  nine 
years  had  prudently  kept  aloof,  at  Dublin,  from  party 
warfare,  could  not  resist  this  tempting  opportunity  to 
resume  it,  and  poured  forth  one  of  his  happiest  strains  of 
satire  on  the  "  horrid  conspiracy''  discovered  by  a  French 
dog,  who  "  confessed,  as  plain  as  he  could  bark,  then  with 
"  his  forefoot  set  his  mark  ! "  *  To  this  conspiracy  he 
afterwards  alluded  in  Gulliver's  Travels,  as  "  the  work- 

*  Swift's  Works,  voL  x.  p.  462.    Scott's  ed. 


1723.          DEATH  OP  EARL  COWPER.  43 

"  manship  of  persons  who  desire  to  raise  their  own 
"  character  of  profound  politicians ;  to  restore  new 
"  vigour  to  a  crazy  administration  ;  to  stifle  or  divert 
"  general  discontents ;  and  to  fill  their  coffers  with  for- 
"  feitures."*  Such  is  party  justice ! 

From  the  Report  of  the  Committee,  or  the  Evidence 
appended,  it  appeared  that  several  other  Peers  had  been 
named  in  the  depositions :  Lords  Scarsdale,  Strafibrd, 
Craven,  Gower,  Bathurst,  Bingley,  and  Cowper.  They 
all  took  an  early  occasion  to  repel  the  imputation  in  the 
House  of  Lords.  Cowper,  especially,  said  that  after 
having  on  so  many  occasions,  and  in  the  most  difficult 
times,  given  undoubted  proofs  of  his  zeal  for  the  Protest- 
ant Succession,  he  had  just  reason  to  be  offended  to  see 
his  name  bandied  about  in  a  list  of  a  chimerical  club.  It 
was  replied  by  Townshend,  that  his  Lordship's  name 
being  part  of  an  examination,  there  was  an  absolute 
necessity  for  inserting  it ;  but  that  the  Committee  were 
entirely  satisfied  of  his  innocence,  and  that  it  was  only 
surprising  that  a  peer  of  so  much  ability  and  merit 
should  thence  proceed  to  ridicule  as  a  fiction  a  well- 
proved  conspiracy,  and  from  one  false  circumstance  infer 
that  no  part  of  it  was  true.  It  is  certain  that  the  Jaco- 
bites had  some  vague  hopes  of  Lord  Cowper.  I  have 
seen,  in  the  Stuart  Papers,  a  letter  of  solicitation  to  him 
from  Lord  Mar,  and  another  apparently  addressed  by 
James  himself,  f  But  I  found  nothing  whatever  to  show 
that  he  had  accepted  or  even  answered  these  overtures, 
and  it  would  require  strong  proofs  indeed  to  outweigh 
those  afforded  to  the  contrary  by  the  whole  course  and 
tenour  of  his  life.  This  is  almost  the  last  public  trans- 
action in  which  that  eminent  man  took  part :  he  died  the 
same  year,  on  the  10th  of  October,  of  a  strangury.  On 
his  death-bed,  he  ordered  that  his  son  should  never 
travel.J  His  memory  deserves  high  respect :  in  him  a 
profound  knowledge  of  law  was  supported  by  a  ready 
eloquence,  and  adorned  by  elegant  accomplishments ; 

*  Swift's  Works,  voL  xil  p.  244. 

•f-  Lord  Mar's  letter  is  dated  Sept.  17.  1717.  The  Pretender's  is 

endorsed  "  To  Mr.  C r,"  and  might  be  designed  for  Mr.  Caesar, 

though  the  contents  render  it  less  likely. 

%  Spence's  Anecdotes,  p.  333. 


44  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  Xn. 

and,  unlike  most  advocates,  the  light  which  had  shone 
at  the  Bar  was  not  quenched  in  the  closer  atmosphere  of 
the  Senate.  And  though  it  seems  that  the  old  by-word  was 
applied  to  him  of  "  Cowper-law  —  to  hang  a  man  first, 
"  and  then  judge  him,"  *  —  I  believe  that  it  proceeded 
from  party  resentment  rather  than  from  any  real  fault. 

After  the  close  of  the  Commons'  Committee,  one  was 
also  appointed  by  the  Lords  ;  but  its  Report  did  not  add 
materially  to  the  proofs  already  known.  Layer  had  been 
already  tried  at  the  King's  Bench,  and  condemned  to 
death ;  he  was  reprieved  for  examination  before  these 
Committees ;  but  not  disclosing  as  much  as  was  hoped, 
he  was  executed  at  Tyburn,  and  his  head  affixed  at 
Temple  Bar.  In  a  more  lenient  spirit,  Bills  of  Pains  and 
Penalties  were  introduced  against  Plunkett  and  Kelly, 
subjecting  them  to  imprisonment  during  pleasure,  and  to 
confiscation  of  their  property.  These  Bills  passed  both 
Houses  by  large  majorities.  With  respect  to  the  head  of 
these  subalterns,  the  Bishop  of  Rochester,  a  Bill  was 
brought  in  by  Yonge  (afterwards  Sir  William)  enacting 
his  banishment  and  deprivation,  but  without  forfeiture 
of  goods ;  that  it  should  be  felony  to  correspond  with 
him  without  the  King's  licence ;  and  that  the  King 
should  have  no  power  to  pardon  him  without  consent 
of  Parliament. 

The  Bishop,  on  receiving  a  copy  of  this  Bill,  wrote  to 
the  Speaker,  requesting  to  have  Sir  Constantine  Phipps 
and  Mr.  Wynne  as  his  counsel,  and  Mr.  Morice  as  his 
solicitor,  and  that  they  might  have  free  access  to  him  in 
private.  This  was  granted.  He  next  applied  to  the 
Lords,  stating  that  as,  by  a  Standing  Order  of  their  House 
of  January  20.  1673,  no  Lord  might  appear  by  counsel 
before  the  other  House,  he  was  at  a  loss  how  to  act,  and 
humbly  requested  their  direction.  The  Lords  determined 
that  leave  should  be  given  him  to  be  heard  by  counsel  or 
otherwise,  as  he  might  think  proper  ;  but  Atterbury,  who 
had  probably  only  taken  these  steps  with  the  view  of 
raising  difficulties,  or  creating  a  grievance  to  complain 
of,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Speaker,  on  the  very  day  he  was 
expected  to  make  his  defence,  to  the  effect  that  he  should 

*  See  voL  i.  p.  198.,  or  the  evidence  at  Lord  Wintoun's  trial. 


1723.      PROCEEDINGS  AGAINST  ATTERBURY.        45 

decline  giving  that  House  any  trouble,  and  content  him- 
self with  the  opportunity,  if  the  Bill  went  on,  of  making 
his  defence  before  another  House,  of  which  he  had  the 
honour  to  be  a  member. 

Accordingly,  the  Bill  having  passed  the  Commons 
without  a  division,  the  Bishop  was  brought  to  the  Bar 
of  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  6th  of  May.  The  evidence 
against  him  being  first  gone  through,  some  was  produced 
on  his  side.  Amongst  his  witnesses  were  Erasmus 
Lewis,  to  prove,  from  his  official  experience,  how  easily 
hand-writing  may  be  counterfeited ;  and  Pope,  to  depose 
to  the  Bishop's  domestic  habits  and  literary  employments. 
Pope  had  but  few  words  to  speak,  and  in  those  few  we 
are  told  that  he  made  several  blunders.  But  those  on 
whom  Atterbury  most  relied  were  three  persons  who  in- 
validated the  confessions  of  Mr.  Neynoe,  as  taken  before 
his  escape  and  death,  and  who  alleged  that  Walpole  had 
tampered  with  that  witness.  One  of  them  (Mr.  Skeene) 
stated  that  having  asked  Neynoe,  whether,  in  real  truth, 
he  knew  any  thing  of  a  plot,  Neynoe  answered,  that  he 
knew  of  two ;  one  of  Mr.  Walpole's  against  some  great 
men,  the  other  of  his  own,  which  was  only  to  get  eighteen 
or  twenty  thousand  pounds  from  Mr.  Walpole  !  It  should 
be  observed,  however,  that  of  these  three  witnesses,  one 
at  least  was  of  very  suspicious  character,  having  been 
convicted,  whipt,  and  pilloried,  at  Dublin,  for  a  treason- 
able libel.  Their  charges  made  it  necessary  for  Walpole 
himself  to  appear  as  a  witness,  and  disavow  them.  On 
this  occasion,  the  Bishop  used  all  his  art  to  perplex  the 
Minister,  and  make  him  contradict  himself,  but  did  not 
succeed ;  "  a  greater  trial  of  skill,"  observes  Speaker 
Onslow,  "  than  scarce  ever  happened  between  two  such 
"  combatants ;  the  one  fighting  for  his  reputation,  the 
"  other  for  his  acquittal."  * 

*  Atterbury  always  looked  upon  Walpole  as  the  prime  author  of 
his  ruin.  The  epitaph  which  he  wrote  for  himself  in  his  exile  thus 
concludes :  — 

HOC  FACINORI8 

CONSCmT,  AGGRE88U8  E8T,  PERPETRAT1T 
(EPISCOPOKUM  PR^CIPCK  SDFFRAGIIS  ADJUTCS) 

ROBERT US  J8TE  WALPOLE 
QUEM  NULLA  NF,SCIET  FOSTERITAS  ! 
See  his  Correspondence,  vol.  L  p.  302. 


46  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XU. 

Whatever  vindication  there  may  be  for  Jacobite  prin- 
ciples in  general,  it  is  shocking  to  find  a  clergyman,  and 
a  prelate,  swear  allegiance  to  the  King  whom  he  was 
plotting  to  dethrone,  and  solemnly  protest  his  innocence 
while  labouring  under  a  consciousness  of  guilt.  The 
Bishop's  own  defence,  which  was  spoken  on  the  llth  of 
May  *,  begins  with  a  touching  recital  of  the  hardships  he 
had  suffered  in  captivity.  "  By  which  means,"  he  add?, 
"  what  little  strength  and  use  of  my  limbs  I  had  when 
"  committed,  in  August  last,  is  now  so  far  impaired,  that 
"  I  am  very  unfit  to  appear  before  your  Lordships  on  any 
"  occasion,  especially  when  I  am  to  make  my  defence 
"  against  a  Bill  of  so  extraordinary  a  nature."  Atterbury 
next  enters  into  a  masterly  review,  and,  so  far  as  was 
possible,  refutation,  of  the  evidence  against  him ;  and 
proceeds,  in  a  high  strain  of  eloquence,  to  ask  what 
motives  could  have  driven  him  into  a  conspiracy.  "  What 
"  could  tempt  me,  my  Lords,  thus  to  step  out  of  my  way  ? 
"  Was  it  ambition,  and  a  desire  of  climbing  into  a  higher 
"  station  in  the  Church  ?  There  is  not  a  man  of  my 
"  Order  further  removed  from  views  of  this  kind  than  I 

"  am Was  money  my  aim  ?     I  always  despised 

"  it,  too  much,  perhaps,  considering  the  occasion  I  may 
'  now  have  for  it.  Out  of  a  poor  Bishoprick  of  500/.  a 
year,  I  did  in  eight  years'  time  lay  out  2000Z.  upon  the 
house  and  the  appurtenances ;  and  because  I  knew  the 
circumstances  in  which  my  predecessor  left  his  family, 
I  took  not  one  shilling  for  dilapidations ;  and  the  rest 
of  my  income  has  all  been  spent  as  that  of  a  Bishop 

should  be,  in  hospitality  and  charity Was  I 

influenced  by  any  dislike  of  the  Established  Religion, 
any  secret  inclination  towards  Popery,  a  church  of 
greater  pomp  and  power?  Malice  has  ventured  even 
"  thus  far  to  asperse  me.  I  have,  my  Lords,  ever  since 
"  I  knew  what  Popery  was,  disliked  it ;  and  the  better  I 

"  knew  it,  the  more  I  opposed  it Thirty-seven 

"  years  ago  I  wrote  in  defence  of  Martin  Luther 

"  And  whatever  happens  to  me,  I  will  suffer  any  thing, 

*  This  Defence,  as  printed  in  the  Parl.  History,  is  mutilated  and 
imperfect.  But  it  is  correctly  given  from  an  authentic  MS.  in  Atter- 
bury's  Correspondence,  voL  ii.  pp.  105 — 180. 


1723  ATTERBURY'S  DEFENCE.  47 

"  and  would  by  God's  grace,  burn  at  the  stake,  rather 
"  than,  in  any  material  point,  depart  from  the  Protestant 

"  Religion,  as  professed  in  the  Church  of  England 

'  Once  more,  can  I  be  supposed  to  favour  arbitrary 
'  power  ?  The  whole  tenour  of  my  life  speaks  otherwise. 
'  I  was  always  a  friend  to  the  liberty  of  the  subject,  and, 
'  to  the  best  of  my  power,  a  constant  maintainer  of  it. 
'  I  may  have  been  mistaken,  perhaps,  in  the  measures  I 
"  took  for  its  support  at  junctures  when  it  was  thought 
"  expedient  for  the  state  to  seem  to  neglect  public  liberty, 

"  in  order,  I  suppose,  to  secure  it I  am  here,  my 

"  Lords,  and  have  been  here,  expecting,  for  eight  months, 
"  an  immediate  trial.  I  have,  my  Lords,  declined  no 
"  impeachment  —  no  due  course  of  law  that  might  have 

"  been  taken The  correspondence  with  the  Earl 

"  of  Clarendon  was  made  treason,  but  with  me  it  is  only 
"  felony ;  yet  he  was  allowed  an  intercourse  with  his 
"  children  by  the  express  words  of  the  Act :  mine  are 
"  not  so  much  as  to  write,  so  much  as  to  send  any  mes- 
"  sage,  to  me,  without  a  Sign  Manual !  .  .  .  .  The  great 
"  man  I  mentioned  carried  a  great  fortune  with  him  into 
"  a  foreign  country :  he  had  the  languages,  and  was  well 
"  acquainted  abroad ;  he  had  spent  the  best  part  of  his 
"  years  in  exile,  and  was  therefore  every  way  qualified 
"  to  support  it.  The  reverse  of  all  this  is  my  case. 
"  Indeed,  I  am  like  him  in  nothing  but  his  innocence  and 
"  his  punishment.  It  is  in  no  man's  power  to  make  us 
"  differ  in  the  one,  but  it  is  in  your  Lordships'  power  to 
"  distinguish  us  widely  in  the  other,  and  I  hope  your 

"  Lordships  will  do  it Shall  I,  my  Lords,  be  de- 

"  prived  of  all  that  is  valuable  to  an  Englishman  (for,  in 
"  the  circumstances  to  which  I  am  to  be  reduced,  life 
"  itself  is  scarce  valuable)  by  such  an  evidence  as  this  ? — 
"  such  an  evidence  as  would  not  be  admitted  in  any 
"  other  cause,  or  any  other  court,  nor  allowed,  I  verily 
"  believe,  to  condemn  a  Jew  in  the  Inquisition  of  Spain 
«  or  Portugal  ?  " 

He  thus  concludes:  "If,  after  all,  it  shall  still  be 
"  thought  by  your  Lordships  that  there  is  any  seeming 
"  strength  in  the  proofs  produced  against  me ;  if  by 
"  private  persuasions  of  my  guilt,  founded  on  unseen, 
"  unknown  motives ;  if  for  any  reasons  or  necessities  of 


48  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XH. 

*'  state,  of  which  I  am  no  competent  judge,  your  Lord- 
"  ships  shall  be  induced  to  proceed  on  this  Bill,  God's 
"  will  be  done !  Naked  came  I  out  of  my  mother's  womb, 
"  and  naked  shall  I  return  ;  and  whether  He  gives  or 
"  takes  away,  blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord  ! " 

The  Bishop  having  ended  this  most  eloquent  and 
affecting  defence,  and  one  of  the  counsel  for  the  Bill  hav- 
ing replied,  the  Lords  took  their  debate  on  the  question, 
That  this  Bill  do  pass.  The  ablest  speeches  on  the 
Bishop's  side  were  the  Duke  of  Wharton's  *  and  Lord 
Cowper's  ;  the  latter  not  merely  maintaining  Atterbury's 
innocence,  but  inveighing  against  any  Parliamentary 
deprivation  of  a  Bishop.  "  The  old  champions  of  our 
"  Church,"  said  he,  "  used  to  argue  very  learnedly  that 
"  to  make  or  to  degrade  Bishops  was  not  the  business  of 
"  the  state  ;  that  there  is  a  spiritual  relation  between  the 
"  Bishop  and  his  flock,  derived  from  the  church,  with 
"  which  the  state  has  nothing  to  do.  What  the  thoughts 
"  of  our  reverend  prelates  are  upon  these  points  does  not 
"  yet  fully  appear  ;  something  of  their  conduct  intimates 
"  as  if  our  old  divines  were  mistaken."  In  fact,  most  of 
the  Bishops  were  now  taking  a  forward  and  eager  part 
against  their  brother ;  and  one  of  them,  (Wynne,  of  St. 
Asaph,)  very  little  to  his  honour,  even  went  so  far  as  to 
volunteer  evidence,  which,  when  close  pressed,  he  was 
not  able  to  maintain.  Their  hostility  provoked  a  bitter 
sarcasm  from  Lord  Bathurst.  Turning  to  their  bench, 
he  exclaimed,  that  he  could  hardly  account  for  the  invete- 
rate malice  some  persons  bore  the  learned  and  ingenious 
Bishop  of  Rochester,  unless  they  were  possessed  with  the 
infatuation  of  the  wild  Indians,  who  fondly  believe  they 
will  inherit  not  only  the  spoils,  but  even  the  abilities,  of 
any  great  enemy  they  kill ! 

On  a  division,  43  Peers  voted  against  the  Bill,  but  83 
for  it ;  and  it  received  the  Royal  Assent  on  the  27th  of 
the  same  month. 

On  the  whole  of  this  transaction  we  may,  undoubtedly, 
condemn  the  vindictive  severity  which  oppressed  Atter- 

*  "  This  speech,"  says  Dr.  King,  "  was  heard  with  universal  admi- 
"  ration,  and  was,  indeed,  not  unworthy  of  the  oldest  senator,  or 
"  the  most  able  and  eloquent  lawyer."  (Anecdotes  of  his  own  Times, 
p.  35. 


1723.  ATTERBURT  IN  EXILE.  49 

bury  in  the  Tower*,  and  which  denounced  any  corre- 
spondence with  him  when  abroad  ;  but  we  can  scarcely 
consider  the  main  clauses  of  the  Bill  as  otherwise  than 
moderate.  The  crime  Atterbury  had  committed  was  no 
less  than  high  treason ;  and  had  the  Ministers  been  men 
of  blood,  there  might,  I  think,  have  been  evidence  suffi- 
cient (I  am  sure  that  there  were  voters  ready)  to  bring 
Mm  to  the  scaffold.  His  punishment  was,  therefore,  a 
mitigation  of  that  which  our  law  imposes :  nor  should 
our  admiration  of  genius  ever  betray  us  into  an  apology 
of  guilt.  But  the  great  reproach  to  which  his  punish- 
ment is  liable  is  that  it  set  aside  those  ordinary  forms, 
and  those  precious  safeguards,  which  the  law  of  treason 
enjoins  —  a  violence  of  which  the  danger  is  not  felt,  only 
because  the  precedent  has,  happily,  not  been  followed. 

Atterbury  received  the  news  of  his  fate  with  fortitude 
and  composure  ;  in  fact,  he  had  foreseen  it  as  inevitable. 
He  took  an  affecting  leave  of  his  friends,  who  were  now 
permitted  to  see  him,  especially  of  Pope.  At  their  last 
interview  Atterbury  presented  him  with  a  Bible  as  his 
keepsake.  "Perhaps,"  says  Pope,  with  much  feeling, 
"  it  is  not  only  in  this  world  that  I  may  have  cause  to 
"  remember  the  Bishop  of  Rochester."  f  Next  day,  the 
J  8th  of  June,  the  Bishop  was  embarked  on  board  a  man- 
of-war,  without  any  of  the  tumults  which  the  Ministers 
feared  on  that  occasion  ;  and  conveyed  to  Calais.  As  he 

*  Coxe  endeavours  to  palliate  this  severity,  and  alleges  a  case 
where,  by  the  connivance  of  the  Government,  Atterbury  received  some 
money  from  a  lease  of  the  Chapter  of  Westminster.  But  here  seems 
some  error.  He  quotes  a  document  of  the  Chapter,  dated  May  31. 
1 723,  and  speaking  of  Atterbury  as  the  "  present  Dean."  But  would 
he  be  so  styled  at  that  time,  the  Bill  for  his  deprivation  having 
received  the  Royal  Assent  four  days  before  ?  Memoirs  of  Walpole, 
vol.  i.  p.  171. 

f  See  Johnson's  Life  of  Pope.  This  gift  of  a  Bible  has  given  rise 
to  a  most  calumnious  story  of  something  which  Dr.  Maty  said,  that 
Lord  Chesterfield  said,  that  Pope  said,  that  the  Bishop  said  !  Excel- 
lent evidence  to  accuse  of  Deism  one  of  our  greatest  theological 
writers !  ^ee  this  story  and  some  decisive  evidence  against  it  quoted 
in  the  Encyclop.  Brit.  art.  ATTERBURT.  It  seems  quite  out  of  place 
in  "  Pope's  Character  by  Lord  Chesterfield."  —  I  must  own,  ho^a'vcT, 
that  it  does  form  part  of  that  "  Character  "  in  the  original  MS.  which 
I  had  an  opportunity  of  collating  since  the  earlier  editions  of  thcae 
volumes.  (1852.) 

VOL.  H.  E 


50  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XH. 

went  on  shore  he  was  told  that  Lord  Bolingbroke,  having 
received  the  King's  pardon,  was  just  arrived  at  the  same 
place,  on  his  return  to  England.  "  Then  I  am  ex- 
"  changed !  "  said  Atterbury  with  a  smile.  "  Surely," 
exclaims  their  friend  at  Twickenham,  "  this  nation  is 
"  afraid  of  being  over-run  with  too  much  politeness,  and 
"  cannot  regain  one  great  genius  but  at  the  expense  of 
"  another !  "  * 

The  pardon  which  Bolingbroke  now  obtained  had  been 
for  a  long  time  pending.  When  he  was  dismissed  by  the 
Pretender,  in  1716,  and  renounced  that  party  for  ever,  he 
found,  as  he  says,  Lord  Stair  instructed,  from  England, 
to  treat  with  him.  A  negotiation  was  accordingly  opened, 
Bolingbroke  declaring  that  he  would  never  reveal  any 
secret,  nor  betray  any  friend  ;  but  that  he  was  ready,  in 
future,  to  serve  his  King  and  country  with  zeal  and 
affection  ;  and  that  he  never  did  any  thing  by  halves. 
Jt  was  then  that  Bolingbroke  took  the  measure  of  writing 
a  private  letter  to  Sir  William  Wyndham,  pointing  out 
the  weakness  of  the  Pretender's  character,  and  the  small 
hopes  of  his  cause,  and  urging  his  friend  to  turn  his 
thoughts  elsewhere ;  which  letter  Bolingbroke  sent,  un- 
sealed, to  the  Postmaster-General,  to  be  laid  before  the 
Government,  and  to  be  forwarded  or  not,  as  they  thought 
proper.f  In  thus  acting  Bolingbroke  did  no  injury  to 
his  friend,  who  was  already  more  than  suspected  of 
Jacobite  principles,  and  who  was  not  at  all  legally  endan- 
gered by  receiving  such  advice,  while  the  adviser  served 
himself  by  this  decided  and  acceptable  token  of  his  new- 
born zeal  for  the  House  of  Hanover. 

It  was  certain,  as  Lord  Stair  truly  observed,  that  there 
was  no  man  who  could  do  so  much  injury  to  the  Jacobite 
cause.  The  Ministers,  therefore,  were  anxious  to  secure 
him  J,  and  he  had  a  zealous  advocate  in  the  Duchess  of 
Kendal,  to  whom  his  purse  was  full  of  irresistible  argu- 
ments. The  animosity  of  the  Whig  party  in  general  was, 

*  Pope  to  Swift,  1723. 

•f  This  letter  is  dated  Sept.  13.  1716;  and  printed  in  Coxe's 
Walpole,  vol.  ii.  p.  308.  ;  together  with  one  from  Townshend  to 
Stanhope  on  the  subject.  The  original  was  duly  forwarded  to 
Wyndham. 

J  See  in  the  Appendix  his  letter  to  Lord  Stanhope,  November  9, 
1717  ;  and  the  Hardwicke  State  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  558. 


1723.  LORD   BOLINGBROKE  IN  ENGLAND.  51 

however,  at  that  time,  so  strong  as  to  form  an  almost  in- 
superable bar  to  his  return  ;  and  a  rumour  of  it,  in  1719, 
was  artfully  turned  by  Walpole  into  a  political  weapon. 
In  his  pamphlet  on  the  Peerage  Bill,  speaking  of  Lord 
Oxford,  he  remarks,  with  indignation,  that  "  his  rival  in 
"  guilt  and  power  even  now  presumes  to  expect  an  Act 
"  of  the.  Legislature  to  indemnify  him,  and  qualify  his 
"  villany !  "  With  such  formidable  opposition  it  seemed 
useless  to  propose  so  unpopular  a  measure ;  but  when 
Walpole  succeeded  Stanhope  and  Sunderland  in  office, 
he  quietly  slid  into  this  as  into  most  of  their  other  mea- 
sures;  and  in  May,  1723,  the  pardon  of  Bolingbroke 
passed  the  Great  Seal. 

This  pardon,  however,  was  only  so  far  as  the  King 
could  grant  it ;  it  secured  the  person  of  Bolingbroke,  and 
enabled  him  to  visit  England  ;  but  it  required  an  Act  of 
Parliament  to  restore  his  forfeited  estates,  and  his  seat  in 
the  House  of  Peers.  To  obtain  such  an  Act  immediately 
became  Bolingbroke's  first  and  most  anxious  object ; 
and  a  large  sum  which  he  had  gained  in  the  Mississippi 
speculations,  afforded  him  fresh  means  to  convince  the 
Duchess  of  Kendal  of  the  justice  of  his  claims.  His 
second  object,  during  all  this  time,  was  to  persuade  his 
friends  that  he  was  nearly  indifferent  to  his  restoration, 
and  quite  happy  in  exile  and  in  literary  leisure.  While 
his  life  was  full  of  nothing  but  intrigue,  his  private  letters 
are  full  of  nothing  but  philosophy.  "  Some  superfluous 
'  twigs  are  every  day  cut,  and,  as  they  lessen  in  number, 
'  the  bough  which  bears  the  golden  fruit  of  friendship 

'  shoots,  swell,  and  spreads." "  Those  insects,  of 

'  various  hues,  which  used  to  hum  and  buzz  about  me 
'  while  I  stood  in  the  sunshine,  have  disappeared  since  I 
lived  in  the  shade."  *  Great  but  ill-regulated  genius ! 
Cicero  could  not  write  better,  —  Clodius  could  not  act 
worse ! 

When  the  fallen  Minister  arrived  in  England,  he  found 
that  the  King  had  already  sailed  for  Germany,  attended 
by  Lords  Townshend  and  Carteret,  and  the  Duchess  of 
Kendal,  and  was  not  expected  to  return  for  some  time  ; 
in  fact,  His  Majesty  extended  his  absence  to  six  months, 
and  his  journey  to  Berlin,  on  a  visit  to  his  son-in-law, 
*  Letters  to  Swift,  1721,  1723. 

B  2 


52  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XII. 

the  King  of  Prussia.*  Bolingbroke,  therefore,  could  only 
write  letters  of  thanks  to  the  King,  to  the  Duchess,  and 
to  Townshend,  entreating,  at  the  same  time,  their  further 
favour  ;  but  he  availed  himself  of  his  stay  in  England  to 
renew  his  political  connections,  especially  with  his  tried 
friends,  Sir  William  Wyndham  and  Lord  Harcourt. 
The  former  still  stood  at  the  head  of  the  Tories  in  the 
House  of  Commons ;  the  latter,  who  had  filled  the  office 
of  Chancellor  in  the  last  years  of  Anne,  was  by  no  means 
as  steady  in  his  public  course.  Even  at  that  time  Swift 
had  called  him  "trimming  Harcourt  ;Tf  but  now  he  had 
entirely  left  his  party,  and  risen  so  high  in  Ministerial 
favour,  as  to  be  created  a  Viscount,  gratified  with  a  pen- 
sion, and  appointed  one  of  the  Lords  Justices  at  the 
King's  departure.  Thus  it  had  been  in  Harcourt's  power 
greatly  to  promote  the  pardon  of  his  friend,  in  May  last, 
and  he  deserved  gratitude,  both  in  the  true  sense  of  that 
word,  and  in  that  which  Bolingbroke  gives  it,  where  he 
says,  in  one  of  his  letters,  that  "  what  we  call  gratitude  is 
"  generally  expectation."  J 

Bolingbroke  also  waited  on  Walpole,  and,  alluding  to 
Harcourt's  accession,  told  him  that  Wyndham,  Lord 
Bathurst,  and  Lord  Gower,  were  beginning  to  be  dis- 
gusted with  a  fruitless  opposition.  They  had,  he  said, 
been  for  some  time  in  communication  with  Lord  Carteret ; 
but  now  thought  themselves  deceived  by  him,  and  might 
probably  be  brought  into  the  measures  of  the  Court,  and 
into  a  support  of  Townshend  and  Walpole.  Nothing 
could  have  been  more  advantageous  to  the  country  than 
such  a  junction :  it  would  have  healed  many  wounds  of 
faction,  and  broken  one  great  lever  of  the  Jacobites  ;  but 
it  might  also  have  endangered  the  supremacy  of  Walpole, 
and  given  a  strong  claim  to  Bolingbroke.  Walpole, 
therefore,  with  whom  his  own  power  was  always  the 

*  Of  the  King's  journey,  Swift  writes  with  much  humour  :  "  The 
"  next  packet  will  bring  us  word  of  the  King  and  Bishop  of  Rochester 
"  leaving  England.  A  good  journey  to  the  one,  and  a  speedy  return 
"to  the  other,  is  an  honest  Whig  wish  !"  (To  Mr.  Cope,  June  1. 
1 723.)  The  King's  visit  to  Berlin  is  described  in  the  Mem.  de  Bareith. 
vol.  i.  pp.  84 — 87. 

t  Swift's  Works,  vol.  x.  p.  398. 

J  To  Sir  William  Wyndham,  January  5.  1736. 


1723.  LORD  CARTERET.  53 

paramount  consideration,  received  these  overtures  most 
coldly  and  ungraciously,  and  met  them  with  a  positive 
refusal;  adding,  that  as  Boliagbroke's  restoration  de- 
pended on  a  Whig  Parliament,  he  ought,  in  Prudence,  to 
shun  any  fresh  connection  with  Tories ;  and  that  the 
Ministers  would  not  hazard  the  King's  affairs  by  propos- 
ing this  restoration  rashly.* 

Bolingbroke,  seeing  that  no  impression  was  to  be  made 
in  this  quarter,  seemed  to  acquiesce  in  the  Minister's 
reasoning,  and  left  England  for  Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  hopes, 
from  thence,  to  pay  a  visit  at  Hanover.  But  not  obtain- 
ing the  desired  permission,  he  returned  to  Paris,  where  a 
new  field  was  opening  to  his  ambition  and  abilities. 
Cardinal  Dubois  had  died  in  August,  and  was  followed 
by  his  patron,  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  in  less  than  four 
months.  The  young  King  having  nominally  come  of 
age,  no  other  Regent  was  appointed ;  but  the  new  Prime 
Minister  was  the  Duke  de  Bourbon,  a  weak  man,  chiefly 
governed  by  an  aspiring  mistress,  Madame  de  Prie. 
Over  this  prince,  and  over  this  lady,  Bolingbroke  had 
great  influence;  "for  these  many  years,"  says  he,  "I  have 
"  been  honoured  with  his  friendship  ;"  f  and  his  own 
marriage  with  the  Marquise  de  Villette,  a  niece  of  Madame 
de  Maintenon,  was  another  link  of  his  close  connection 
with  the  Court  of  France.  There  was  no  variation  in 
the  foreign  policy  of  that  Court ;  the  scene  had  not 
shifted,  though  the  actors  were  changed.  But  a  struggle 
for  power  was  now  going  on  in  the  English  Cabinet 
between  Lords  Townshend  and  Carteret;  and  that 
struggle,  as  will  presently  be  seen,  was  brought  to  issue 
on  French  ground,  where  Bolingbroke  had  both  the 
means  and  the  inclination  to  take  an  active  part. 

The  new  Secretary  of  State,  John  Lord  Carteret  (after- 
wards, on  the  death  of  his  mother,  Earl  Granville),  was 
born  in  1690.  No  one  ever  combined,  in  a  more  eminent 
degree,  the  learning  of  a  scholar  with  the  talents  of  a 
statesman.  The  ancient  languages  he  had  deeply  studied ; 
of  the  modern,  French,  Italian,  Spanish,  Portuguese,  Ger- 
man, and  Swedish,  were  equally  familiar  to  him.  Mr. 
Harte,  in  a  preface  to  his  "  Gustavus  Adolphus,"  after 

•  Walpole  to  Townsheml,  July  23.  1723. 

f  To  Lord  Harcourt,  December  28.  1723. 

£  3 


54  HISTORY   OF   EXGLAXD.  CHAP.  XII. 

Granville's  death,  and,  therefore,  without  any  interested 
adulation,  celebrates  his  knowledge  of  Chemnitz  and 
other  recondite  writers ;  and  observes,  that  "  he  under- 
"  stood  the  German  and  Swedish  histories  to  the  highest 
"  perfection."  He  might  have  lectured  upon  public  law. 
He  might  have  taken  his  seat  in  a  synod,  and  taught  the 
Canonists.  Yet  in  public  life  no  rust  of  pedantry  ever 
dimmed  his  keen  and  brilliant  intellect.  In  debate,  his 
eloquence  was  always  ready,  always  warm,  and  has  even 
been  blamed  for  the  profusion  of  ideas  which  crowded 
from  him.  In  council,  men  of  letters  are,  in  general,  be- 
wildered by  too  nice  a  balance  of  opposite  advantages  : 
Carteret,  on  the  contrary,  was  always  daring  and  decisive. 
Most  remarkable  testimonies  to  his  ability  might  be  ga- 
thered from  the  writings  even  of  his  strongest  political 
opponents.  Chesterfield  was  his  enemy  ;  yet  Chesterfield 
writes  to  his  son,  "  They  say  Lord  Granville  is  dying. 
"  When  he  dies,  the  ablest  head  in  England  dies  too, 
"  take  it  for  all  in  all."*  Horace  Walpole  was  his  enemy ; 
yet  when  Walpole  weighs  him  in  the  balance  with  his 
own  father,  with  Mansfield,  and  with  Chatham,  he  de- 
clares that  none  of  them  had  the  genius  of  Granville.f 

Yet,  with  all  this,  Carteret  neither  fills,  nor  deserves  to 
fill,  any  very  high  niche  in  the  Temple  of  Fame.  There 
was  a  want  of  consistency,  not  in  his  principles,  but  in 
his  efforts  and  exertions.  He  would  be  all  fire  to-day, 
all  ice  to-morrow.  He  was  ready  to  attempt  any  thing, 
but  frequently  grew  weary  of  his  own  projects,  and  sel- 
dom took  sufficient  means  to  secure  their  accomplishment. 
Ambition  generally  ruled  him,  but  the  mastery  was  often 
disputed  by  wine.  Two  daily  bottles  of  Burgundy  made 
him  happy  in  himself,  and  independent  of  state  affairs. 
Seldom  granting  a  kindness,  and  as  seldom  resenting  an 
injury,  he  was  incapable  both  of  firm  friendship  and  set- 
tled animosity — not  above  revenge,  but  below  it.  At 
the  most  critical  period  of  his  life,  when,  on  the  fall  of 
Walpole,  he  had  become  chief  Minister,  and  was  driven 
from  office  by  a  combination  formed  partly  of  his  own 
pretended  friends,  even  then,  says  a  contemporary,  he 
showed  no  anger  nor  resentment,  nor,  indeed,  any  feeling 

*  Letter,  December  13.  1762. 

f  Memoirs  of  George  the  Second,  vol.  iu  p.  272. 


1723.  LORD  CARTERET.  55 

except  thirst.*  A  careless,  lolling,  laughing  love  of  self ; 
a  sort  of  Epicurean  ease,  roused  to  action  by  starts  and 
bounds — such  was  his  real  character.  For  such  a  man 
to  be  esteemed  really  great,  he  must  die  early  !  He  may 
dazzle  as  he  passes,  but  cannot  bear  a  close  and  continued 
gaze. 

Carteret  had  come  forth  in  public  life  under  the  guid- 
ance of  Stanhope  and  Sunderland.  The  former  made 
him  Ambassador  to  Sweden  in  1719;  the  latter,  Secre- 
tary of  State  on  the  death  of  Craggs.  For  the  memory 
of  both  these  statesmen  he  always  expressed  the  highest 
veneration  and  attachment,  and  he  considered  himself  as 
representing  them  and  their  principles  in  the  Cabinet. 
Like  them,  he  thought,  that  as  time  proceeded,  the  basis 
of  administration  might  be  enlarged,  and  some  moderate 
Tories  brought  over  to  join  it..  Like  them,  he  maintained, 
that  to  shut  out  all  Tories  and  high  Churchmen  from 
employment,  had  been,  at  the  King's  accession,  a  measure 
of  necessity,  but  should  not  be  continued  ever  afterwards 
from  choice.  With  the  King  he  had  ingratiated  himself 
by  his  German  studies,  being  the  only  one  of  his  Minis- 
ters who  could  converse  with  him  in  that  language.  It 
is  very  strange,  I  may  observe  in  passing,  that  though 
under  the  two  first  Georges  a  knowledge  of  German  was 
almost  a  sure  road  to  Royal  favour  f,  it  seems  to  have 
been  much  less  cultivated,  than  it  is  from  literary  motives 
at  the  present  day.  In  foreign  affairs  Carteret  had  suc- 
ceeded to  the  great  influence  of  Stanhope  over  the  Court 
of  the  Palais  Royal.J  He  confirmed  it  by  immediately 
appointing  Sir  Luke  Schaub  Minister  at  Paris,  as  the 
former  and  the  most  friendly  channel  of  communication 
with  Dubois.  In  fact,  it  was  through  Dubois  that  Eng- 
land for  six  years  drew  France  into  a  close  concert  of 
measures :  in  return,  the  Abbe,  it  has  been  said,  but 

*  Walpole  to  Mann,  March  4.  1 745. 

•f  "  German  will,  I  fear,  always  be  a  useful  language  for  an 
•'  Englishman  to  know."  Lord  Chesterfield  to  Mr.  Duyrolles,  Sept. 
15.  1752. 

J  Dubois  transferred  his  devotion  to  Cartcrct,  as  the  Minister  "  who 
"  was  supported  by  Sunderland,  and  who  boasted,  that  he  had  suc- 
"  ceedcd  to  the  influence,  as  well  as  to  the  principles,  of  Stanhope.  .  . 
"  The  friendship  of  Dubois  increased  the  consequence  of  Carteret." 
(Coxe's  Walpole,  voL  i.  p.  179.) 

E  4 


56  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XII. 

never  shown,  received  a  yearly  pension  from  the  English 
Government ;  and  at  all  events  it  is  certain,  that  it  was 
partly  at  the  application,  and  with  the  aid  of  George  and 
his  Ministers,  that  Dubois  obtained  first  an  Archbishop's 
mitre,  and  then  a  Cardinal's  hat.* 

Carteret  and  Walpole  could  not  long  continue  to  agree. 
Walpole  was  aiming  at  a  monopoly  of  power ;  Carteret 
was  determined  to  hold  fast  a  share  of  it.  The  one  ex- 
pected to  find  a  dependent  and  not  a  colleague  ;  the  other, 
a  superior  and  not  a  master.  In  this  contest  Carteret 
was  backed  (but  very  cautiously,  and  so  as  not  to  commit 
themselves)  by  Lord  Carleton,  Privy  Seal,  by  the  Duke 
of  Roxburgh,  Secretary  for  Scotland,  and  by  Lord  Cado- 
gan,  who  had  succeeded  Maryborough  as  Commander  in 
Chief;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  Townshend  and  all  the 
other  Ministers  were  firmly  linked  to  Walpole,  and  mainly 
guided  by  him.  The  Hanoverian  courtiers  and  favour- 
ites were  in  like  manner  split  in  two  sections.  The 
Duchess  of  Kendal,  who  had  a  strong  liking  for  the  most 
powerful  party,  and  a  happy  instinct  in  discerning  it, 
sided  with  Walpole  and  Townshend,  as  she  had  before 
with  Stanhope  and  Sunderland ;  and  the  brother  Minis- 
ters always  speak  of  her  in  their  letters  as  their  firm 
friend,  and  the  "  good  Duchess."  On  his  part,  Carteret 
had  secured  the  Countess  of  Darlington,  and  her  sister 
Madame  de  Platen.  And  thus  the  struggle  for  the  Royal 
confidence  on  this  occasion  turned,  perhaps,  on  the  attrac- 
tions of  ladies,  rather  than  on  the  merits  of  statesmen. 

It  has  also  been  alleged,  that  at  Hanover  Carteret  en- 
deavoured to  strengthen  his  interest  by  promoting  the 
King's  German  measures,  which  Townshend,  more  pa- 
triotically, withstood.  Yet  this  does  not  seem  very  con- 
sistent with  the  charge  shortly  afterwards  made  on 
precisely  the  same  authority  against  Townshend  himself, 
as  wholly  Hanoverian.  "  Hanover  is  Lord  Townshend's 
"  great  merit,"  says  the  Duke  of  Newcastle-!  "  He  en- 


*  See  the  Memoires  de  Duclos,  voL  ii.  p.  81.,  and  the  letter 
of  Stanhope  in  the  Mem.  Secrets  de  Sevelinges,  vol.  i.  p.  275. 
Sevelinges  throws  great  doubt  on  the  story  of  the  pension  from 
England,  (p.  16.) 

t  To  Lord  Harrington,  April  23.  1730. 


1723.  INTRIGUES  OF  BOLIN  GBROKE.  57 

"  dcavours   to  make   all  measures  Electoral,"   says  old 
Horace  Walpole.  * 

Such  was  tlie  state  of  things  when  the  two  Secretaries 
of  State  attended  the  King  to  Hanover,  and  when  the 
pending  contest  came  to  an  issue  between  them.  At  that 
time  a  marriage  had  been  proposed  between  a  daughter 
of  Madame  de  Platen  and  the  Count  St.  Florentin,  son  of 
La  Vrilliere,  French  Secretary  of  State  ;  but  the  Countess 
required,  as  a  condition,  that  a  Dukedom  should  be 
granted  to  La  Vrilliere.  This  Dukedom  immediately 
became  an  object  of  eager  interest  with  George  the 
First,  and  Carteret  instructed  Sir  Luke  Schaub  to  make 
every  exertion  to  obtain  it  from  the  Duke  of  Orleans. 
We  should  observe  that  this  affair  belonged  to  Carteret, 
as  Secretary  for  the  southern  department,  in  which  France 
was  comprised,  and  that  the  other  Secretary  had  no  claim 
to  interlope  in  his  province.  Nevertheless,  Lord  Towns- 
hend,  unwilling  to  see  an  affair  of  so  much  interest  in 
the  hands  of  a  rival,  determined,  if  possible,  to  draw  it 
from  his  management.  With  this  view,  and  at  the  insti- 
gation of  Walpole,  he  despatched  his  brother  Horace  to 
Paris,  under  the  pretence  of  settling  the  accession  of 
Portugal  to  the  Quadruple  Alliance,  but  in  reality  to 
watch  the  movements  and  counteract  the  influence  of 
Schaub. 

In  the  midst  of  these  cabals,  suddenly  died  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  and  it  was  then  that  Bolingbroke  came  into  play.  - 
He  perceived  that  the  party  of  Walpole  and  Townshcnd 
was  much  the  stronger,  and  would  finally  prevail ;  and 
he  determined  to  pay  court  to  them  rather  than  to  Car- 
teret. Accordingly  he  hastened  to  greet  Horace  Walpole 
with  many  friendly  assurances  and  much  useful  informa- 
tion ;  and  exerted  his  influence  with  the  Duke  de  Bour- 
bon for  his  service.  Nay,  more,  he  threw  into  his  hands 
one  or  two  very  favourable  opportunities  for  pushing  his 
pretensions  by  himself.  But  Horace  Walpole,  Avho  had 
a  rooted  aversion  to  Bolingbrcke,  received  all  his  over- 
tures very  much  at  arm's  length,  and  wished  to  accept 
his  intelligence  without  either  trust  or  requital.  As  he 
writes  to  his  brother :  "  I  have  made  a  good  use  of  my 

*  To  Mr.  Poyntz,  January  21.  1730. 


58  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XII. 

'  Lord  Bolingbroke's  information,  without  having  given 
'  him  any  handle  to  be  the  negotiator  of  His  Majesty's 
'  aifairs."  *  "  This,"  says  Bolingbroke,  "  I  freely  own, 
'  I  took  a  little  unkindly,  because  I  have  acted  a  part 
'  which  deserves  confidence,  not  suspicion. "f  But  what- 
ever might  be  the  resentment  of  Bolingbroke,  he  was 
compelled  to  smother  it :  his  restoration  was  entirely  in 
the  power  and  at  the  mercy  of  the  English  Ministers, 
and  to  obtain  it,  he  could  only  continue  his  painful 
submission  and  unavailing  services. 

With  respect  to  the  affair  itself  of  the  Dukedom, 
neither  Schaub  nor  Wai  pole  could  prevail.  The  French 
nobility  considered  the  family  of  La  Vrilliere  as  not  en- 
titled to  this  distinction,  and  raised  so  loud  a  cry  at  the 
rumour  of  it,  as  to  render  its  execution  almost  impracti- 
cable. Ultimately,  Madame  de  Platen,  being  pacified  by 
a  portion  of  10,000/.  from  King  George,  and  no  longer 
thinking  a  Dukedom  indispensable  to  a  husband,  allowed 
the  marriage  to  take  place  without  the  required  promo- 
tion. But  a  total  breach  had  meanwhile  ensued  between 
the  two  English  negotiators.  "  It  is  impossible,"  writes 
Horace  Walpole,  "  for  the  King's  interest  to  be  carried  on 
"  here,  so  long  as  Sir  Luke  Schaub  and  I  are  to  act 
"  jointly  together."  |  Thus  it  became  necessary  for  the 
King  to  choose  between  Schaub  and  Horace  Walpole ; 
in  other  words,  between  their  patrons  —  Carteret  and 
Townshend.  With  little  hesitation,  the  King  decided  for 
the  latter ;  Schaub  was  recalled,  and  Horace  Walpole  re- 
ceived credentials  as  ambassador  to  Paris.  Nay,  more, 
Townshend  obtained  the  dismission  of  his  rival  with  the 
same  honours  which  had  formerly  smoothed  his  own. 
The  Lord  Lieutenancy  of  Ireland  was  bestowed  upon 
Carteret ;  his  office  of  Secretary  of  State  was  transferred 
to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  and  the  ascendancy  of  the 
brother  Ministers  became  wholly  uncontrolled.  Cadogan 
and  Roxburgh  bent  down  lowly  before  the  storm,  and  it 
passed  them  over ;  and  Carteret  himself  bore  his  defeat 

*  Horace,  to  Robert  Walpole,  Dec.  15.  1723.  Coxe's  Life  of 
Horace  Lord  Walpole. 

t  To  Lord  Harcourt,  January  12.  1724. 

:  To  Lord  Townshend,  March  22.  1724.  Coxe's  Life  of  Horace 
Lord  Walpole. 


1724.       CARTERET  AS  LORD-LIEUTENANT.          59 

with  great  frankness  and  good  humour.  He  owned  that 
he  considered  himself  very  ill  used,  especially  when 
Horace  Walpole  had  been  sent  to  interlope  in  his  de- 
partment, but  declared  that  he  should  be  much  happier 
as  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland  than  as  a  Secretary  of 
State,  thwarted  in  all  his  measures,  and  stripped  of  his 
proper  authority ;  and  at  the  same  time  he  professed  his 
intentions  to  promote  the  King's  service,  and  still  to  con- 
tinue on  good  terms  with  the  Ministers. 


60  HISTORY   OF   EXGLAJfD.  CHAP.  XIII. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

WHEX  Carteret  was  appointed  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ire- 
land, that  kingdom  was  by  no  means  in  a  state  of  tran- 
quillity. A  slight  spark  had,  by  the  talents  of  Swift, 
been  blown  into  a  formidable  flame,  and  a  project,  beyond 
all  doubt  beneficial  to  the, nation,  was  ingeniously  and 
successfully  held  forth  to  them  as  the  greatest  of  grievances. 
There  had  for  some  time  been  felt  in  Ireland  a  great 
defn.'iency  of  copper  coin  ;  this  had  gone  so  far,  that 
several  gentlemen  were  forced  to  use  tallies  with  their 
workmen,  and  give  them  pieces  of  card  sealed  and  signed 
with  their  names.  To  supply  this  deficiency,  several 
proposals  had  been  submitted  to  the  Government  in 
England,  and  one  accepted  from  Mr.  William  Wood,  a 
considerable  proprietor  and  renter  of  iron  works.*  The 
scheme  was  first  designed  under  Sunderland,  but  not 
matured  till  Walpole  was  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury. 
A  patent  was  then  granted  to  Wood  for  coining  farthings 
and  halfpence  to  the  value  of  108,000/.  This  patent  was 
directed  by  Walpole  with  his  usual  financial  skill ;  at 
every  step  in  passing  it  he  consulted  Sir  Isaac  Newton, 
as  Master  of  the  Mint ;  he  took  the  advice  of  the  Attorney 
and  Solicitor  General,  and  employed  the  utmost  care  to 
guard  against  any  fraud  or  exorbitant  profit.  And  when, 
on  the  first  apprehension  of  troubles  on  this  subject,  a 
new  assay  was  ordered  at  the  Mint,  the  principal  officers, 
with  Sir  Isaac  as  their  chief,  reported,  that  the  coins  in 
weight,  goodness,  and  fineness,  so  far  from  falling  short, 
even  exceeded  the  conditions  of  the  contract.  It  was  re- 
quisite, on  account  of  the  difference  of  exchange  between 
the  two  countries,  that  these  farthings  and  halfpence 
should  be  a  little  less  in  weight  than  those  current  in 
England,  "  which,"  says  Walpole,  "  was  considered  at  the 
"  time  of  passing  the  patent,  and  found  to  be  necessary ;  " 

*  Macphcrson's  Hist,  of  Commerce,  voL  iii.  p.  114. 


1724.  WOOD'S  PATENT.  61 

and  he  gives  reasons  that,  as  he  truly  adds,  "  sufficiently 
'justify  the  difference  of  the  weight  of  the  two  coins, 
'  when  at  the  same  time  it  is  admitted  on  all  hands,  that 
'  the  Irish  coin  in  fineness  of  metal  exceeds  the  English. 
'  As  to  the  King's  prerogative  of  granting  such  patents, 
'it  is  one  never  disputed,  and  often  exercised."* 

So  clear  and  well  conducted  a  transaction  seemed  by  no 
means  favourable  for  the  creation  of  a  grievance,  even 
with  a  people  so  expert  in  that  kind  of  manufacture. 
Almost  the  only  blamable  part  in  the  business  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  suspected,  till  the  ferment  against  it 
had  risen  to  some  height ;  namely,  a  bribe  which  Wood 
had  agreed  to  pay  to  the  Duchess  of  Kendal  for  her  in- 
fluence in  passing  the  patent.  But  this,  however  scan- 
dalous in  the  parties  concerned,  could  not  materially 
affect  the  quantity  or  quality  of  the  coin  to  be  issued,  or 
still  less  the  want  of  such  a  supply  for  purposes  of  trade 
in  Ireland. 

The  affair,  however,  from  various  causes,  took  an  un- 
prosperous  turn.  The  Irish  Privy  Council  had  not  been 
previously  consulted,  and  was  nettled  at  this  neglect ;  nor 
did  the  Irish  courtiers  approve  of  any  jobs  except  their 
own.  Amongst  the  people  the  patent  at  first  was  not 
clearly  explained,  and  when  explained  it  was  already 
unpopular.  Wood  was  disliked,  as  an  utter  stranger  to 
the  country ;  he  was  besides  a  vain,  imprudent  man, 
bragging  of  his  influence  with  Walpole,  and  threatening 
that  "  he  would  cram  his  halfpence  down  the  throats  of 
"the  Irish."  To  rail  at  all  opposition,  as  Popery  and 
treason,  was  not  the  way  to  disarm  it.  Nor  did  the  Irish 
Government  meet  the  first  difficulties  with  promptness 
and  energy.  The  Duke  of  Grafton,  Lord  Lieutenant, 
was  a  person  of  very  moderate  abilities,  well  described  by 
Walpole  as  "  a  fair  weather  pilot,  that  knew  not  what  he 
"  had  to  do  when  the  first  storm  arose."  f  The  Lord 
Chancellor  (Alan  Brodrick,  Viscount  Midleton)  was  an 
open  enemy  of  Grafton,  and  a  secret  one  of  Walpole :  he 
had  talents,  but  so  high  an  opinion  of  them,  that  he  always 
thought  himself  neglected  and  ill-used;  and  though  he 

*  Letters  to  Lord  Townshend,  Oct.  1.  and  18.  1723. 
f  Walpole  to  Townshend,  Oct.  26.  1723. 


62  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIII. 

could  not  venture  to  take  part  himself  against  the  Court, 
yet  his  son,  his  secretary,  his  purse-bearer,  and  other  de- 
pendents, did  so  publicly  and  warmly. 

Through  these  causes,  an  impulse  was  given  that  soon 
became  general,  and  spread  from  low  to  high.  The  Irish 
Parliament  met  full  of  resentment,  and  decided  with 
headlong  haste.  Both  Houses  passed  Addresses  to  the 
King,  declaring  that  the  execution  of  Wood's  patent 
would  be  prejudicial  to  the  revenue,  and  destructive  of 
trade  ;  that  the  terms  of  the  patent  had  not  been  complied 
with,  and  that  if  even  they  had,  there  would  have  been  a 
loss  to  the  nation  of  150  per  cent.!  So  monstrous  an 
exaggeration  has  scarcely  ever  yet  been  hazarded  in  any 
public  document  —  at  least  not  out  of  Spain !  These 
Addresses  were  first  transmitted  to  Walpole,  and  in  send- 
ing them  to  Townshend  at  Hanover,  he  declares  himself 
astonished  that  any  assembly  should  have  come  into  re- 
solutions that  are  all  false  in  fact ;  "  and  indeed,"  he  adds, 
"  I  was  a  good  deal  concerned  till  I  saw  what  they  did 
"  object,  lest  by  inadvertency,  or  by  being  imposed  upon, 
"  we  might,  out  of  a  desire  of  doing  the  service,  have  let 
"  this  slip  through  our  fingers,  liable  to  more  objections 
"  than  I  was  aware  of.  But  most  certainly  it  is  not  so. 
"The  resolution  that  makes  the  loss  150  per  cent,  is 
"  founded  upon  a  computation  that  copper  uncoined  is 
"worth  12d.  a  pound;  now  a  pound  of  copper  halfpence 
"  and  farthings  are  by  the  patent  to  pass  for  2s.  Qd. ; 
"  therefore  the  loss  is  1*.  6d.  But  a  pound  of  copper 
"  prepared  for  the  Mint  in  London  costs  there  1*.  Qd. ; 
"  the  charge  of  coining  a  pound  of  copper  is  at  the  Mint 
"  4d. ;  and  I  think  the  duty  of  a  pound  of  copper  coined, 
"  imported  into  Ireland,  is  a  halfpenny  per  pound,  besides 
"  the  exchange,  and  which,  with  all  allowances,  comes  to 
"  20  per  cent.,  and  all  this  is  laid  aside,  and  the  copper 
"  money  valued  at  the  supposed  value  of  the  rough  Irish 
"  copper,  which  is  much  inferior  to  English  copper."  * 

The  King's  answer  to  the  Irish  Addresses  was,  as 
Walpole  advised  it,  mild  and  conciliatory :  he  expressed 
his  concern  that  his  granting  a  patent  according  to  the 
practice  of  his  Royal  Predecessors,  had  given  so  much 

*  To  Lord  Townshend,  Oct.  1.  1723. 


1724.  THE  DRAPIER'S  LETTERS.  63 

uneasiness,  and  if  there  had  been  any  abuses  committed 
by  the  patentee,  he  would  give  orders  for  inquiring  into 
and  punishing  them.  Accordingly  the  affair  was  referred 
to  a  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council  in  England,  which 
after  a  most  searching  inquiry,  and  the  examination  of 
numerous  witnesses,  published  their  Report  in  July,  1724. 
In  this  Report  they  justified,  in  the  clearest  and  most 
unquestionable  manner,  both  the  terms  of  the  patent  and 
the  conduct  of  the  patentee.  At  the  same  time,  however, 
Mr.  Wood  declared  himself  willing  to  yield  to  the  clamour 
against  his  coinage,  so  far  as  to  reduce  it  from  108,000/.  to 
40,000/.  value;  and  to  propose  that  no  more  than  5}jd.  of 
it  should  be  a  legal  tender  at  any  one  payment.  This  the 
Government  accepted,  and  sent  directions  to  Ireland  that 
the  halfpence  might  be  allowed  currency  to  the  reduced 
amount. 

Such  fair  concessions,  and  such  unanswerable  argu- 
ments, might  probably  have  prevailed,  had  not  the  mighty 
mind  of  Swift^arrayed  itself  against  them.  For  ten  years 
had  that  aspiring  spirit  pined  in  obscurity  and  oblivion : 
he  now  seized  the  opportunity  to  exert  and  display  his 
powers.  ~From  the  simple  transaction  before  him,  he 
drew  a  frightful  picture  of  fraud,  oppression,  and  im- 
pending misery.  Public  ruin  was  foretold,  and  public 
vengeance  threatened  in  a  hundred  shapes.*  Songs, 
ballads,  and  lampoons  flew  about  the  streets.  A  more 
serious  attack  was  made  in  letters,  which  appeared  from 
time  to  time  under  the  assumed  name  of  M.  B.  a  Drapier 
of  Dublin.  Of  these  letters  Mr.  Hawkins  Browne  used 
to  say,  that  they  were  the  most  perfect  pieces  of  oratory 
composed  since  the  days  of  Demosthenes  f ;  and  though 
far  from  assenting  to  such  extravagant  panegyric,  we 
can  scarcely  deny  them  a  very  high  degree  of  admiration. 
They  are  written  with  so  much  art,  as  entirely  to  con- 

*  As  for  instance  :  — 

"  The  halfpence  are  coming,  the  nation's  undoing  ; 

"  There's  an  end  of  your  ploughing,  and  baking,  and  brewing  ; 

"  In  short,  you  must  all  go  to  rack  and  to  ruin ! " 

Swift's  Works,  vol.  x.  p.  478.     One  poem  proposes  to  scald  Wood 
in  his  own  melted  copper  ;  another  prefers  "  the  drop  at  Kilmain- 
"  ham. " 
f  Sheridan's  Life  of  Swift,  p.  241.  ed.  1784. 


64  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  Xm. 

ceal  the  appearance  of  art.  The  author  speaks  of  himself 
as  a  "  poor  ignorant  shopkeeper  utterly  unskilled  in 
law ;"  he  appears  throughout  a  quiet  man  startled  from 
his  station  by  the  common  danger,  — "  as  when,"  he  says, 
"  a  house  is  attempted  to  be  robbed,  it  often  happens  the 
"  weakest  in  the  family  runs  first  to  stop  the  door."  The 
style  is  plain  and  simple ;  the  deductions  easy  and  suited 
to  the  understandings  of  all ;  and  the  strokes  of  satire 
with  which  it  abounds  are  the  more  pungent,  as  seeming 
not  to  be  designed.  So  far  from  leaving  any  handle  to 
be  called  a  party  man,  he  always  refers  with  much  re- 
spect to  the  Ministers,  and  with  no  less  loyalty  to  the 
King,  "  for  we  never  had  one  more  gracious."  The 
stubborn  facts  against  him  are  moulded  with  the  highest 
skill ;  he  attempts  to  prove,  or  (what  is  quite  as  effectual 
when  a  ferment  is  once  raised)  he  assumes  as  proved, 
that  the  patent  itself  is  iniquitous ;  that,  moreover,  its 
terms  have  been  grossly  violated  by  the  patentee ;  that 
the  halfpence  are  six  parts  out  of  seven  base ;  that  Wood 
will  hereafter  be  able  "  to  buy  all  our  goods  for  eleven 
"  parts  in  twelve  under  the  value."  Wood  himself  from 
a  proprietor  of  iron  works  becomes  a  hardware-man  and 
tinker!  His  copper  is  turned  into  brass!  The  people 
are  told  that  they  will  soon  have  no  meat  to  feed  them, 
unless  they  can  eat  brass  as  ostriches  do  iron !  "  If 
'  Mr.  Wood's  project  should  take,  it  would  ruin  even  our 

beggars !  Do  you  think  I  will  sell  you  a  yard  of  ten- 
'  penny  stuff  for  twenty  of  Mr.  Wood's  halfpence  ?  No, 
'  not  under  two  hundred,  at  least ;  neither  will  I  be  at 

the  trouble  of  counting,  but  weigh  them  in  a  lump." 

Even  so  clear  a  proof  as  the  public  assay  at  the  Mint 
is  called  impudent  and  insupportable.  —  "  If  I  were  to 
"  buy  a  hundred  sheep,  and  the  grazier  should  bring  me 
"  one  single  wether  fat  and  well  fleeced,  by  way  of  pat- 
"  tern,  and  expect  the  same  price  round  for  the  whole 
"  hundred,  even  for  those  that  were  lean,  or  shorn,  or 
"  scabby,  I  would  be  none  of  his  customer.  I  have  heard 
"  of  a  man  who  had  a  mind  to  sell  his  house,  and  there- 
"  fore  carried  a  piece  of  brick  in  his  pocket,  which  he 
"  showed  as  a  pattern  to  encourage  purchasers ;  and  this 
"  is  directly  the  case  in  point  with  Mr.  Wood's  assay." 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  Government  had  not  used 


1724. 


ARRIVAL  OF  LORD  CARTERET. 


65 


any  compulsion  with  respect  to  this  coin ;  their  orders 
were  only  to   allow  it  currency  with  those   who  might 
be  willing  to  receive  it.     Yet  the  Drapier  takes  care  to 
drop  an  insinuation  of  force :    "  I  hope  the  words  vo- 
'  luntary  and  willing  to  receive  it  will  be  understood 
and  applied  in  their  true  natural  meaning,  as  commonly 
understood   by  Protestants:    for,  if  a  fierce  Captain 
comes  to  my  shop  to  buy  six  yards  of  scarlet  cloth, 
followed  by  a  porter  laden  with  a  sack  of  Wood's  coin 
upon  his  shoulders ;  if  we  are  agreed  upon  the  price, 
and  my  scarlet  lies  ready  cut  upon  the  counter ;  if  he 
then  gives  me  the  word  of  command  to  receive  my 
money  in  Wood's   coin,   and   calls    me   a    disaffected 
Jacobite  dog  for  refusing  it  (though  I  am  as  loyal  a 
subject  as  himself,  and  without  hire),  and  thereupon 
seizes  my  cloth,  leaving  me  the  price  in  this  odious 
copper,  and  bids  me  take  my  remedy ;  in  this  case,  I 
shall  hardly  be  brought  to  think  that  I  am  left  to  my 
own  will.  ...  It  is  probable  that  the  first  willing  re- 
ceivers will  be  those  who  must  receive  it,  whether  they 
"  will  or  not,  under  the  penalty  of  losing  an  office." 

This  loyal  subject  is  also  full  of  apprehensions  lest  the 
King's  Ministers  should  "  advise  him  to  take  his  revenues 
"  here,  which  are  near  400,000/.  a  year,  in  Wood's  brass, 
"  which  will  reduce  their  value  to  50,000/."  How  it  was 
possible  that  400,000^.  should  be  sent  over  in  copper, 
which  was  only  to  be  coined  to  the  value  of  40,000/., 
Swift  does  not  explain,  nor  did  his  Irish  readers  inquire. 
All  ranks  caught  the  alarm;  all  distinctions  of  party 
were  hushed ;  and  the  nation  became  united  as  one  man. 
The  Drapier,  whose  real  author  was  soon  whispered,  was 
hailed  as  the  Public  Deliverer;  and,  according  to  the 
advice  contained  in  one  of  the  Letters,  a  Declaration  was 
published,  signed  by  many  persons  of  station  and  pro- 
perty, denouncing  Wood's  coin,  and  warning  their  ten- 
ants not  to  take  it. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  this  storm  that  the  new  Viceroy, 
Lord  Carteret,  landed  in  October.  He  had  instructions 
to  use  strong  measures,  if  needful,  to  assert  the  authority 
of  Government ;  and  he  wanted  neither  skill  nor  spirit 
to  perform  them.  Perceiving  that  the  Drapier's  Letters 
were  the  main  root  of  the  evil,  he  issued  a  proclamation 
VOL.  u.  F 


66  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XiH. 

against  the  last ;  offered  a  reward  of  3007.  for  discovering 
the  author ;  and  caused  Harding,  the  printer,  to  be  ap- 
prehended. But  the  grand  jury  who  were  required  to 
find  a  Bill  against  Harding,  unanimously  threw  it  out, 
and  were  discharged  by  Chief  Justice  Whitshed  with 
much  passion.  A  popular  lampoon  was  immediately 
levelled  at  the  Chief  Justice  from  the  same  invisible  and 
powerful  hand.  *  The  agitation  increased  ;  and  the  next 
grand  jury,  so  far  from  finding  a  Bill  against  Harding, 
made  a  presentment  against  all  persons  who  should,  by 
fraud  or  otherwise,  impose  Wood's  halfpence  upon  the 
people  —  a  presentment  which,  it  appears,  had  been 
drawn  up  by  Swift  himself. 

Such  a  spirit  as  now  appeared  in  Ireland  could  neither 
be  broken  by  force,  nor  melted  by  persuasion.  After 
several  attempts,  and  many  consultations,  Carteret  in- 
formed the  Government  that  the  affair  was  desperate,  and 
that  further  perseverance  could  end  only  in  rebellion  and 
confusion.  The  Ministers,  however  reluctant  to  compro- 
mise the  King's  authority,  had  no  alternative,  and  yielded 
the  point  by  withdrawing  the  patent,  while  at  the  same 
time  the  resignation  of  Lord  Midleton  was  accepted,  and 
a  pension  of  30007.  granted  to  Wood,  in  compensation  for 
his  loss. 

Several  modern  writers,  astonished  at  the  overwhelm- 
ing and  irrational  outcry  against  a  beneficial  project,  have 
devised  another  motive  to  explain  it,  and  suppose  that 
Wood's  patent  was  only  the  pretext ;  a  peg  on  which  to 
hang  the  question  of  the  independence  and  equality  of 
Ireland.  But  such  a  supposition  is  by  no  means  consis- 
tent with  the  contemporary  records.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  Wood's  patent  was  considered  a  real  and 
enormous  grievance  in  itself;  and  the  question  of  equality 
was  merely  brought  on  to  point  a  period  or  to  swell  a 
complaint,  or  rather  was  provoked  by  a  foolish  sally  of 
Wood,  implying  that  Ireland  was  only  a  "  dependent 

*  This  lampoon  turned  upon  his  motto  — 
44  Libertas  et  natale  sdum. 
"  Fine  words  !     I  wonder  where  you  stole  'em  ! 
"  Would  nothing  but  your  chief  reproach 
"  Serve  as  a  motto  on  your  coach  ?  "  &c. 

Swift's  Works,  voL  x.  p.  467. 


1724.  THE    MALT    TAX   IN    SCOTLAND.  6f 

"  kingdom."  Thus  the  question  came  on  incidentally ; 
and,  when  once  raised,  was  keenly  discussed.  Certainly 
the  cause  of  liberty  in  Ireland  was  promoted,  in  after 
years,  by  the  stand  successfully  made  on  this  occasion ; 
but,  as  it  appears  to  me,  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that 
this  cause  was  either  the  original,  or  at  any  time  the 
principal,  motive  with  the  opponents  of  Wood. 

The  sequel  is,  however,  highly  honourable  to  the 
warm-hearted  and  generous  Irish.  Believing,  however 
erroneously,  that  Swift  had  delivered  them  from  a  great 
public  danger,  their  gratitude  to  him  knew  no  bounds, 
nor  ended  even  with  his  powers  of  mind.  "  The  sun  of 
"  his  popularity,"  says  a  great  poet,  "  remained  unclouded, 
"  even  after  he  was  incapable  of  distinguishing  its  radi- 
"  ance."  *  The  Drapier's  Head  became  a  favourite  sign  ; 
his  portrait,  we  are  told,  was  engraved,  woven  upon  hand- 
kerchiefs, and  struck  upon  medals  (not  of  copper  I  pre- 
sume). His  health  was  quaffed  at  every  banquet,  his 
presence  every  where  welcomed  with  blessings  by  the 
people.  They  bore  with  all  the  infirmities  of  genius,  all 
the  peevishness  of  age.  In  vain  did  he  show  contempt 
and  aversion  to  those  who  thus  revered  him :  in  vain  did 
he  deny  them  even  the  honour  of  his  birth-place,  fre- 
quently saying,  "  I  was  not  dropped  in  this  vile  country, 
"  but  in  England,"  In  vain  did  he  sneer  at  the  "  savage 
"  Old  Irish."  No  insult  on  his  part  could  weaken  their 
generous  attachment.  Even  at  this  day,  as  I  am  assured, 
this  grateful  feeling  still  survives  ;  and  all  parties  in  Ire- 
land, however  estranged  on  other  questions,  agree  in  one 
common  veneration  for  the  memory  of  SWIFT. 

Scarcely  were  the  disturbances  in  Ireland  appeased, 
before  others  broke  out  among  thejScots.  I  have  else- 
where mentioned  the  great  unwillingness  of  that  nation 
to  bear  their  proportion  of  the  Malt  Tax,  and  the  violent 
motion  to  Avhich  they  had  recourse  in  1713.f  Since  that 
time  they  had  contrived,  under  various  pretences,  to 
evade  payment  of  the  duty,  to  the  great  envy  and  indig- 
nation of  the  English  country  gentlemen  ;  until,  in  1724, 
the  subject  was  brought  before  the  House  of  Commons  by 
Mr.  Brodrick,  who  proposed  that,  instead  of  the  duty  on 

•  Sir  Walter  Scott's  Life  of  Swift,  p.  304. 
f  See  vol.  L  p.  38. 

v  2 


68  nisxoRr  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP,  xnr. 

Malt  in  Scotland,  there  should  be  paid  a  duty  of  sixpence 
on  every  barrel  of  ale.*  Walpole  was  by  no  means  in- 
clined to  stir  this  agitating  question  ;  but  finding  the 
sense  of  the  House  against  him,  he  acquiesced,  taking 
care,  however,  to  reduce  the  duty  to  three-pence,  or  one 
half  of  what  Brodrick  proposed.  The  money,  it  is  said, 
was  wanted  partly  to  defray  an  allowance  of  ten  guineas 
weekly,  which  Walpole  used  to  give  to  every  Scottish 
member  during  the  Session,  in  order,  as  was  alleged,  to 
support  the  charge  of  their  residence  in  London.  These 
Scottish  members  were  now  told  by  Walpole,  when  they 
waited  upon  him,  that  they  must  find  or  acquiesce  in  some 
mode  to  make  up  this  expense  from  the  Scottish  revenue  ; 
or  else,  as  he  expressed  it,  they  must  in  future  "  tie  up 
"  their  stockings  with  their  own  garters  !"f 

But  though  the  Scottish  members  might  have  excellent 
reasons  for  yielding  to  this  impost,  the  Scottish  people 
unhappily  had  none  ;  and  its  result  was  a  general  irrita- 
tion throughout  the  country,  and  a  serious  riot  at  Gla?- 
gow._  The  mob  assembled  in  large  numbers,  shouting 
"  Down  with  Walpole,"  and  "Up  with  Seaforth!"  they 
broke  open  and  plundered  the  house  of  Mr.  Campbell,  of 
Shawfield,  member  for  the  CityJ;  and  his  cellar  being 
unfortunately  well-stocked,  added  fresh  incitement  to 
their  fury.  Two  companies  of  foot,  under  Captain 
Bushell,  had  been  sent  from  Edinburgh  at  the  first 
apprehension  of  a  tumult ;  these  were  now  surrounded 
by  the  mob,  and  fiercely  assailed  with  stones  and  other 
missiles,  until  the  soldiers,  being  compelled  in  self-defence 
to  fire,  killed  nine  persons,  and  wounded  many  more. 
Nevertheless,  the  mob  seemed  exasperated  rather  than 
dismayed ;  and  Captain  Bushell  was  compelled  to  retire 
to  Dumbarton  Castle,  still  pursued,  and  pelted  by  the 
rabble  during  a  part  of  the  way. 

*  Commons'  Journals,  vol.  xx.  pp.  359.  374. 

•f  Lockhart's  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  141.,  and  Sir  "Walter  Scott's  Tales 
of  a  Grandfather,  third  series,  voL  ii.  p.  1 50. 

t  "  Had  Mr.  Campbell  himself  been  in  town,"  says  Lockhart, 
"they  had  certainly  Dewitted  him."  (Mem.  vol.  ii.  p.  162.)  He 
coins  this  new  term  from  the  savage  murder  of  the  two  De 
Witts  by  the  mob  in  Holland.  Thank  God  I  we  have  no  such 
English  word. 


1724.  TU3IULT   AT   GLASGOW.  69 

Under  those  circumstances,  the  Commander-in-Chief 
for  Scotland,  General  Wade,  seeing:  the  necessity  of 
prompt  measures,  marched  to  Glasgow  with  so  large  a 
force  as  to  disarm  all  opposition.  Not  content  with  seiz- 
ing some  of  the  rioters,  he  apprehended  the  chief  magis- 
trates, and  sent  them  prisoners  to  Edinburgh,  under  the 
charge,  certainly  well-founded,  of  either  timidly  or 
treacherously  conniving  at  the  riots.  But,  being  brought 
before  the  Lords  Justiciary,  they  were  declared  innocent, 
and  set  at  liberty*;  and  this  acquittal,  being  considered 
a  victory  over  the  Government,  revived  the  zeal  of  the 
people.  A  combination  was  formed  amongst  the  brewers 
at  Edinburgh,  engaging  not  to  give  security  for  the  new 
duty,  nor  to  brew  if  the  duty  were  demanded. 

The  Duke  of  Roxburgh  was  at  this  time  Secretary  of 
State  for  Scotland ;  he  had  been  attached  to  Carteret, 
and  was  accused  by  Walpole  of  fomenting  these  distur- 
bances.f  Whether  this  was  really  the  case,  or  whether 
Walpole  merely  seized  the  opportunity  to  acquire  a  more 
supple  colleague,  the  Minister  now  obtained  not  merely 
the  dismissal  of  Roxburgh,  but  the  abolition  of  the  office 
of  Secretary  for  Scotland.  Henceforth  he  centred  the 
power  of  that  department  in  his  own  hands ;  deputing, 
however,  no  small  share  of  it  to  his  devoted  follower  the 
Earl  of  Isla.  It  was  Isla  who,  on  the  fall  of  Roxburgh, 
was  despatched  to  Edinburgh  with  the  view  of  allaying 
the  storm  :  he  came  armed  with  full  powers  from  Govern- 
ment, and  with  no  small  prudence  of  his  own.  So  firm, 
yet  so  skilful  were  his  measures,  that  the  threatening 
combination  of  brewers  was  speedily  dissolved.  They  at 
first  attempted  to  make  terms  ;  but  being  told  that  none 
would  be  accepted  but  an  immediate  return  to  their  duty, 
'  various  opinions"  (I  quote  the  words  of  Walpole)  "began 
'  to  arise  among  themselves  in  their  assembly,  and  at  last 
'  they  unanimously  agreed  to  be  determined  by  a  ques- 
'  tion  :  —  Brew  or  not.  Which,  being  put  by  the  chair- 
man, he  began  to  take  their  votes,  SERIATIM,  at  the 
"  right  hand;  but  his  right-hand  man  thought  it  a  hard- 
"  ship  upon  him  to  be  obliged  to  speak  first,  his  left-hand 

*  Culloden  Papers,  pp.  86 — 98. 

f  Walpole  to  Towiishend,  August  17.  1725. 

I  3 


70  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIII. 

"  man  thought  so  too,  and  they  could  get  nobody  to  give 
"  his  vote  first.  At  last,  one  Gray  declared  he  thought 
"  they  had  nothing  now  left  to  do,  but  to  return  to  their 
"  trades ;  that  he  would  not  be  bound  by  the  majority, 
"  but  began  the  vote,  and  voted  BREW  !  He  was  imme- 
"  diately  followed  by  another,  upon  which  two  warm  ones 
"  hoped  they  would  hold  out  till  their  brethren  were  set 
"  at  liberty ;  but  those  not  being  supported,  the  assembly 
"  broke  up,  and  such  of  them  as  had  their  things  in 
"  readiness  fell  to  brewing  that  night ;  and  next  day,  at 
"  noon,  above  forty  brewhouses  were  hard  at  work  in 
u  Edinburgh,  and  ten  more  at  Leith."*  It  is  probable 
that  the  argument  which  had  most  weight  with  the 
brewers,  was  that,  after  all,  the  ultimate  loss  must  fall 
not  on  them  but  on  the  public.  This  happy  termination 
is  mentioned  by  Walpole,  with  much  satisfaction  and  high 
praises  of  Lord  Isla:  he  adds,  "I  think  we  have  once 
"  more  got  Ireland  and  Scotland  quiet,  if  we  take  care  to 
"  keep  them  so." 

The  Session  of  Parliament,  which  began  in  November, 
1724,  was  distinguished  by  three  important  transactions 
—  the  impeachment  of  the  Lord  Chancellor,  —  the  partial 
restoration  of  Lord  Bolingbroke,  —  and  the  first  public 
breach  between  Walpole  and  Pulteney. 

Enormous  abuses  had  crept  into  the  Court  of  Chancery: 
the  offices  of  Masters  were  set  up  to  sale ;  and  the  buyers, 
in  consequence,  attempted  to  turn  them  to  their  own  ad- 
vantage. The  price  of  these  offices  having  latterly  been 
augmented,  the  extortions  of  the  holders  grew  in  the 
same  proportion.  The  suitors'  money,  the  estates  of 
widows  and  orphans,  became  a  source  of  private  pecula- 
tion ;  and  the  public  voice  was  loud  against  the  Chan- 
cellor, Parker,  Earl  of  Macclesfield.  In  January,  he 
resigned  the  Great  Seal,  but  did  not  thereby  escape  the 
national  resentment.  His  impeachment  was  moved  in 
the  House  of  Commons  by  Sir  George  Oxenden  ;  his  trial 
took  place  at  the  Bar  of  the  House  of  Lords,  and  continued 
twenty  days.  He  was  unanimously  found  Guilty,  and 
sentenced  to  a  fine  of  30,000/. ;  a  motion  to  disable  him 
from  sitting  in  Parliament,  or  holding  any  future  office, 

*  To  Lord  Townshend,  Sept.  3.  1725. 


1725.  MADAME  DE  VILLETTE.  71 

being,  moreover,  very  nearly  carried.  His  Majesty 
struck  off  his  name  from  the  List  of  Privy  Counsel- 
lors ;  and  Sir  Peter  King,  now  created  Lord  King,  was 
appointed  Chancellor  in  his  place.  The  unanimity  of  his 
judges  might  seem  decisive  as  to  his  guilt;  yet  it  may 
perhaps  be  doubted,  whether  they  did  not  unjustly  heap 
the  faults  of  the  system  on  one  man;  whether  Parker 
had  not  rather,  in  fact,  failed  to  check  gradual  and  grow- 
ing abuses,  than  introduced  them  by  his  authority  or 
encouraged  them  by  his  example. 

Lord  Bolingbroke  was  still  at  Paris.  "  Tired,"  as  he 
says,  "  with  suspense,  the  only  insupportable  misfortune 
"  of  life,  and  with  nine  years  of  autumnal  promises  and 
"vernal  excuses,"*  he  had,  early  in  1724,  another  pain- 
ful subject  of  embarrassment  in  the  villany  of  a  banker. 
His  wife,  Madame  de  Villette,  had  invested  50,000/.  in 
the  English  funds  through  the  hands  of  Sir  Matthew 
Decker,  who  now  pretended  to  make  a  discovery  of  it  to 
the  Government  as  a  forfeiture,  upon  proving  her  mar- 
ried to  Lord  Bolingbroke.  This  brought  the  lady  to 
England  under  the  name  of  Villette,  and  ready,  if  re- 
quired, to  deny  her  marriage  ;  and  Lord  Townshend,  who 
abhorred  all  dishonesty,  and  considered  Decker's  reasons 
"  very  bad  ones,"  gave  her  his  zealous  and  successful 
aid.  f  But  she  also  seized  the  opportunity  to  ingratiate 
herself  at  Court,  and  obtain  Bolingbroke's  long-desired 
restoration.  The  King  was  by  no  means  fascinated  with 
her ;  he  declared  that  she  talked  too  much,  and  without 
respect  J;  but  a  well-timed  present  of  11,0001.  to  the 
Duchess  of  Kendal  smoothed  many  difficulties.  A  com- 
plete restoration  was  now  earnestly  and  positively  pressed 
upon  Walpole  by  the  Court.  Walpole,  seeing  the  un- 
popularity of  the  measure  among  his  own  friends,  and 
afraid  of  Bolingbroke's  future  ascendancy,  for  a  long 
time  refused,  and  made  every  opposition  in  his  power ; 
but  at  length,  being  threatened  with  dismissal,  compro- 
mised matters  by  agreeing  to  a  restoration  of  fortune, 

*  To  Swift,  July  24.  1725. 

t  Lord  Townshend  to  Horace  Walpole,  April  2.  1724. 

j  "  Elle  parle  trop,  et  sans  respect."     (Lord  Lansdowne  to  James, 
July  10.  1724.     Appendix.)     He  adds,  "You  can  tell,  Sir,  whether 
"  that  is  a  just  character ;  she  is  your  old  acquaintance." 
F  4 


72  niSTOKT  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIII. 

though  not  in  peerage.  Bolingbroke,  on  his  part,  thought 
it  best  to  take  what  he  could,  if  not  what  he  would ;  but 
as  might  be  expected,  he  never  forgot  or  forgave  the  re- 
sistance of  the  Minister.  "  Here  I  am,  then,"  he  writes 
to  Swift,  "  two  thirds  restored  ;  my  person  safe,  and  my 
estate,  with  all  the  other  property  I  have  acquired,  or 
may  acquire,  secured  to  me.  But  the  attainder  is  kept 
carefully  and  prudently  in  force,  lest  so  corrupt  a 
member  should  come  again  into  the  House  of  Lords, 
and  his  bad  leaven  should  sour  that  sweet  untainted 
mass."* 

Even  this  partial  restoration,  however,  could  not  pass 
Parliament  without  some  resistance  from  two  opposite 
quarters  —  the  staunch  Whigs  and  the  decided  Jacobites. 
When  the  Bill  was  brought  in  by  Lord  Finch,  seconded 
by  Walpole,  Methuen,  though  filling  an  office  in  the 
Household,  warmly  opposed  it,  declaring,  that  the  crimes 
of  Bolingbroke  were  so  heinous  and  flagrant  as  not  to 
admit  of  any  expiation  or  atonement.  He  was  backed 
by  Lord  William  Powlett,  by  Onslow  (afterwards 
Speaker),  and  by  several  other  usual  friends  of  Govern- 
ment. In  like  manner  was  the  Tory  camp  divided ; 
several,  such  as  Lord  Bathurst  and  Sir  William  Wynd- 
ham,  were  personal  friends  of  Bolingbroke,  and  eager  to 
promote  his  interests;  while 'others,  recollecting  how  ill 
the  Pretender  had  used  him,  and  how  great  must  be  his 
resentment,  thought  it  necessary  (as  is  too  commonly  the 
case),  because  one  injury  had  been  inflicted  to  inflict 
another,  and  to  thwart  his  restoration  as  much  as  possible. 
The  Duke  of  Wharton,  who,  at  this  period  frequently  ap- 
pears in  the  Stuart  Papers  as  foremost  amongst  James's 
correspondents,  relates  a  curious  conversation  which 
he  had  upon  the  subject  with  Lord  Bathurst.  Having 
pressed  him  to  give  no  aid  to  Bolingbroke,  and  urged  the 
wish  of  the  Pretender,  Bathurst  demurred,  and  at  last 

*  Coxe  states  this  erroneously  in  his  Memoirs  of  Walpole  ;  he 
speaks  of  Bolingbroke's  obligations  to  Walpole,  his  want  of 
gratitude,  &c.  But  in  his  Life  of  Horace  Lord  Walpole  (p.  70.), 
he  admits  his  mistake,  observing,  that  papers  have  since  fallen  under 
his  notice,  proving  the  vehement  opposition  of  Walpole  to  the 
restoration,  and  accounting  for  the  bitter  and  well-founded  enmity  of 
Bolingbroke.  . 


1725.  WILLIAM   PULTENEY.  73 

said  that  he  had  not  yet  learnt  JURARE  IN  VERBA  JIA- 
GISTRI,  to  which  Wharton  only  answered  JURAVI,  and 
left  him.*  Shippen,  and  some  more,  steered  clear  of  the 
difficulty  by  staying  away  from  the  debate.  But,  as 
Wharton  writes,  "  Sir  Christopher  Musgrave,  Sir  Tho- 
"mas  Sebright,  and  Sir  Jermyn  Davers,  out  of  their 
"utter  detestation  for  your  Majesty's  enemies,  bravely 
"  opposed  the  very  bringing  in  of  any  Bill  whatsoever." 
Yet  notwithstanding  this  motley  combination  of  ardent 
Whigs  and  ardent  Tories,  the  minority  could  only  muster 
113  votes  against  231.  In  the  Lords,  a  strong  protest 
against  it  was  signed  by  Lechmere  and  four  other  Peers. 
Lechmere  had  been  created  a  Peer  by  Walpole,  but  was 
now  indignant  at  not  succeeding  Macclesfield  as  Chan- 
cellor : —  "  he  votes  and  speaks  with  us,"  says  Wharton  ; 
"  but  I  am  afraid  from  resentment,  and  not  principle." 

On  the  passing  of  the  Act  Bolingbroke  returned  to 
England.  He  appears  to  have  made  OnlTmore  effort  to 
gain  the  friendship  of  Walpole,  and  his  support  in 
completing  his  restoration  ;  but  being  repulsed,  he 
plunged  decisively  into  cabals  against  that  Minister.  Still 
retaining  his  influence  with  the  Duchess  of  Kendal,  he 
endeavoured  to  combine  a  strong  opposition  in  Parliament, 
and  in  the  country,  under  the  convenient  name  of  PA- 
TRIOTS, and  he  found  an  unexpected  and  most  powerful  ally 
in  William  Pulteney.  This  celebrated  party  leader  was 
born  in  1682  :  his  family  was  old,  his  fortune  immense. 
He  early  distinguished  himself  in  Parliament ;  during 
the  last  years  of  Queen  Anne,  he  was  one  of  the  most 
steady  and  able  supporters  of  the  Whigs,  and  on  the 
accession  of  George,  became  Secretary  at  War.  Walpole 
and  he  were  especially  intimate.  When  Walpole  was 
sent  to  the  Tower,  for  corruption,  Pulteney  had  spoken 
in  favour  of  his  friend ;  when  a  schism  broke  out  in 
the  Government  of  1717,  Pulteney  was  one  of  the  few 
who  adhered  to  Walpole,  and  left  office  with  him.f  He 
had,  therefore,  the  strongest  claims,  political  and  per- 

*  Duke  of  Wharton  to  James,  Feb.  3.  1725.    Appendix. 

t  It  appears,  however,  that  Pulteney  did  not  approve  of  the  factious 
course  which  Walpole  took  in  opposition.  See  in  the  Appendix  to 
this  volume  Lord  Stair's  letter  to  Lord  Stanhope,  January  23.  171§. 


74  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIII. 

sonal,  upon  Walpole,  when  Walpole  returned  to  power. 
But  he  had  two  great  faults  in  Walpole's  eyes  —  ability 
and  independence.  In  fact,  there  is  nothing  more  re- 
markable throughout  all  Walpole's  administration,  than 
his  extreme  jealousy  of  any  colleague  who  could  possibly 
grow  his  rival  near  the  throne.  Considering  the  very 
favourable  circumstances  under  which  he  became  Prime 
Minister  —  the  deaths,  in  such  rapid  succession,  of  all 
his  chief  competitors  —  the  re-union  of  the  great  Whig 
party  —  the  insignificance  and  division  of  the  Tories  in 
Parliament  —  the  readiness  of  the  chief  remaining  states- 
men to  act  under  him  —  we  can  scarcely  doubt,  that 
a  liberal  encouragement  of  rising  talents,  and  toleration 
of  high-minded  colleagues,  would  have  secured  his 
power  through  his  life,  without  serious  difficulty,  and 
averted  that  fearful  tempest  which,  during  his  last 
years,  howled  around  his  head,  and  at  length  overthrew, 
not  only  him,  but,  in  its  violence,  almost  the  monarchy 
itself.  But  such  liberality  did  not  belong  to  Walpole  — 
he  would  be  all  or  nothing.  He  could  be  kind  to  a 
dependent,  or  generous  to  an  enemy ;  not  fair  to  a  col- 
league. He  could  forgive  great  faults,  but  never  great 
talents.  We  have  already  seen  his  conduct  to  Stanhope, 
to  Sunderland,  and  to  Carteret ;  \ve  shall  hereafter  see  it 
to  Townshend  and  to  Chesterfield  ;  and  it  may  truly  be 
said  that  the  opposition  under  which  he  fell  at  last,  was 
one  raised  and  fostered  by  his  own  inordinate  ambition. 

With  this  feeling  Walpole,  instead  of  proposing  any 
office  to  Pulteney,  tendered  him  a  peerage,  wishing  to 
withdraw  him  from  a  House  where  his  talents  and  in- 
fluence were  already  feared.  This  offer  Pulteney,  as 
might  have  been  expected,  indignantly  declined.  He 
still  continued,  however,  to  expect  a  junction  with  Wal- 
pole, and  two  years  afterwards  consented  to  take  (no 
doubt  as  a  step  to  a  higher)  the  very  subordinate  post  of 
Cofferer  of  the  Household.  But  finding  himself  disap- 
pointed, he  silently  brooded  over  his  wrongs,  and  watched 
a  favourable  opportunity  to  attack  the  Minister  in  Par- 
liament. Such  an  opening  occurred  in  the  Session  of 
1725,  on  a  motion  for  discharging  the  debts  of  the  Civil 
List,  when  Pulteney  expressed  his  wonder  how  so  great 
a  debt  could  be  contracted  in  three  years'  time,  but  added, 


1725.  WILLIAM   PULTENET.  75 

that  he  was  not  surprised  some  persons  were  so  eager  to 
have  the  deficiencies  of  the  Civil  List  made  good,  since 
they  and  their  friends  had  so  great  a  share  in  it.  After 
one  or  two  such  sallies,  he  was  dismissed  from  his  place 
as  Cofferer;  he  then  openly  joined  the  Opposition,  and 
leagued  himself  with  Bolingbroke.  In  conjunction  be- 
tween them  was  planned  and  penned  that  celebrated 
paper,  the  Craftsman,  which  first  appeared  in  the  ensu- 
ing year,  and  which  proved  one  of  the  bitterest  and  most 
formidable  assailants  of  the  Minister. 

The  eloquence  of  Pultcney  was  of  that  kind  most  valued 
in  English  Parliaments — ready,  clear,  and  pointed,  and 
always  adapted  to  the  temper  of  the  moment.  He  was 
often  heard  to  say,  that  hardly  any  man  ever  became  a 
great  orator,  who  began  by  making  a  set  speech.  A  most 
competent  judge,  and  not  his  friend,  Speaker  Onslow,  as- 
sures us,  that  he  knew  how,  "  to  animate  every  subject 
"  of  popularity  with  the  spirit  and  fire  that  the  orators 
"  of  the  ancient  commonwealths  governed  the  people  by ; 
"  was  as  classical  and  as  elegant  in  the  speeches  he  did' 
"  not  prepare,  as  they  were  in  their  most  studied  compo- 
"  sitions,  mingling  wit  and  pleasantry,  and  the  application 
"  even  of  little  stories  so  properly,  to  affect  his  hearers, 
"  that  he  would  overset  the  best  argumentation  in  the 
"  world,  and  win  people  to  his  side,  often  against  their 
"own  convictions."  The  same  quickness  of  wit  sparkled 
in  his  conversation*,  and  in  his  writings,  nor  only  in 
prose,  for  he  had  a  natural  and  happy  vein  for  the 
lighter  sort  of  poetry.  But  this  very  vivacity  too  often 
unsettled  his  judgment,  and  defeated  his  designs.  "His. 
parts,"  says  Lord  Chesterfield,  "  were  rather .  above 
"  business ;  and  the  warmth  of  his  imagination,  joined 
"  to  the  impetuosity  and  restlessness  of  his  temper,  made 
"  him  incapable  of  conducting  it  long  together  with 
"  prudence."  From  the  same  temper,  ho  has  been  ac- 
cused of  indiscretion ;  and  he  sometimes  (as  is  often 
seen)  attempted  to  prove  that  he  could  keep  new  secrets, 

*  An  accomplished  acquaintance  said  of  him,  "  Whenever  Lord 
"  Bath  desists  from  Greek  and  punning,  I  take  it  to  be  just  as  bad  a 
"  symptom  as  if  he  lost  his  appetite."  This  was  only  a  few  months 
before  his  death.  See  the  Memoirs  of  Mrs.  Carter,  by  the  Rev.  M. 
Pennington,  vol.  i.  p.  394. 


76  HISTORY  OF   ENGLANT).  CIIAP.  XIU. 

by  revealing  old  ones,  that  is,  by  boasting  of  the  in- 
stances in  which  he  had  been  already  trusted.  If  we 
compare  him  to  Chatham,  we  shall  not  find  the  same 
lofty  and  commanding  spirit ;  if  to  Walpole,  we  shall 
miss  a  steady  and  sagacious  application.  Unlike  both  of 
these,  the  base  passion  of  avarice  had  sprung  up  in  his 
bosom,  and  grew  so  high  as  sometimes  to  stifle  that 
nobler  plant,  ambition.  His  private  character,  however, 
was  respectable ;  his  public  uncorrupt.  No  stain  of 
treachery,  of  ingratitude,  or  of  intrigues  against  the 
Protestant  Succession,  rests  upon  his  memory.  He  could 
win  popularity,  but  not  employ  it  either  for  the  benefit 
of  those  who  gave  it  or  for  his  own.  The  idol  of  the 
nation,  as  William  Pulteney,  became  their  scorn  as  Earl 
of  Bath  ;  he  tried  often,  but  in  vain,  to  recover  his  lost 
ground ;  and  he  passed  his  old  age  in  that  greatest  of  all 
curses  that  can  befall  the  human  mind  —  to  find  its 
aspirations  higher  than  its  powers. 

Another  result  of  this  Session  which  must  not  be 
omitted,  was  the  passing  of  the  "  City  Act."  The 
object  was  to  curb  the  Common  Council  of  London, 
and  restrain  that  opposition  which  they  frequently 
manifested  against  every  government ;  the  means  were 
to  vest  in  the  Mayor  and  Court  of  Aldermen,  a  ne- 
gative on  their  proceedings.  The  Bill  was  not  carried 
without  a  violent  outcry  in  London,  and  a  strong  op- 
position in  the  House  of  Lords ;  and  the  negative 
it  granted  was  so  unpopular,  that  it  appears  to  have 
remained  dormant  and  disused  for  nearly  fourteen 
years.* 

Immediately  at  the  close  of  the  Session,  in  June 
1725,  the  King  revived,  the  Order  of  the  Bath,  which  had 
been  dropped  since  the  coronation  of  Charles  the 
Second.  The  number  of  Knights  was  now  fixed  at 
thirty-eight,  amongst  whom  neither  Walpole  nor  his 
son  were  forgotten.  Next  year,  Sir  Robert  had  the 
further  distinction  of  being  installed  Knight  of  the 
Garter,  being  the  only  commoner  in  modern  times, 
except  Admiral  Montagu,  or  the  eldest  sons  of  peers, 

*  Duke  of  Wharton  to  James,  May  1.  1725.  Appendix.  Coxe's 
Pelham,  voL  L  p.  221. 


1725.  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS.  7? 

who  ever  enjoyed  that  honour.  I  have  been  assured 
that  the  Garter  was  in  like  manner  warmly  pressed 
upon  Mr.  Pitt  by  George  the  Third,  but  respectfully 
declined  by  the  Minister,  and  that  the  King  then  in- 
sisted on  transferring  it  to  his  brother,  Lord  Chatham. 

It  was  with  great  difficulty  that,  in  the  foregoing  year, 
the  remonstrances  of  Townshend  had  withheld  the  King 
from  returning  to  Hanover  * ;  but  scarcely  had  this 
Session  ended,  than  he  began  his  journey,  accompanied 
as  usual  by  Townshend  and  the  Duchess  of  Kendal. 
The  state  of  his  foreign  relations  was  now  again  be- 
coming critical,  and  needed  his  utmost  attention.  Philip 
the  Fifth  at  this  time  was  once  more  King  of  Spain  ; 
he  had,  early  in  1724,  under  the  influence  of  a  hypo- 
chondriac melancholy,  resigned  in  favour  of  his  son, 
Don  Luis,  and  retired  to  St.  lldefonso ;  but  the  young 
Prince  dying  after  a  reign  of  only  seven  months,  Philip 
was  induced,  by  the  ambition  of  his  Queen,  to  re-ascend 
the  throne.  His  differences  with  the  Emperor  were  not 
yet  finally  adjusted.  We  have  seen  that  the  treaties  at  the 
fall  of  Alberoni  being  concluded  in  haste  for  the  cessation 
of  hostilities  could  not  at  once  wholly  reconcile  so  many 
jarring  and  complicated  interests,  and  reserved  some 
points  (amongst  others  Gibraltar)  for  a  future  Congress 
at  Cambray.f  That  Congress,  from  various  petty  diffi- 
culties and  delays,  did  not  meet  till  January  1724,  and 
even  then  its  proceedings  were  languid  and  without 
result.  In  fact  the  Spanish  Court  had  begun  to  think 
that  a  private  and  separate  negotiation  with  the  Em- 
peror would  best  attain  its  objects  ;  and  with  this  hope 
it  had  despatched,  as  ambassador  to  Vienna,  Baron  Rip- 
perda,  an  intriguing  Dutch  adventurer,  who  had  been 
a  tool  of  Alberoni,  and  who  now,  from  the  want  of  able 
statesmen,  was  considered  so  himself. 

It  is  probable,  however,  that  these  slow  negotiations 
might  have  lingered  on  for  many  months,  or  even  years, 
had  they  not  received  an  impulse  from  a  new  and  unfore- 
seen event.  One  chief  inducement  with  Philip,  in  acced- 
ing to  the  Quadruple  Alliance,  had  been  a  double  mar- 

*  Lord  Townshend  to  the  King,  April,  1724.     Coxe's  Walpolc. 
f  See  vol.  L  p.  352. 


78  HISTOKT  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIII. 

riage  between  the  branches  of  the  House  of  Bourbon. 
His  son,  Don  Luis,  espoused  a  daughter  of  the  Regent 
Duke  of  Orleans,  while  his  daughter,  the  Infanta  Mary 
Anne,  was  betrothed  to  the  young  King  of  France.  In 
pursuance  of  this  compact,  the  Infanta,  then  only  four 
years  of  age,  had  been  sent  to  Paris  to  be  educated  accord- 
ing to  the  French  manners,  and  was  treated  as  the  future 
Queen.  The  French  nation,  however,  viewed  with  much 
distaste  an  alliance  which  afforded  only  such  distant  hopes 
of  issue ;  and  when  the  Duke  de  Bourbon  came  to  the 
helm  of  affairs,  he  had  a  peculiar  motive  for  aversion  to 
it.  Should  Louis  the  Fifteenth  die  childless,  the  next 
heir  would  be  the  son  of  the  late  Regent,  the  young  Duke 
of  Orleans,  between  whom  and  Bourbon  there  had  sprung 
up  a  personal  and  rancorous  hatred.  Bourbon  had,  there- 
fore, the  strongest  reason  to  dread  the  accession  of  that 
Prince ;  an  illness  of  Louis,  about  this  time,  quickened 
his  apprehensions*,  and  he  determined,  at  all  hazards,  to 
dismiss  the  Infanta,  and  find  the  King  another  bride  of 
maturer  years.  At  one  time  he  thought  of  Princess 
Anne  of  England ;  but  King  George,  when  sounded  on 
this  subject,  declared,  much  to  his  honour,  that  the  obsta- 
cle of  religion  (for  the  bride  must  have  become  a  Roman 
Catholic)  was  insuperable.  The  Duke  de  Bourbon  and 
Madame  de  Prie  next  turned  their  eyes  to  Mary  Leczinska, 
daughter  of  Stanislaus,  the  exiled  King  of  Poland.  The 
cradle  of  Mary  had  been  rocked  amidst  the  storms  of  civil 
war  ;  on  one  occasion,  for  example,  when  still  a  child  in 
arms,  she  was  forgotten  and  lost  in  a  hurried  retreat ; 
and  at  length,  after  an  ajixious  search,  was  found  by  her 
father  lying  in  the  trough  ef  a  village  stable.f  She  was 
now  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  not  deficient  in  beauty 
or  accomplishments  ;  while  her  state  of  exile  and  obscu- 
rity would,  Madame  de  Prie  expected,  render  her  more 
grateful  for  her  elevation,  and  more  pliant  to  control. 

This  alliance  being  finally  fixed,  and  the  consent  of 
Louis  obtained,  the  Duke  de  Bourbon,  in  March,  1725, 
sent  back  the  Infanta.  Such  an  insult,  which  would 


•  Dnclos,  Hera.  vol.  ii.  p.  299. 

f  Voltaire,  Hist,  de  Charles  XIL  livre  iii.     He  heard  this  anecdote 
from  Stanislaus  hiicself. 


1725.  TREATIES    SIGNED   AT    VIENNA,  79 

have  been  painful  to  any  temper,  was  intolerable  to  the 
pride  of  Spain.  Scarcely  could  the  mob  be  restrained 
from  a  general  massacre  of  the  French  at  Madrid.  The 
King  and  Queen  expressed  their  resentment  in  most  pas- 
sionate terms  *,  declaring  that  they  would  never  be  recon- 
ciled till  the  Duke  de  Bourbon  came  to  their  Court  and 
implored  their  pardon  on  his  knees.  To  Mr.  William 
Stanhope,  the  English  Minister,  they  announced  their 
intention  to  place,  in  future,  their  whole  trust  and  confi- 
dence in  his  Master,  and  allow  no  mediation  but  his  in 
their  negotiations.  But  as  soon  as  it  appeared  that  King 
George  refused  on  this  account  to  break  his  connection 
with  France,  their  Spanish  Majesties  turned  their  resent- 
ment against  him  also.  They  dissolved  the  Congress  of 
Cambray  by  recalling  their  Plenipotentiaries,  and  in- 
structed Ripperda  to  abandon  all  the  contested  points 
with  the  Court  of  Vienna,  and  form,  if  possible,  a  close 
alliance  against  France  and  England. 

Nor  was  the  Emperor  disinclined  to  accept  these  over- 
tures. He  had  thought  himself  wronged  by  the  terms  of 
the  Quadruple  Allies ;  and  though  he  acquiesced  in  the 
first,  had  never  forgiven  the  latter.  Of  France  he  was 
afraid ;  of  Hanover,  jealous ;  and  he  had  recently  em- 
broiled himself  with  England  and  Holland  by  establishing 
at  Ostend  an  East  India  Company,  which  was  considered 
as  contrary  to  the  treaty  of  Westphalia,  and  which,  at  all 
events,  was  keenly  resented  by  the  maritime  powers. 
Under  these  impressions,  Ripperda  found  few  difficulties 
in  his  negotiations,  and  on  the  last  of  April  and  first  of 
May,  signed  three  treaties  at  Vienna,  confirming  the  ar- 
ticles of  the  Quadruple  Alliance,  but  proceeding  to  form 
a  close  concert  of  measures.  By  these  the  King  of  Spain 
sanctioned  the  Ostend  Company,  and  allowed  it  the  same 
privileges  as  to  the  most  favoured  nations.f  He  ceased 

*  The  Queen  exclaimed  to  the  French  Envoy,  "  All  the  Bourbons 
"  are  a  race  of  devils  ! "  then,  suddenly  recollecting  that  her  husband 
was  of  that  House,  she  turned  to  him  and  added,  "  except  your 
"  Majesty ! "  —  Account  of  Ripperda  ;  and  Coxe's  Memoirs  of  Spain, 
vol.  iii.  p.  111. 

f  Only  a  year  before  (April  26.  1724),  the  King  had  made  a 
solemn  representation  against  this  Company.  See  Dumont,  Suppl. 
Corps  Diplom.  vol.  viii.  part  ii.  p.  85. 


80  HISTORY   OF   EXGLAXD.  CHAP.  XIII. 

to  insist  on  a  point  he  had  long  demanded — the  exclusive 
mastership  of  the  Golden  Fleece.  He  no  longer  claimed 
that  Spanish  troops  should  garrison  the  fortresses  of  Tus- 
cany. He  acknowledged  the  Emperor's  right  to  Naples, 
Sicily,  the  Milanese,  and  Netherlands ;  and  guaranteed 
what  was  termed  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  namely,  the 
succession  of  the  hereditary  states  of  Austria  in  the  female 
line.  This  was  a  point  for  which  Charles  was  most  soli- 
citous, having  only  daughters  in  his  family,  and  its  gua- 
rantee was  a  vast  concession  on  the  part  of  Philip,  who 
might  otherwise  on  the  Emperor's  death  have  put  forth 
a  just,  or  at  least  a  plausible,  claim  on  his  Flemish  and 
Italian  dominions.  Both  Sovereigns  engaged  to  support 
each  other,  should  either  be  attacked ;  Charles  to  bring 
into  the  field  20,000  foot  and  10,000  horse  ;  Philip,  only 
20,000  troops,  but  15  ships  of  war.* 

The  world  beheld,  with  astonishment,  two  Princes, 
whose  rival  pretensions  had  for  so  many  years  distracted 
Europe  with  divisions  and  deluged  it  with  blood,  now 
suddenly  bound  together  by  the  closest  ties  of  alliance, 
and  combining  against  those  very  powers  which  had 
hitherto  befriended  and  aided  one  part  or  the  other. 
But  the  large  concessions  made  by  Philip,  ill  compen- 
sated by  a  new  renunciation  of  the  Spanish  Crown  from 
Charles,  raised  an  immediate  suspicion  that  there  must 
be  other  secret  articles  to  the  advantage  of  the  Court 
of  Madrid ;  and,  in  fact,  hopes  had  been  held  out  to  it  of 
a  project  most  dangerous  to  the  balance  of  power  —  a 
marriage  between  the  young  Archduchess,  the  heiress  of 
the  Austrian  States,  and  one  of  the  Infants  of  Spain; 
These  were  only  hopes  ;  but  it  was  speedily  shown,  by 
many  concurrent  proofs,  and  afterwards  confirmed  by 
the  confession  of  Ripperda  and  others,  that  at  the  same 
time  with  the  public  treaty,  a  private  agreement  had 
been  concluded,  according  to  which  the  allies  of  Vienna 
were  to  demand  first  Gibraltar,  and  then  Minorca,  for 
Spain ;  and,  in  case  of  refusal,  to  combine  for  the  resti- 
tution of  these  by  force,  and  for  the  enthronement  of  the 
Pretender  in  England.  A  motive  of  religion  was  also 

*  Dnmont,  Suppl.  Corps  Diplom.  vol.  viii.  part  ii.  p.  114.  The 
Emperor's  contingent  is  augmented  by  10,000  in  Coxc's  Walpole. 


1725.          THE  TREATY  OF  HANOVER.  81 

mingled  in  the  latter  project ;  and  either  the  accomplish- 
ment or  the  alarm  of  it  might,  as  the  Emperor  hoped, 
obtain  his  great  object  at  this  time  —  the  guarantee  of 
the  Pragmatic  Sanction  by  the  French  and  English 
nations.  "  In  this  case,"  said  Walpole,  many  years  after- 
wards, "it  was  not  his  late  Majesty's  Ministers  here  who 
'  informed  him ;  it  was  he  that  informed  them  of  the 
'transaction;  he  had  his  information  at  Hanover,  and 
'  it  was  so  good  that  he  could  not  be  deceived ;  I  know 
'as  well,  and  am  as  certain  that  there  were  such 
'  articles,  as  those  very  persons  who  drew  up  the 
'  articles."  * 

Russia  also  showed  a  strong  inclination  to  engage  in 
the  same  confederacy.  On  the  death  of  Peter  the  Great 
his  widow,  Catherine,  had  been  acknowledged  as  Em- 
press, and  pursued  his  plans  with  scarcely  an  inferior 
spirit.  She  had  inherited  his  rancour  against  England  ; 
and  having  married  her  daughter  to  the  Duke  of  Hoi- 
stein,  became  eager  to  recover  Sleswick,  which  Denmark 
had  formerly  wrested  from  that  Duchy.  "  For  myself," 
she  said,  "  I  could  be  content  with  clothes  to  keep  me 
"  warm,  and  with  bread  to  eat ;  but  I  am  determined  to 
"  see  justice  done  to  my  son-in-law  ;  and,  for  his  sake,  I 
"  would  not  scruple  to  put  myself  at  the  head  of  an 
"  army ;  "  f  —  and  accordingly  she  issued  orders  for 
soldiers  and  ships  to  be  equipped.  Large  sums  were 
transmitted  from  Madrid  to  St.  Petersburg,  larger  still 
to  Vienna ;  in  fact,  it  is  said,  that  this  last  Court  re- 
ceived no  less  than  1,300,000  pistoles  in  fourteen  months. 

Such  formidable  preparations  called  for  a  counter- 
confederacy  on  the  part  of  England.  Horace  Walpole 
obtained  the  accession  of  France  ;  Prussia  was  secured 
by  Townshend,  through  a  guarantee  of  its  claims  on 
Juliers ;  and,  on  the  3rd  of  September,  was  signed  a 
defensive  alliance  between  these  three  powers,  called, 
from  the  place  of  its  signature,  the  Treaty  of  Hanover. 
A  separate  article  referred  to  some  cruelties  lately  prac- 
tised on  the  Protestants  at  Thorn  in  Polish  Prussia,  and 
engaged  to  obtain  satisfaction  for  them.  The  second  and 

*  Speech,  March  29.  1734.     Parl.  Hist.  voL  ix.  p.  598. 
f  Mr.  Poyntz  to  Lord  Townshend,  May  14.  1725. 

VOL.  H.  Q 


82  HISTORY  OP   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIII. 

third  undertook  that  in  case  of  any  attack  on  one  of  the 
contracting  parties,  the  others  should  furnish  a  certain 
quota  in  troops,  or  the  value  in  ships  or  money  ;  and,  in 
case  of  need,  should  agree  concerning  further  succours. 
These  were  nearly  all  the  apparent  stipulations ;  but 
their  real  drift  was,  moreover,  to  counter-balance  the 
treaty  of  Vienna  —  compel  the  Emperor  to  relinquish 
the  Ostend  Company,  —  and  withstand  any  attempts 
that  might  be  made  in  behalf  of  the  Pretender. 

Such  was  the  celebrated  treaty  of  Hanover,  against 
which  the  Opposition  so  often  thundered  during  the 
administration  of  Walpole.  "  Thus  Hanover  rode  tri- 
"  umphant  on  the  shoulders  of  England,"  writes  Chester- 
field. "  It  was  a  treaty,  the  tendency  of  which  is  dis- 
'•' covered  in  the  name,"  cries  Chatham.  But  their  judg- 
ment loses  much  of  its  weight,  when  we  find  it  built  on 
the  assumption  that  there  Avas,  in  fact,  no  secret  agree- 
ment at  Vienna.  The  proofs  of  that  agreement,  depend- 
ing mainly  on  private  and  confidential  disclosures,  could 
not,  at  the  time,  be  made  known ;  and  party  spirit  was 
eager  to  deny  an  injury  which  it  would  not  resent.  But 
we  —  who  can  scarcely  be  unconvinced  that  there  was 
such  an  agreement  —  who  observe  that  the  two  Courts 
were  rapidly  marching  to  its  execution,  and  that  Spain 
had  just  taken  the  first  public  step  by  a  peremptory  de- 
mand of  Gibraltar  from  the  British  Government  —  can 
we  doubt  that  it  was  necessary  to  provide  against  this 
alarming  combination,  and  that  a  counter-alliance  was 
likely  to  prove,  as  it  did  prove,  the  best  means  of  avert- 
ing the  danger,  and  preserving  peace  to  England  and  to 
Europe  ? 

Nor  can  it  truly  be  said,  that  the  treaty  of  Hanover 
was  framed  to  promote  Hanoverian  objects.  I  do  not 
deny,  that  the  interests  of  Hanover  had,  in  many  in- 
stances, been  unduly  cherished,  and  had  given  rise  to 
some  of  the  difficulties  out  of  which  the  treaty  sprung. 
It  was  the  acquisition  of  Bremen  and  Verden  from  Den- 
mark which  produced  the  seizure  of  Sleswick  and  the 
resentment  of  Russia,  while  the  Emperor  was  no  less 
offended  at  this  spirit  of  aggrandisement,  and  at  the 
refusal  of  George  to  pay  the  large  fines  required  for 
investitures.  Had  it  not  been  for  Hanover,  there  might 


1725.         RIVALRY  OF   AVALPOLE   AND   TOAVNSIIEXD.  83 

have  been  no  confederacy  at  Vienna.  But  that  con- 
federacy once  formed,  and  once  pointed  against  England, 
from  whatever  cause,  it  was  necessary  for  England  to 
withstand  it ;  and  the  treaty  of  the  3rd  of  September 
was,  in  fact,  only  for  the  defence  of  England  and  of  English 
objects,  —  Gibraltar,  the  Ostend  Company,  and  the  at- 
tempts of  the  Pretender, — in  all  which  Hanover  had  not 
the  least  concern.  So  certain  is  this,  that  the  King's  Ger- 
man Ministers  were  unanimous  against  it,  complaining 
that  the  King  was  exposing  his  foreign  states  to  the  ven- 
geance of  the  head  of  the  Empire  for  the  sake  of  En- 
glish trade.  The  King  himself  opposed  the  treaty  on 
this  ground,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  his 
consent  was  extorted  by  Townshend.  And  thus,  while 
the  Opposition  at  home  was  clamorous  against  the  treaty 
as  too  Hanoverian,  the  Germans,  with  more  reason,  de- 
nounced it  as  too  English. 

The  treaty  of  Hanover  was,  I  think,  the  only  Minis- 
terial measure  from  1721  to  1742,  in  which  Walpole  did 
not  take  the  principal  lead.  A  statesman  so  jealous  of 
power,  was  not  a  little  displeased  to  find  this  important 
transaction  almost  solely  conducted  by  a  colleague.  He 
was  determined,  according  to  his  own  phrase,  that  the 
firm  should  be  Walpole  and  Townshend,  not  Townshend 
and  "Walpole.  To  this  period  may  probably  be  ascribed 
his  first  animosity  against  his  brother  Minister  ;  perhaps 
even  the  fixed  intention  to  remove  him  at  a  fitting  oppor- 
tunity. He  complained  that  Townshend  had  been  "  too 
"  precipitate  ;"  meaning,  no  doubt,  that  there  would  have 
been  sufficient  time  to  receive  his  advice  and  directions, 
— and  surely  his  talents  deserved  it.  All  his  remarks  on 
this  subject  display  his  superior  sagacity.  He  fully  ap- 
proved of  the  main  principles  of  the  Treaty,  but  he 
remonstrated  against  the  large  sums  required  to  gain 
Sweden ;  he  would  not  lay  an  embargo  on  the  Russian 
ships  of  war ;  he  thought  it  a  grievous  omission  not  to 
have  secured  Portugal  in  the  event  of  another  war  with 
Spain.  Still  more  must  he  have  disapproved  a  wild 
scheme  which  Townshend  had  formed  and  communicated 
to  his  brother  Horace ;  to  conquer  the  Austrian  Nether- 
lands, and  divide  them  between  England,  Holland,  and 

o  2 


84  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIH. 

France.*  Walpole  was  far  too  wise  a  statesman  to  allow 
the  French,  under  any  pretext,  a  footing  in  the  Nether- 
lands. He  knew,  as  was  emphatically  said  many  years 
afterwards  by  an  American  Minister  in  London,  that  "  if 
"  ever  France  should  acquire  the  dominion  of  Flanders, 
"  having  at  the  same  time  a  good  constitution,  the  conse- 
"  quence  of  this  island  is  gone."f 

In  December,  the  King  began  his  journey  to  England ; 
and  landed  at  Rye  after  a  most  violent  tempest,  which 
exposed  him  to  considerable  danger.  The  engagements 
he  had  lately  concluded  produced  the  principal,  indeed 
the  only  important,  debates  of  the  ensuing  Session  ;  their 
policy  was  severely  arraigned  by  Pulteney,  Shippen,  and 
Lord  Lechmere ;  but  ably  defended  by  Townshend  and 
the  two  Walpoles,  and  supported  by  large  majorities  in 
both  Houses.  The  funds  also,  which,  on  the  apprehension 
of  war,  had  fallen  12  or  14  per  cent.  J,  gradually  recovered 
from  their  depression. 

*  Lord  Townshend  to  Horace  Walpole,  August  27.  1725. 

f  Gouverneur  Morris's  Letters  to  President  Washington,  August 
30.  1790. 

I  See  Mr.  Barnard's  Speech,  Feb.  9.  1726.  (ParL  Hist.  vol.  viii. 
p.  502.) 


1725.  JACOBITE   INTRIGUES.  85 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

WHILE  such  engagements  were  concluded  at  Hanover, 
and  confirmed  in  London,  the  little  Court  of  the  Pretender 
was  full  of  expectation  and  scheming.  "  I  have  had  for 
"  some  time  reason  to  hope,"  writes  James  to  one  of  his 
Scottish  adherents,  "  that  the  Emperor  will  soon  espouse 
'  my  restoration  in  a  very  particular  manner.  You  will 
'  allow  it  is  no  easy  matter  to  persuade  a  foreign  prince 
'  of  the  facilities  he  would  find  in  such  an  attempt. 
'  Therefore  I  proposed  to  the  Emperor,  to  send  a  Minister 
'  privately  to  England,  to  take  information  there  of  the 
'good  disposition  of  my  subjects,  and  I  have  reason  to 
'  believe  that  he  will  send  one  soon."  *  A  secret  mission 
of  this  kind  would,  however,  have  been  so  liable  to  sus- 
picion and  discovery,  that  the  inquiry  was  relinquished, 
or  rather  left  to  be  the  private  object  of  a  public  embassy. 
But  James,  on  his  part,  sent  over  one  of  his  most  trusty 
followers,  Allan  Cameron,  to  visit  the  Highlands,  and 
prepare  them  for  a  rising.  This  agent  found  there  a 
curious  combination  of  zeal  and  caution ;  for  example, 
among  the  Gordons  it  was  already  arranged,  that  the 
Duke  should  stay  at  home  in  the  next  insurrection  and 
secure  the  estate,  while  the  Earl  of  Aboyne,  as  next  man 
of  the  family,  should  head  the  clan.f  The  principles  of 
the  Highlanders  were  still  unchanged,  and  their  spirit 
unbroken.  In  vain  had  the  Act  for  the  Encouragement 
of  Loyalty  in  Scotland,  brought  in  by  Stanhope  in  1715, 
and  commonly  called  the  Clan  Act,  endeavoured  to  dis- 
solve their  bond  of  feudal  union,  by  providing,  that  when- 
ever a  vassal  took  arms  in  any  rebellion,  his  property  was 
to  devolve  upon  his  liege  lord  if  he  remained  quiet ;  and 
on  the  other  hand,  that  a  loyal  vassal  was  to  receive  the 
freehold  of  his  lands  from  a  rebellious  lord.  In  vain,  also, 

*  To  Mr.  Lockhart,  Feb.  2.  1726.    Lockhart  Papers, 
t  Mr.  Lockhart  to  James,  July  7.  1726. 
G  3 


86  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIY. 

had  there  passed  in  the  very  last  Session,  an  Act  for  dis- 
arming the  Highlanders.  There  was  indeed  a  simulated 
surrender  of  arms  to  General  Wade ;  but  in  fact  none 
but  old  rusty  firelocks,  and  other  unserviceable  weapons, 
were  yielded  by  the  disaffected  clans,  while  the  few  well- 
disposed  gave  all,  so  that,  in  1745,  the  latter  were  found 
defenceless,  and  the  first  prepared.*  General  Wade,  who 
had  been  sent  into  Scotland  with  very  full  powers,  seems 
to  have  been  a  judicious  and  conciliatory  man,  insomuch 
that  he  became  personally  popular,  even  whilst  faithfully 
obeying  most  distasteful  orders.  He  employed  himself 
more  usefully  in  making  military  roads  across  the  High- 
lands, but  these  (such  is  the  capriciousness  of  fame !)  are 
perhaps  less  remembered  for  the  solid  advantage,  than  for 
the  silly  panegyric,  they  produced. f 

From  the  North,  Allan  Cameron  proceeded  to  Edin- 
burgh, to  confer  with  the  Duke  of  Hamilton,  Mr.  Lock- 
hart,  and  the  other  managers  or  "  trustees  "  of  James  in 
the  south  of  Scotland ;  for  it  is  very  remarkable  how 
slight  and  casual  were  then  the  communications  between 
the  Highlands  and  Lowlands,  and  how  little  the  Chiefs  in 
one  quarter  knew  what  was  passing  in  the  other.  Though 
attainted,  Cameron  remained  for  some  time  at  Edinburgh, 
and  ventured  to  frequent  the  most  public  taverns,  observ- 
ing only  a  new  and  convivial  plan  for  his  security.  "  All 
"  his  caution,"  writes  Lockhart,  "  consisted  in  outsitting 
"  all  other  companies  at  the  same  tavern,  so  that  he  was 
"  safe  going  home  ! "  Cameron  was  assured,  that  James's 
party  had  not  fallen  off  in  numbers  or  in  zeal,  and  that 
the  people  at  large  were  ripe  for  another  attempt.  But 
it  was  added,  that  this  attempt  could  never  promise 
success  unless  made  with  a  foreign  force ;  that  such  a 
force  ought  to  land  in  England,  and  the  nearer  London 
the  better ;  and  that  nothing  should,  or  need  be  expected 
from  Scotland,  except  a  diversion,  to  prevent  the  troops 

*  See  an  article  ascribed  to  Sir  Walter  Scott,  Quart.  Rev.  No. 
xxviii.  p.  322,  &c. 

•f  I  allude  to  the  well-known  couplet :  — 

"  Had  you  but  seen  these  roads,  before  they  were  made, 

"  You'd  have  lifted  up  your  eyes,  and  blessed  General  Wade !  " 

J  To  Lord  Inverness,  June  9.  1726. 


1725.  ATTERBURY  AT  PARIS.  87 

stationed  there  from  being  called  to  England,  or  to  inter- 
cept them  if  they  marched.  With  this  view  a  smaller 
division  of  foreign  troops  would  be  useful  in  Scotland ; 
and  it  was  recommended,  that  if  sufficiently  strong  to 
stand  against  the  regular  forces,  they  should  land  to  the 
south  of  the  Forth  ;  but  if  too  weak,  they  should  be  set 
on  shore  in  the  Highlands,  so  as  to  be  quickly  joined  by 
the  clans.  The  "  aversion  to  the  Union,"  it  was  also 
said,  "  daily  increases,  and  that  is  the  handle  by  which 
"  Scotsmen  will  be  incited  to  make  a  general  and  zealous 
"  appearance."  * 

Almost  every  Court  in  Europe  now  became  the  scene 
of  negotiations  on  the  part  of  James.  Bishop  Atterbury 
was  his  ablest,  and  not  his  least  active  partisan  :  on 
his  first  landing,  he  had  gone  to  Brussels ;  but  had  after- 
wards proceeded  to  Paris,  where  he  managed  the  Pre- 
tender's business,  although  so  covertly,  that  his  friends 
in  England  were  still  able  to  deny  his  Jacobite  connec- 
tions. In  his  own  words  to  James,  "I  obey  all  your 
'  commands,  as  far  as  my  sad  state  of  health,  and  the 
'  recluse  and  solitary  life  I  am  obliged  to  lead,  have 
'  enabled  me.  I  do  my  best ;  and  what  is  wanting  in 
'  abilities,  endeavour  to  make  up  by  my  prayers  for  your 
'  prosperity  and  happiness."  t  There  was  little  to  be 
done  with  the  ruling  French  Ministers,  but  a  large  field 
for  intrigue  with  the  statesmen  out  of  power,  and  the 
party  attached  to  the  maxims  of  Louis  the  Fourteenth. 
Lord  Mar  was  also  at  Paris,  but  no  longer  in  James's 
confidence.  For  some  time  after  the  return  from  Scot- 
land, he  had  been  James's  sole  favourite;  all  business 
passed  through  his  hands,  or  was  entrusted  to  his  crea- 
tures ;  and  those  that  would  not  truckle  to  him  were 
represented  as  factious  and  humoursome,  and  opposing 
their  Prince's  just  authority.  Not  a  few  faithful  old 
servants  consequently  retired  from  James's  Court  in  dis- 
gust. But  in  passing  through  Geneva  in  1719,  under  a 
feigned  name,  Mar  was  suddenly  arrested  by  that  Re- 
public, and  detained  a  prisoner,  out  of  complaisance  to 
the  English  Ministers ;  this  led  to  some  overtures  with 

*  Mr.  Lockhart  to  James,  December  18.  1725. 
f  Bishop  Atterbury  to  James,  June  25.  1725.    Appendix. 
c  4 


88  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIV. 

his  personal  friend  Lord  Stair,  then  ambassador  at  Paris ; 
and  finding  the  Jacobite  cause  baffled  and  declining,  he 
was  not  unwilling  to  stoop  for  favours  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  George.  "  In  my  humble  opinion,"  writes  Stair, 
"  the  taking  him  off  will  be  the  greatest  blow  that  can  be 
"  given  to  the  Pretender's  interest ;  and  it  may  be  made 
"  use  of  to  show  to  the  world,  that  nobody  but  a  Papist 
"  can  hope  to  continue  in  favour  with  him."*  The  Go- 
vernment would  not  go  the  length  that  Stair  desired; 
but  Mar  was  allowed  a  pension  out  of  his  forfeited 
estates  ;  and  the  estates,  by  a  simulated  sale,  were  suffered 
to  revert  to  his  family.  Such,  however,  was  the  crooked 
temper  of  this  man,  that  he  endeavoured  to  seem  equally 
a  friend  to  each  side  ;  he  has  been  accused  of  revealing 
the  secrets  of  his  master  ;  and,  at  all  events,  it  is  certain, 
that,  while  professing  his  sorrow  to  King  George,  he 
wished  still  to  be  esteemed  a  Jacobite  at  Rome.  He 
applied  for  and  obtained  James's  permission  to  receive 
the  indulgence  of  the  English  Government ;  and  when  he 
found  that  he  could  gain  no  more  favours  from  the  latter, 
endeavoured  again  to  conduct  the  business  of  the  former. 
He  caballed  with  Lord  Lansdowne  at  Paris,  and  with 
some  of  his  former  friends  from  Scotland.  But  so  far  was 
he  from  recovering  James's  favour,  that  this  Prince,  like 
all  weak  men,  ran  into  the  opposite  extreme,  and  looked 
with  coldness  and  distrust  on  many  of  his  most  faithful 
followers,  on  account  of  their  personal  intimacy  with 
Mar,  even  where  that  intimacy  had  been  formed  by  his 
own  direction,  or  resulted  from  his  own  partiality.f 

A  feeble  mind,  however,  can  never  stand  alone  ;  it  re- 
quires a  director  as  much  as  a  creeping  plant  does  a 
stake  ;  and  James  immediately  transferred  his  unbounded 
confidence  to  Colonel  John  Hay,  brother  of  Lord  Kin- 
noul,  whom,  in  1725,  he  declared  his  Secretary  of  State 
and  Earl  of  Inverness.  Next  in  favour  came  James 
Murray,  son  of  Lord  Stormont,  and  brother  of  Hay's 
wife  ;  he  was  at  this  time  likewise  made  Governor  of  the 


*  To  Secretary  Craggs,  May  29.  1719. 

f  See  the  Hardwicke  State  "Papers,  vol.  ii.  pp.  561 — 600.  Lock- 
hart's  Memoirs,  voL  ii.  pp.  178.  201,  &c.  Atterbury's  Letters  to 
James,  in  the  Appendix,  &c. 


1725.  THE    TWO   HATS   AND   MURRAY.  89 

Prince,  and  Earl  of  Dunbar.     This  triumvirate,  then  — 
the  two  Hays  and  Murray  —  ruled  everything  at  the 
little  Court  of  James,  and  raised  much  dissatisfaction 
amongst  his  partisans.     Inverness,  according  to  a  most 
respectable  authority,  "was  a  cunning,  false,  avaricious 
'  creature,  of  very  ordinary  parts,  cultivated  by  no  sort 
'  of  literature,   and   altogether   void   of  experience   in 
'  business ;    with   insolence   prevailing   often   over   his 
'  little  stock  of  prudence.     The  lady  was  a  mere  co- 
'  quette,   tolerably  handsome,  but  withal  prodigiously 
'  vain  and  arrogant."*     Of  Dunbar  it  is  admitted,  that 
the  character  stood  far  higher ;  he  was  brother  of  Wil- 
liam Murray,  afterwards  Earl  of  Mansfield,  and  like  that 
brother  had  talents  of  the  highest  order,  and  well  suited 
for  public  affairs,  but  he  was  injured  at  this  time  by  his 
connection  with  the  Hays. 

The  Pretender  himself,  though  a  mild,  good-natured, 
and  well-meaning  man,  was  still  a  Stuart,  and  not  free 
from  the  especial  curse  of  that  race ;  when  once  pre- 
possessed by  any  favourites,  however  worthless,  he  would 
see  and  hear  nothing  to  their  discredit,  and  considered  all 
remonstrances  against  them  as  insults  to  himself.  It  was 
not  long  before  his  titular  Queen,  Clementina,  a  Princess 
of  high  spirit  and  blameless  character,  began  to  complain 
of  the  intolerable  insolence  with  which  she  was  treated 
by  Inverness  and  his  wife.  Finding  that  she  could  ob- 
tain no  belief  or  redress  against  them,  she  next  applied 
to  her  husband's  religious  scruples,  by  lamenting  that 
the  Prince's  Governor,  Dunbar,  should  be  a  Protestant. 
Nay,  more,  she  urged  the  same  objection  against  Inver- 
ness, as  Minister,  and  was  foolish  enough  to  use  an  ex- 
pression which  James,  with  still  more  signal  folly,  after- 
wards published  to  the  world: — "If  he  have  not  true 
"  faith  to  God,  can  he  be  truly  faithful  to  his  master  ?  "f 
She  declared  that  she  would  not  live  with  her  husband 
unless  Inverness  were  removed ;  and  at  length,  on  the 
15th  of  November,  fulfilled  her  threat  by  leaving  James's 
palace,  and  retiring  to  the  Convent  of  St.  Cecilia,  at 

*  Lockhart's  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  340. 

f  "  In  answer  to  what  I  say  of  Lord  Inverness's  fidelity  she  puts  me 
"  the  question, '  S'il  est  infidele  a  Dieu,  sera-t-il  fidele  a  son  maitre  ? ' " 
Circular  letter  of  James,  dated  March  2.  1726. 


90  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIV. 

Rome.  Her  principal  adviser  was  the  veteran,  and  now- 
unemployed,  intriguer,  Alberoni ;  one  morning  that  am- 
bitious priest  was  six  hours  and  a  half  together,  at  her 
Convent.* 

Many  explanatory  letters  and  memorials  were  soon 
handed  about  on  the  part  of  James  or  of  Clementina ;  he 
complained  of  her  temper f,  she  of  his  obstinacy;  but  it 
is  very  strange,  that  in  this  case  the  most  voluminous 
flow  of  explanation  and  recrimination  was  not  on  the 
lady's  side ! 

These  mazes  of  conflicting  statements  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  pierce,  and  might  wholly  shut  out  the  truth  from 
us,  did  we  not  find  a  trusty  guide  in  Lockhart  of  Carn- 
wath.  It  is  impossible  to  read  the  Memoirs  and  Letters 
of  that  gentleman  without  high  respect  and  confidence  in 
his  character.  A  Jacobite  from  most  conscientious  prin- 
ciple —  always  pursuing  what  he  thought  the  right, 
through  good  report  and  ill  report  —  always  telling  the 
truth  without  fear  or  favour  —  he  at  last  offended  the 
Court  of  James  by  his  frankness  as  much  as  the  Court  of 
George  by  his  exertions.  "It  was,"  he  tells  us,  "com- 
"  monly  reported  and  believed,  that  Lady  Inverness  was 
"  the  King's  mistress,  and  that  the  Queen's  jealousy  was 
"  the  cause  of  the  rupture ;  but  I  have  been  often 
"  assured,  by  persons  on  whom  I  may  depend,  that 
"  whilst  they  lived  with  the  King  they  could  observe 
"  nothing  in  him  tending  that  way,  and  did  verily  be- 
"  lieve  there  was  nothing  of  that  in  the  matter."J  Nor. 
in  fact,  do  Clementina's  own  letters  seem  to  speak  of 
jealousy.  But,  with  the  same  equal  hand,  does  Lockhart 
proceed  to  condemn  the  intriguing  character  of  Inver- 

*  Circular  letter,  March  2.  1726,  and  to  the  Duke  of  Eipperda, 
December  7.  1725. 

f  "  Vous  ne  pouvez  que  vous  souvenir  avec  quelle  patience  j'ai 
"  souffert  vos  bouderies  depuis  plus  de  deux  ans,  et  que  dans  le  temps 
"  ou  vous  vouliez  a  peine  me  parler  ou  me  regarder,  je  n'ai  pris  autre 
"  parti  que  celui  du  silence."  —  James  to  Clementina,  November  11. 
1725.  Yet  Montaigne  might  have  taught  him  that  "  ceulx  qui  ont  a 
"  negocier  avec  des  femmes  testues  peuvent  avoir  essaye  a  quelle 
"  rage  on  les  jecte  quand  on  oppose  a  leur  agitation  le  silence  et  la 
"froideur,  et  qu'on  desdaigne  de  nourrir  leur  courroux."  Essais, 
lirre  ii.  ch.  31. 

J  Memoirs,  voL  ii.  p.  340. 


1725.  JAMES'S  COXSORT.  91 

ness,  and  the  weak  partiality  of  his  master.  He  observes, 
that  this  obstinate  devotion  to  favourites,  seeming  to  grow 
in  proportion  to  the  complaints  which  they  provoked,  did 
the  Jacobite  cause  incalculable  evil,  both  at  home  and 
abroad.  At  Vienna,  the  Emperor,  whose  House  was 
allied  to  that  of  Sobieski,  was  highly  displeased  at  the 
treatment  of  his  kinswoman.  At  Madrid,  the  Queen  of 
Spain,  as  appears  from  the  Stuart  Papers,  considered  the 
privileges  of  her  sex  as  invaded,  and  resented  it  with 
the  utmost  indignation.*  Thus,  at  this  important  crisis, 
did  James  give  personal  offence  to  the  two  Sovereigns 
on  whose  aid  all  his  hopes  depended.  He  endeavoured 
to  blind  his  British  partisans  as  to  the  mischief  done 
abroad  f,  but  he  could  not  so  easily  conceal  from  them 
the  ill  effects  which  they  had  before  their  eyes.  "  Your 
'  trustees,"  answers  Lockhart,  "  are  glad  to  hear  from  so 
'  good  an  authority  as  yourself  (without  which  they 
'  would  scarce  have  credited  it),  that  this  affair  is  not 
'  likely  to  produce  any  bad  consequences  on  your  affairs 
'  abroad,  but  it  is  with  the  greatest  concern  that  they  see 
'  quite  the  contrary  at  home ;  and  therefore  are  obliged, 
'  by  the  duty  they  owe  you,  in  plain  words  to  tell  you, 
'  that,  so  far  as  their  observations  and  intelligence 
'  reaches,  they  apprehend  it  is  the  severest  stroke  your 
'  affairs  have  got  these  many  years,  and  will  be  such  an 
'  impediment  to  them,  that  they  have  much  reason  to 
'  think  no  circumstance  of  time,  no  situation  of  the 
'  affairs  of  Europe,  can  make  amends ;  which  thought 
'  affects  them  the  more  that  they  perceive  you  have  ex- 
'  pectations  that  something  will  soon  cast  up  in  your 
'  favour,  and  it  is  a  very  mortifying  reflection  that  such 
'  an  opportunity  should  be  frustrated.  They  beg  leave, 
'  with  the  greatest  respect  and  submission,  to  represent 
'  that  they  believe  this  point  to  be  of  such  consequence 
'  to  you,  that,  in  good  policy  and  prudence,  you  should 
'  rather  pass  by  some  failings  in,  and  make  some  con- 
'  descensions  to  the  Queen,  than  not  repair  a  breach  that 
'  in  all  appearance  will  prove  fatal.  They  have  seriously 

*  Dnke  of  Wharton  to  James,  Madrid,  April  13. 1726.  Appendix. 
Toe  King  of  Spain  withdrew  his  pension  from  James.  William  Stan- 
hope to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  February  11.  1726. 

f  Letter  of  James,  May  1.  1726. 


92  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIV. 

'  considered  how  to  put  such  a  face  upon  it  as  may  be 
'  most  for  your  service  ;  but  cannot  find  any  expedient 
so  probable  as  not  to  revive  and  bring  the  matter  upon 
the  carpet,  for  your  people  here,  of  all  kinds,  have  got 
such  an  impression  of  the  Queen's  great  merit,  and  are 
so  prepossessed  with  the  reports  of  her  being  ill  used 
by  some  about  you,  that  it  is  in  vain  to  attempt  dis- 
possessing them  of  that  notion May  God 

Almighty  direct  you  in  this,  perhaps,  the  most  critical 
"  step  of  your  life !  "* 

There  was  also  another  incident,  soon  afterwards,  that 
did  infinite  disservice  to  James's  cause  in  England.  Lord 
North  and  the  Duke  of  Wharton  had  lately  gone  abroad, 
and  openly  attached  themselves  to  the  Pretender's  party, 
and  now,  each  separately,  renounced  the  Protestant  and 
embraced  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.  This  led  to  a  gene- 
ral belief  in  England,  that  their  motive  was  only  to  please 
their  new  master ;  and  that  there  was  no  such  sure  road 
to  his  confidence  as  by  professing  his  religion.  The 
odium  of  such  a  rumour  amongst  a  Protestant  people 
need  not  be  explained,  and  could  not  be  exaggerated. 
Wharton,  especially,  was  well  known  to  be  no  Christian 
of  any  Church,  nor  ever  in  his  life  suspected  of  a  con- 
science. We  may  observe,  however,  that  neither  to  him, 
nor  to  Lord  North,  did  any  benefit  accrue  from  their  con- 
version. North  found  himself  so  little  trusted  and 
regarded  at  the  Jacobite  Court,  that,  in  disgust,  he 
entered  the  Spanish  service,  and  continued  in  it  till  his 
death,  in  1734.  Wharton,  even  before  his  change  of  re- 
ligion, had  been  received  with  the  highest  favour  at 
Rome  :  he  obtained  from  the  English  mock-monarch  the 
order  of  the  Garter,  and  the  ducal  titles  of  Wharton  and 
Northumberland,  and  was  sent  ambassador  to  Spain,  to 
assist  Ormond  in  pressing  for  an  expedition,  and  to  vin- 
dicate the  late  separation  in  the  Pretender's  family. 
James  had  not  yet  discovered  that  this  wayward  and 
capricious  man  was  always  far  more  dangerous  to  his 
friends  than  to  his  enemies  :  and  that  his  talents  served 
only  to  render  his  frailties  more  conspicuous  and  more 
despised. 

*  Mr.  Lockhart  to  James,  July  23.  1726.  He  writes  in  the  name 
of  all  James's  "  Trustees  "  in  Scotland. 


1725.  THE  DUKE  OF   WHARTON.  93 

On  arriving  at  Madrid,  in  April  1726,  Whaxton  soon 
began  the  usual  complaints  of  all  those  who  negotiate 
with  the  Spaniards.  "  I  see  the  Duke  of  Ormond  has 
"  been  very  active  here ;  but  nobody  that  has  not  been 
"  something  conversant  with  this  Court  can  imagine  how 
"  impracticable  it  is  to  do  business."  *  He  found,  as  he 
says,  the  King  and  Queen  "  implacable  "  in  the  affair  of 
James's  consort.  His  own  behaviour  at  Madrid  was 
most  strange  and  indiscreet.  According  to  Mr.  Keene, 
then  British  consul,  "  the  Duke  of  Wharton  has  not  been 
"  sober,  or  scarce  had  a  pipe  out  of  his  mouth,  since  he 
"  came  back  from  his  expedition  to  St.  Hildefonso.  On 
"  Tuesday  last  I  had  some  company  with  me  that  he 
'  wanted  to  speak  with,  upon  which  he  came  directly 
'  into  the  room,  made  his  compliments,  and  placed  him- 
'  self  by  me.  I  did  not  think  myself  obliged  to  turn  out 
'  his  star  and  garter ;  because,  as  he  is  an  everlasting 
'  talker  and  tippler,  in  all  probability  he  might  lavish  out 

'  something  that  might  be  of  use  to  know He  de- 

'  clared  himself  the  Pretender's  prime  minister,  and  Duke 

'  of  Wharton  and  Northumberland Says  he,  '  You 

' '  will  shortly  see  the  event ;  it  is  in  my  power  to  make 
' '  your  stocks  fall  as  I  think  fit ;  my  dear  master  is  now 
' '  in  a  post-chaise,  but  the  place  he  designs  for  I  shall 
' '  not  tell  you.  ....  Hitherto  my  master's  interest  has 
' '  been  managed  by  the  Duchess  of  Perth,  and  three  or 
"four  other  old  women,  who  meet  under  the  portal  of 

St.  Germain's  ;  he  wanted  a  Whig,  and  a  brisk  one,  to 
'  '  put  them  in  the  right  train,  and  I  am  the  man  !  You 
" '  may  now  look  upon  me,  Sir  Philip  Wharton,  Knight 
" '  of  the  Garter,  and  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  Knight  of  the 
"  '  Bath,  running  a  course,  and,  by  Heaven,  he  shall  be 
"  '  hard  pressed !  He  bought  my  family  pictures,  but 
" '  they  will  not  be  long  in  his  possession  ;  that  account 
"  '  is  still  open ;  neither  he,  nor  King  George,  shall  be 
" '  six  months  at  ease  as  long  as  I  have  the  honour  to  serve 
"  '  in  the  employ  I  am  in  ! '  He  mentioned  great  things 
"from  Muscovy,  and  talked  so  much  nonsense  and  con- 
"  tradictions,  that  it  was  neither  worth  my  while  to  re- 
"  member,  nor  yours  to  read  them.  I  used  him  very 

*  Duke  of  Wharton  to  James,  April  13.  1726.    Appendix. 


94  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIV. 

"  cavalierly,  upon  which  he  was  affronted ;  sword  and 
"  pistol  next  day ;  but,  before  I  slept,  a  gentleman  was 
"  sent  to  desire  every  thing  might  be  forgot.  What  a 
"  pleasure  must  it  have  been  to  have  killed  a  Prime 
"  Minister !  "* 

Soon  after  these  degrading  scenes,  a  letter  was  de- 
livered to  Wharton,  under  the  Privy  Seal  of  England, 
commanding  him,  on  his  allegiance,  to  return  forthwith, 
and  threatening  outlawry  in  case  of  his  failure.  Of  this 
Wharton  himself  speaks  with  much  unconcern.  He 
writes  to  James,  "  I  had  rather  carry  a  musket  in  an  odd- 
"  named  Muscovite  regiment,  than  wallow  in  riches  by 

"the  favour  of  the  usurper I  am  told,  from  good 

"  hands,  that  I  am  to  be  intercepted  by  the  enemy  on  my 
lt  passage.  I  shall  take  the  best  precautions  I  can  to 
"  obviate  their  malice.  I  set  out,  infallibly,  on  Tuesday 
"  next,  and  hope  to  be  with  you  in  three  weeks,  wind, 
"weather,  and  Whigs  permitting !"•{• 

When  Wharton  first  arrived,  he  had  found  Ripperda, 
lately  returned  from  Vienna,  created  a  Duke,  and  ruling 
the  country  as  Prime  Minister.  Great  efforts  were  ex- 
pected from  him  for  the  regeneration  of  Spain,  and  the 
restoration  of  the  Stuarts  ;  but  in  caprice,  fickleness,  and 
folly,  Ripperda  might  be  worthily  compared  even  with 
Wharton  himself.  Though  a  Dutchman,  he  out-bragged 
the  Spaniards  themselves.  He  passed  the  day  in  boasting 
of  the  mighty  things  he  meant  to  do.  He  gave  the  most 
opposite  assurances  in  different  quarters  ;  and  instead  of 
deceiving  others,  only  made  them  angry,  and  himself 
contemptible.  According  to  William  Stanhope,  the  Bri- 
tish Minister,  "  immediately  after  his  landing  at  Barcelona, 
"  all  the  officers  of  the  garrison  went  to  wait  upon  him, 
"to  whom  he  said,  that  the  Emperor  had  150,000  men 
"ready  to  march  at  an  hour's  warning,  and  that  Prince 
"  Eugene  promised,  that  in  case  of  a  war,  he  would  have 
"  as  many  more  in  six  months.  He  told  them  that,  if  the 
"  Hanoverian  league  should  dare  to  oppose  themselves  to 
"  the  designs  of  the  Emperor  and  Spain,  France  would  be 
"  pillaged  on  all  sides,  the  King  of  Prussia,  whom  he  was 

*  Letter  to  Mr.  Robinson,  April  5. 1 726.  Hardwicke  State  Papers, 
voL  ii.  p.  636. 

f  Letter,  June  8.  1726.     Appendix. 


1725.  RIPPERDA.  95 

"  pleased  always  to  call  by  the  name  of  the  grand  grena- 
"  dier,  would  be  driven  out  of  his  country  by  the  Emperor 
"  in  one  campaign,  as  His  Majesty  would  be  also  in  the 
"  same  time  out  of  his  dominions  in  Germany,  and  out  of 
"  his  English  ones  by  the  Pretender ;  he  added,  that  a 
"  reconciliation  between  France  and  Spain  should  never 
"  be,  whilst  he  had  any  authority,  and  only  wished  to 
"  live  till  that  was  brought  about ;  as  being  assured  he 
"  should  then  die  a  very  old  man." 

Yet  to  Mr.  Stanhope  himself,  he  professed  the  greatest 
confidence  and  friendship.  "As  to  the  Pretender,"  he 
said,  "  he  must  own  his  having  talked  both  here 
"  and  at  Vienna  in  his  favour,  but  that  in  his  heart  he 
"  was  as  sincerely  in  His  Majesty's  interests,  as  the  best 
"  subject  he  had ;  of  which  he  would  give  the  most 
'  essential  proofs  upon  every  occasion  ;  that  his  talking 
'  in  the  manner  he  had  done,  proceeded  from  his  opinion 
'  of  making  his  court  to  their  Catholic  Majesties,  but 
'  more  especially  to  appear  zealous  in  his  religion,  which 
was  much  suspected  in  this  country,  and  to  avoid 
'  passing  for  a  heretic,  and  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
'  Inquisition,  who  he  was  very  sure  are  very  watchful 
'  over  him,  and  look  upon  him  as  a  CHRISTIANO  NTJEVO. 
'  This  was  what  he  said  he  would  not,  nor  durst  not  say 
to  his  confessor  ;  but  called  God  to  witness  in  the  most 
'  solemn  manner  to  the  exact  sincerity  of  what  he  thus 
affirmed."  Yet  when  Mr.  Stanhope  observed  that  all 
military  equipments  were  proceeding  with  the  utmost 
despatch,  and  at  a  vast  expense  —  that  the  Spaniards 
were  adding  to  the  fortifications  of  Cadiz  —  that  ar- 
tillery, tents,  and  magazines  were  all  preparing  —  that  a 
squadron  was  ordered  to  put  to  sea  —  when  it  was 
whispered  to  him  by  the  Queen's  Confessor,  and  other 
good  authorities,  that  a  war  with  France  and  England 
was  absolutely  resolved  upon  —  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
assure  his  Government,  that  Ripperda's  solemn  pro- 
testations deserved  no  credit  whatever.  He  concluded 
that  all  his  speeches  were  designed  only  to  gain  time, 
and  amuse  the  Court  of  St.  James's,  until  the  arrival  of 
the  Galleons  and  Flota,  that  were  expected  at  Cadiz  in 
June,  with  an  immense  quantity  of  treasure.* 

*  Mr.  W.  Stanhope  to  Lord  Townshend,  Madrid,  December  27. 
1725. 


96  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIY. 

Ripperda  had  evidently  taken  Alberoni  for  his  model ; 
but  altogether  wanted  both  the  lofty  genius,  and  the 
laborious  application  of  that  remarkable  man.  It  was 
soon  found,  that  no  reliance  could  be  placed  in  his  asser- 
tions, and  any  folly  expected  from  his  character.  Rodo- 
montades were  his  only  resource  on  every  occasion. 
Once  at  his  levee,  he  boasted  that  he  had  six  very  good 
friends,  God,  the  Holy  Virgin,  the  Emperor  and  Empress, 
and  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain !  *  Yet  whatever 
might  be  Ripperda's  degree  of  favour  in  such  high 
places,  it  is  clear  that  he  found  none  among  the  people. 
The  English  ambassador  declares,  that  "he  has  for 
"  inveterate  enemies  not  only  all  the  other  Ministers, 
'  but  the  whole  Spanish  nation,  to  whom  he  has  ren- 

'  dered  himself  odious  beyond  imagination It 

'  is  also  certain  that  the  King  is  extremely  agitated  and 
'  uneasy,  and  has  daily  disputes  and  quarrels  with  the 
'  Queen,  who  does  nothing  but  cry  from  morning  till 

'  night Ripperda  has  entirely  changed  his 

'  way  of  talking,  and  is  now  become  as  abjectly  fearful, 
'  as  he  was  before  imperiously  intrepid."!  The  Austrian 
ambassador,  Count  Konigseck,  was  still  more  indignant, 
finding  how  much  Ripperda  had  bragged  of  the  re- 
sources of  the  Spanish  monarchy,  and  had  promised  more 
than  he  was  able  to  perform.  On  the  other  hand  it 
became  no  less  apparent  that  the  forwardness  of  Austria 
had  been  greatly  exaggerated  by  Ripperda  to  the  Span- 
ish Court,  with  the  view  to  embolden  them  and  re- 
commend himself.  Both  parties,  soon  undeceived,  and 
much  disappointed,  turned  round  upon  Ripperda,  and  his 
own  system  of  falsehood  crushed  him  in  its  ruins.  On 
the  14th  of  May  he  was  informed  that  the  King  dispensed 
with  his  services,  but  granted  him  a  pension  of  3000 
pistoles.  His  dismissal  was  held  by  the  populace  with 

*  Comentarios  de  Don  Joseph  del  Campo  Easo,  voL  L  p.  17.  He 
truly  adds,  "  Semejantes  discursos  daban  de  su  capacidad  la  opinion 
"  mas  singular." 

t  Mr.  Stanhope  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  March  25.,  April  11. 
1726.  A  Spanish  historian  admits  Mr.  Stanhope's  accurate  informa- 
tion, "  El  incentive  de  sus  Guineas  (o  doblones)  le  hacian  penetrar 
en  lo  mas  interior  de  las  Secretarias  de  Estado."  Campo  Kaso, 
voL  i.  p.  69. 


1726.  RIPPEKDA.  97 

loud  acclamations,  and  muttered  threats  of  tearing  him 
to  pieces.  Ripperda,  bewildered  with  his  fall,  and  afraid 
either  of  mob  violence,  or  of  the  Royal  resentment, 
adopted  the  ignominious  resolution  of  taking  refuge  in 
the  house  of  the  English  Minister,  who  had  gone  the  day 
before  to  Aranjuez. 

On  returning  home  that  evening,  Mr.  Stanhope  was 
not  a  little  surprised  to  find  in  his  apartments  the  lately 
arrogant  Prime  Minister  of  Spain  imploring  his  pro- 
tection. Nay,  more,  so  unmanned  was  Ripperda  by  his 
misfortune,  and  so  grateful  when  Stanhope  consented  to 
shelter  him,  that  he  proceeded  to  disclose  the  highest 
secrets  of  his  state.  He  communicated  the  particular? 
of  the  private  agreement  at  Vienna,  declaring  that  it 
aimed  at  nothing  less  than  the  total  extirpation  of  the 
Protestant  Religion ;  and  that  the  King  of  Spain  had 
said,  that  for  such  an  object  he  would  willingly  sell  his 
very  shirt.*  It  seems  probable,  however,  that  Ripperda 
may  have  exaggerated  these  designs  with  a  view  to  en- 
hance the  merit  of  his  disclosures,  or  to  inflame  the  British 
nation  against  the  two  Courts  which  had  wrought  his 
downfall.  All  the  while  that  he  dictated  the  secret  articles 
to  Mr.  Stanhope,  we  are  told  that  "  he  appeared  to  be  in 
"  the  greatest  agonies,  and  frequently  burst  into  tears." 

The  Spanish  Court  were  both  offended  and  alarmed  at 
Ripperda's  flight,  foreseeing  the  probability  that  he  would 
discover  all  he  knew.  They  made  every  exertion  to 
induce  Mr.  Stanhope  to  surrender  him ;  but  Stanhope 
steadily  refused,  and  bid  them  beware  how  they  violated 
in  his  person  the  right  of  an  ambassador  and  the  Law  of 
Nations.  Nevertheless,  after  a  few  days  of  argument 
and  altercation,  an  ALCALDE  DE  COKTE  came  to  Stanhope 
at  six  in  the  morning  with  a  party  of  horse-guards,  and 
carried  away  the  Duke  by  force.  Stanhope  publicly 
protested  against  this  Act,  and  sent  home  Mr.  Keene, 
the  Consul,  with  an  account  of  it,  and  of  Ripperda's  reve- 
lations. The  affair  led  to  a  train  of  representations  and 
counter-representations  between  the  two  Courts,  serving 
only  to  embitter  the  quarrel  between  them. 

Ripperda  was  now  committed  a  close  prisoner  to  tho 

*  Mr.  Keene's  Memoir  for  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  June  15.  1726. 
VOL  II.  II 


98  HISTORY  OF   EXGLAXI).  CHAP.  XIV. 

Castle  of  Segovia  ;  but,  after  above  two  years'  captivity, 
fortune  again  smiled  upon  this  singular  man.  He  seduced 
the  maid-servant,  and  availed  himself  of  an  occasion,  when 
the  governor  and  his  wife  were  both  ill,  to  make  his  es- 
cape with  her  and  with  a  corporal,  whom  he  had  also 
gained  over.  The  Duke's  faithful  valet,  meanwhile,  re- 
mained behind ;  and  for  some  time  averted  a  discovery 
by  the  pretence  that  his  master  was  indisposed.  Rip- 
perda,  in  real  fact,  was  so,  being  crippled  with  gout, 
and  having  the  greatest  difficulty  in  descending  the  lad- 
der of  ropes  which  was  lowered  from  his  window.  Nor 
could  he  afterwards  travel  but  by  very  short  days'  jour- 
neys. Nevertheless  he  safely  reached  the  frontier  of 
Portugal,  and  proceeding  to  Oporto,  embarked  for  Eng- 
land under  the  name  of  Mendoza.  His  wife,  and  some 
of  his  children,  it  appears,  still  remained  in  Spain. 

On  landing  in  England,  Ripperda  was  received  by  the 
Government  with  great  attention,  but  great  mystery. 
They  wished  to  draw  full  information  from  him  on  the 
treaty  of  Vienna ;  they  wished  to  avoid  any  fresh  offence 
with  Spain  on  his  account ;  they  therefore  avoided  any 
public  interviews  with  him  ;  but  sent  an  Under  Secretary 
of  State  to  meet  him  on  his  way  to  London,  and  conduct 
him  privately  to  the  house  of  Dr.  Bland,  Head  Master  of 
Eton.  There  he  had  more  than  one  conference  with 
Townshend,  and  from  thence  proceeded  with  the  same 
secrecy  to  London.  After  a  little  time,  however,  he  flung 
off  the  mask,  took  a  large  house  in  Soho  Square,  and 
lived  with  much  magnificence.  He  continued  a  corre- 
spondence with  the  English  Ministers,  and  nourished  a 
chimerical  hope  to  become  one  of  their  principal  col- 
leagues ;  but  though  treated  with  regard  while  the  dif- 
ferences with  Spain  were  still  pending,  these  were  no 
sooner  adjusted  than  he  began  to  suffer  neglect,  and  to 
show  disgust.  In  1731,  he  passed  over  to  Holland,  and 
again  embraced  the  Protestant  faith,  which  he  had  for- 
saken when  he  attached  himself  to  the  Spaniards.  But 
he  had  not  yet  reached  the  end  of  his  vicissitudes.  He 
became  acquainted  with  one  Perez,  a  Spanish  renegade, 
who  acted  as  a  Moorish  agent  at  the  Hague,  and,  by  his 
persuasion,  was  induced  to  enter  the  service  of  Muley 
Abdallah,  Emperor  of  Marocco.  He  renounced,  or  at 


1726.  CARDINAL  FLEURT.  99 

least  dissemMed,  the  Christian  religion*,  was  created  a 
Bashaw,  and  rose  again  to  the  direction  of  councils.  He 
led  an  army  against  the  Spaniards,  and  obtained  several 
successes ;  but  being  worsted  near  Ceuta,  was  compelled 
to  relinquish  his  command.  A  civil  war  in  Marocco  was, 
in  some  degree,  decided  by  his  change  of  party,  and  at 
length,  retiring  to  the  protection  of  the  Bashaw  at  Tetuan, 
died  there  at  an  advanced  age  in  1737.  Thus  ended  a 
man  whose  character  will  be  found  far  less  romantic  than 
his  fortunes.  Among  his  mad  and  unprincipled  projects 
was  one  which  he  termed  the  "  Universal  Religion,"  being 
a  compound  of  the  Jewish,  Christian,  and  Mahometan, 
and  intended  to  reconcile  them  in  one  common  faith. 
According  to  this  notable  scheme,  the  Messiah  was  still 
to  be  expected,  and  Moses,  Christ,  and  Mahomet,  to  be 
acknowledged  as  great  prophets  ! 

In  less  than  a  month  after  Ripperda  was  disgraced  in 
Spain,  France  became  the  scene  of  another  Ministerial 
revolution.  The  Duke  de  Bourbon  had  sunk  lower  and 
lower  in  the  public  esteem,  from  his  incapacity  in  busi- 
ness, and  his  absolute  dependence  on  Madame  de  Prie 
and  her  creature  Paris  Duverney.  There  was  also  gra- 
dually growing  up  by  his  side  the  authority  destined  to 
overshadow  and  supplant  him — a  man  more  than  three- 
score and  ten  years  old,  but  of  skill  and  judgment  unim- 
paired, and  an  ambition  the  more  powerful,  because  able 
to  restrain  itself  and  to  bide  its  time.  This  was  no  other 
than  the  Bishop  of  Frejus,  afterwards  Cardinal  Flcury, 
the  King's  preceptor.  "  If  ever,"  says  Voltaire,  "  there 
was  any  one  happy  on  earth,  it  was  Fleury.  He  was 
considered  one  of  the  most  amiable  and  social  of  men 
till  seventy-three,  and  at  that  usual  age  of  retirement, 
c-uiiio  to  be  respected  as  one  of  the  wisest.  From  172(> 
to  1742  every  thing  throve  in  his  hands,  and  till  almost 
a  nonagenarian,  his  mind  continued  clear,  discerning, 

*  There  is  a  letter  preserved  to  his  friend  M.  Troyc,  in  which 
Ripperda  protests  that  he  had  not  renounced  the  Christian  faith. 
(See  Ortiz,  Compendio,  voL  vii.  p.  389.)  But  this  seems  to  deserve 
the  less  credit,  since  at  the  same  time  he  asserts  that  he  never  had 
borne,  and  never  would  bear,  arms  against  the  Spanish  Monarchy. — 
When  I  was  at  Tetuan,  in  1827,  I  made  several  inquiries  respecting 
Ripperda,  but  could  lirid  no  trace  or  recollection  of  him. 
11  2 


100  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAT.  XIV. 

"and  fit  for  business."*  lie  had  received  the  Bishoprick 
of  Frejus  from  Louis  the  Fourteenth,  but  looked  upon  it 
as  only  a  banishment,  and  even  signed  a  jesting  letter  to 
Cardinal  Quirini,  as  "  Fleury,  Bishop  of  Frejus,  by  Di- 
"  vine  indignation."  His  conduct  in  his  diocese  was, 
however,  so  benevolent,  regular,  and  exemplary,  as  to 
attract  universal  love  and  respect ;  and  he  was  pointed 
out  by  public  opinion,  as  much  as  by  some  Court  cabals, 
to  the  dying  monarch,  as  the  preceptor  for  his  infant 
creat-grandson  and  successor.  During  the  Regency  Fleury 
behaved  with  so  much  prudence  and  circumspection,  as 
not  to  offend  either  Orleans  or  Dubois  :  he  never  thrust 
himself  into  state  or  Court  intrigues,  and  only  zealously 
discharged  the  duties  of  his  trust.  Gradually  he  gained 
an  absolute  control  over  the  mind  of  his  pupil,  and  when 
Bourbon  came  to  the  helm,  was  desired  always  to  as>ist 
at  the  conferences  of  the  Monarch  and  the  Minister.  Nor 
was  his  ascendency  weakened  by  his  pupil's  marriage  ; 
for  the  young  Queen,  of  timid  and  shrinking  temper,  and 
zealous  only  in  her  devotionst,  took  no  great  part  in 
politics.  Fleury  would  probably  have  found  no  difficulty 
in  removing  the  Duke  de  Bourbon  at  an  earlier  period, 
but  thought  it  better  to  let  circumstances  work  for  him, 
and  be  carried  down  the  propitious  current  of  events. 
"  Time  and  I  against  any  two  others,"  was  a  favourite 
saying  of  the  crafty  Mazarin. 

Fleury,  therefore,  allowed  the  attack  to  come  from  the 
opposite  quarter.  Bourbon  contrived  to  draw  the  young 
Queen  to  his  party,  and  made  a  joint  application  to  His 
Majesty,  that  he  might  transact  business  without  the  in- 
tervention of  Fleury.  On  learning  this  cabal,  Fleury, 
sure  of  his  ground,  but  affecting  great  meekness,  took 
leave  of  the  King  by  letter,  and  retired  to  his  country 
house  at  Issy.  There  he  remained  for  one  day  in  appa- 
rent disgrace.  But  it  was  only  for  one  day.  Louis,  in 
the  utmost  concern  at  his  loss,  gave  positive  orders  to 
Bourbon  to  invite  him  back  to  Court,  which  the  Minister 

*  Siecle  de  Louis  XV.  ch.  iii. 

f  "  This  Queen  makes  no  more  of  a  dozen  Masses  in  a  morning 
"  than  Hotspur  did  of  as  many  Lowland  Scotsmen  for  his  breakfast!  " 
Mr.  Robinson  to  Mr.  Delat'ave,  Sept.  16.  1725.  Hardwicke  State 
Papers,  vol.  ii. 


1726.  STATE   OF   FRANCE.  101 

did  accordingly,  with  many  expressions  of  friendship  and 
of  wonder  at  his  sudden  retirement.*  Yet  in  June,  1726, 
he  was  again  combining  an  attack  upon  this  valued  friend, 
when  Fleury  discovered  and  crushed  him,  and  obtained, 
without  difficulty,  his  dismissal  from  office  and  banish- 
ment to  Chantilly.  From  this  period,  then,  begins  the 
justly  famous  administration  of  Fleury — a  new  era  of 
peace  and  prosperity  to  France.  Its  monument  was 
every  where  seen  inscribed,  not  on  brass  or  marble,  but 
on  the  smiling  and  happy  faces  of  the  people.  An  ac- 
complished traveller  writes  from  Dijon  in  1739,  "France 
is  so  much  improved,  it  Avould  not  be  known  to  be  the 
same  country  we  passed  through  twenty  years  ago. 
Every  thing  I  see  speaks  in  praise  of  Cardinal  Fleury. 
The  roads  are  all  mended,  and  such  good  care  taken 
against  robbers,  that  you  may  cross  the  country  with 

your  purse  in  your  hand The  French  are  more 

changed  than  their  roads ;  instead  of  pale  yellow  faces 
wrapped  up  in  blankets,  as  we  saw  them,  the  villages 
are  all  filled  with  fresh-coloured  lusty  peasants,  in  good 
clothes  and  clean  linen.  It  is  incredible  what  an  air  of 
plenty  and  content  is  over  the  whole  country."  f  Dur- 
ing his  whole  government  Fleury  sought  no  riches,  and 
displayed  no  splendour  ;  but  lived  in  the  same  plain  and 
unostentatious  manner  as  Avhen  in  a  private  station.  In 
knowledge  of  foreign  aifairs  he  was  second  only  to 
Dubois.  His  abilities  were  not,  perhaps,  of  the  highest 
order ;  had  they  been  so,  they  would  probably  have  worn 
out  earlier  in  his  life.  The  flame  of  genius  which  dazzles 
the  beholder  is  almost  equally  certain  to  burn  and  con- 
sume its  tenement.  Nor  was  Fleury  wholly  free  from 
the  common  defects  of  age  ;  he  was  too  fond  of  expedients 
and  delays,  and  on  many  occasions  carried  his  caution  to 
timidity,  his  economy  to  avarice.  Yet  the  latter  was  ex- 
erted in  the  public  expenses  as  much  as  in  his  own  ;  and 
if  he  was  afraid  of  war,  his  predecessors  for  the  most 
part  had  a  far  worse  fault — they  were  ambitious  of  it. 
At  this  time  the  Ambassador  from  England  was  Horace 

*  Horace  Walpole  to  Lord  Townsheml,  December  24.  1725,  and 
Duclos,  Mom.  vol.  ii.  p.  364. 

f  Lady  Mary  W.  Muntugu  to  Mr.  Wortley,  August  18.  1739. 
a  3 


102  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIV. 

Walpole—  a  m.in  who  played  through  life  a  considerable 
part,  but  chiefly  because  he  was  brother  to  Sir  Robert. 
His  own  nephew  assures  us,  that,  so  far  from  being  a 
support,  he  was  "a  dead-weight"  to  Sir  Robert's  Minis- 
try.* According  to  the  same  affectionate  kinsman,  "  he 
"  knew  something  of  every  thing,  but  how  to  hold  his 
"  tongue,  or  how  to  apply  his  knowledge.  .  .  .  Whatever 
"  the  subject  was,  he  never  lost  sight  of  the  Norwich 
"  manufactures,  but  his  language  and  oratory  were  only 
"  adapted  to  manufacturers."  But  intelligent  manufac- 
turers would  surely  have  been  disgusted  at  his  slovenly 
person  |,  his  awkward  manner,  and  his  boisterous  buf- 
foonery. What  his  French  may  have  been  we  can  only 
conjecture ;  of  his  English  it  is  admitted  that  he  never 
lost  a  strong  provincial  accent.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
he  had  unwearied  industry,  practical  knowledge,  and 
constant  readiness.  As  brother  to  so  great  a  Minister, 
he  enjoyed  more  respect  and  confidence  abroad  than  a 
far  abler  diplomatist  might  have  attained.  So  little  did 
he  understand  characters,  that,  soon  after  he  came  to 
Paris,  he  paints  Fleury  in  his  despatches,  as  "  not  very 
"  able  in  foreign  affairs,  but  a  mighty  bigot,  insomuch 
"  that  the  French  themselves  think  him  too  great  a  Pa- 
"  pist !  "  J  But  ere  long  he  came  to  perceive  the  great 
abilities  and  rising  influence  of  that  statesman,  and  culti- 
vated his  friendship  with  the  most  assiduous  care.  On 
the  day  when  Fleury  retired  from  Court,  Horace  Walpole 
judiciously  went  to  call  upon  him  at  Issy,  and  this  well- 
timed  visit  produced  an  inconceivable  effect  upon  the 
Cardinal.  He  ever  after  looked  upon  the  Walpoles  as 
his  intimate  and  personal  friends.  "  Once,'1  says  St. 
Simon,  "  Avhen  I  ventured  to  remonstrate  with  him  on 

*  Memoirs  of  George  the  Second,  voL  i.  p.  122. 

f  He  once  alluded  himself,  strangely  enough,  to  his  dress  in  a 
Parliamentary  Speech  : — "If  I  may  be  allowed  to  use  a  low  simile, 
"  the  Members  opposite  treat  the  Ministry  in  the  same  way  as  I  am 
"  treated  by  some  gentlemen  of  my  acquaintance  with  respect  to  my 
"  dress  :  if  I  am  in  plain  clothes,  they  say  I  am  a  slovenly  dirty 
"  fellow  ;  and  if,  by  chance.  I  have  a  suit  of  clothes  with  sonic  lace 
"  upon  them,  they  cry,  '  What !  shall  such  an  awkward  fellow  wear 
"  fine  clothes  ? '  So  that  no  dress  I  appear  in  can  possibly  please 
"  them  !  "  ( ParL  Hist.  vol.  ix.  p.  223.) 

J  See  Coxc's  Life,  p.  54. 


1726.  DEATH  OF  THE  CZARINA.  103 

"  his  blind  confidence  in  these  two  brothers,  Fleury  im- 
"  mediately  alleged  this  visit  as  an  heroic  act  of  attach- 
"  ment  which  must  for  ever  remove  all  doubts  and  scru- 
"  pies."  * 

Thus,  then,  the  accession  of  Fleury  to  power,  far  from 
shaking,  rather  confirmed  the  Hanover  alliance  ;  nor  did 
the  Ministers  of  George  relax  in  their  exertions  to  extend 
it.  After  some  struggle  their  party  gained  the  ascen- 
dency in  the  Swedish  councils.  The  Dutch  also,  as 
before  in  the  Triple  and  Quadruple  Alliances,  adopted 
the  policy  of  England,  though  from  the  slowness  of  their 
forms  they  always  came  lagging  in  the  rear.  "  Their 
"  distinguishing  talent,"  once  said  Chesterfield,  "  is  to 
"wrangle  tenaciously  upon  trifles."  f  A  British  squad- 
ron, under  Admiral  Hosier,  was  sent  to  the  West  Indies, 
and  blockaded  Porto  Bollo.  Admiral  Wager,  with 
another  squadron,  sailed  for  the  Baltic,  to  pursue  the 
same  system  which,  in  1719,  Stanhope  had  formed  and 
Norris  executed,  and  which  had  been  defined  "  to  drive 
"  the  Muscovites  as  far  off  as  is  possible."  J  In  the  latter 
case,  however,  as  in  the  former,  a  strong  resolution 
rendered  unnecessary  strong  measures.  The  very  ap- 
pearance of  Wager's  fleet  off  Revel  brought  round  the 
Russians  to  a  more  pacific  temper,  and  the  death  of 
the  Czarina,  soon  afterwards,  altogether  dissipated  for 
the  time  their  warlike  schemes. 

In  Spain,  as  in  France,  the  fall  of  the  Prime  Minister 
had  produced  little  alteration  in  foreign  policy,  and  Philip 
still  tirmly  clung  to  his  alliance  with  the  Emperor.  The 
latter  sovereign,  also,  was  unshaken  in  his  purpose,  and 
had  just  succeeded  in  drawing  the  King  of  Prussia  from 
the  Hanover  alliance.  But  his  main  hope  was  founded 
on  intrigues  in  England,  through  the  means  of  Palm, 
his  Resident  at  London.  It  was  easy  for  Palm  to  gain, 
as  partisans,  all  the  Hanoverian  favourites.  The  Duchess 
of  Kendal  had  no  insurmountable  objection  to  either 
Spanish  or  Austrian  gold.  To  Bothmar,  and  to  the 
other  Ministers,  the  Treaty  of  Hanover  had  always  ap- 

*  St.  Simon,  Mem.  vol.  xvi.  p.  405.  cd.  1829. 
f  To  Mr.  Dayrolles,  May  19.  1752. 

|  Lord  Stair  to  Secretary  Craggs,  June  4.  1719.  Hardwicke 
St;itc  Papers,  vol.  ii. 

II  4 


104  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIV. 

peared  a  measure  far  too  English,  and  the  defection  of 
Prussia  made  them  tremble  lest  the  Electorate  should  be 
overrun  with  Imperial  troops.  The  King  himself  had  a 
strong  leaning  to  the  same  views  ;  Hanover  was  always 
his  paramount  object ;  and  it  is  probable  that  another 
ambassador  was  not  far  mistaken  in  saying  that  "  His 
"  Majesty  rather  considers  England  as  a  temporary  pos- 
"  session  to  be  made  the  most  of  while  it  lasts,  than  as  a 
"  perpetual  inheritance."*  But,  besides  his  countrymen, 
Palm  also  paid  court  to  the  English  statesmen  in  opposi- 
tion, especially  to  Pulteney  and  Bolingbroke,  and  expected 
by  this  joint  cabal  to  effect  a  change  of  Ministry,  and  a 
consequent  change  of  measures. 

In  this  state  of  things,  Parliament  meeting  in  January, 
the  King's  Speech  contained  this  remarkable  passage : 
'  I  have  received  information  on  which  I  can  entirely 
'  depend,  that  the  placing  the  Pretender  upon  the  throne 
'  of  this  kingdom  is  one  of  the  articles  of  the  secret  en- 
'  gagements  at  Vienna ;  and  if  time  shall  evince  that  the 
(  giving  up  the  trade  of  this  nation  to  one  power,  and 
'  Gibraltar  and  Port  Mahon  to  another,  is  made  the 
'  price  and  reward  of  imposing  upon  this  kingdom  a 
'  Popish  Pretender,  what  an  indignation  must  this  raise 
in  the  breast  of  every  Protestant  Briton!"  Such  an 
indignation  was,  in  fact,  raised  in  the  Commons  ;  an  Ad- 
dress of  thanks  was  voted  by  an  immense  majority  (251 
against  81)  :  it  was  unanimously  resolved  to  raise  the 
army  to  26,000  men,  being  an  increase  of  8000,  and  to 
vote  20,000  seamen  ;  and  the  supplies  granted  for  such 
objects  fell  little  short  of  3,000,000/. 

Seeing  this  general  ferment,  Palm  wrote  to  the  Em- 
peror advising  him  to  disavow  any  such  secret  agreement 
at  Vienna,  and  to  declare  publicly  that  the  assertions  in 
the  Speech  were  false.  Accordingly,  Charles,  quite  igno- 
rant of  the  workings  of  the  English  Constitution,  sent 
over  a  most  indiscreet  memorial,  which,  by  his  order, 
Palm  presented  to  the  King  and  published  to  the  country. 
It  denied  the  secret  articles ;  it  used  very  intemperate 
language  ;  and,  above  all,  it  proceeded  to  appeal  from  the 
throne  to  the  people.  Such  an  insult  to  the  Royal 
authority  and  national  honour,  could  not  be  defended 
*  Count  de  Broglie  to  the  King  of  France,  July  20.  1724. 


1727.  SIEGE   OF    GIBRALTAR.  105 

by  any  party  or  any  person  in  Parliament ;  even  Shippen, 
Wyndham,  and  Pulteney,  were  loud  against  it ;  and 
readily  supported  an  Address,  moved  by  Walpole,  "  to  ex- 
"  press  the  highest  resentment  at  the  affront  and  in- 
"  dignity  offered  to  His  Most  Sacred  Majesty  by  the 
"  Memorial  delivered  by  M.  de  Palm,  the  Emperor's  Resi- 
"  dent,  and  at  his  insolence  in  printing  and  dispersing 
"  the  same  throughout  the  kingdom."  Nay,  more,  Palm 
was  commanded  immediately  to  depart  from  England. 

With  Spain  also  the  breach  had  been  widening.  Wil- 
liam Stanhope  had  left  Madrid,  and  orders  had  been 
sent  from  thence  to  seize  the  "  Prince  Frederick,"  a  ship 
belonging  to  the  South  Sea  Company  at  Vera  Cruz, 
while  in  Europe  an  army  of  20,000  men  was  assembling 
for  the  siege  of  Gibraltar.  The  command  was  offered  by 
Philip  to  the  best  and  bravest  of  his  generals,  the  Mar- 
quis de  Villadarias.  That  veteran  had  headed  the  first 
attempt  to  recover  Gibraltar  in  1704  ;  and  though  not 
successful,  he  had  there  displayed  the  same  spirit  and 
capacity,  which  had  formerly  saved  Ceuta  from  the 
Moors,  and  Cadiz  from  the  English.*  His  failure  had 
convinced  him  of  what  farther  trials  have  since  made 
clear  to  the  world,  that,  difficult  as  the  siege  of  Gibraltar 
must  be  under  any  circumstances,  it  is  absolutely  hopeless 
when  the  besiegers  are  not  masters  of  the  sea.  Villa- 
darias, therefore,  positively  refused  the  command,  unless 
his  master  would  provide  a  fleet  as  well  as  army ;  he  was 
ready  to  resist  attacks  upon  his  country  under  any  dis- 
advantages, but  wouxd  not  flatter  his  sovereign,  or  hold 
out  expectations  which  he  was  unable  to  fulfil ;  still  less 
would  he  consent  to  sacrifice  brave  men  for  an  imprac- 
ticable object.  Philip  still  persisting  in  his  offer,  Villa- 
darias rather  chose  to  resign  all  his  employments,  and  to 
retire  from  the  army.f  He  withdrew  accordingly  from 
his  long  services,  with  a  glorious  poverty  and  an  un- 
blemished reputation ;  and  his  memory  deserves  to  be 
ever  revered  by  Spain,  as  one  of  the  noblest  of  her  sons ; 
by  England,  as  one  of  her  most  chivalrous  opponents. 

*  He  defended  Ceuta  in  1698,  and  Cadiz  in  1702,  and  attacked 
Gibraltar  with  Marshal  Tesso  in  1704.  (Mem.  de  Noaillcs,  vol.  iii. 
p.  275.) 

f  Ortiz,  Compendio,  vol.  vii.  p.  404. 


106  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIV. 

Philip  found,  however,  a  less  scrupulous,  or  more  san- 
guine general,  in  the  Conde  de  Las  Torres,  \vho  had 
formerly  run  before  Lord  Peterborough  in  Valencia,  and 
who  now  bragged  (but  this  was  only  till  he  saw  the 
enemy)  that  in  six  weeks  he  would  plant  his  standards 
on  the  rock  of  Gibraltar,  and  drive  the  heretics  into  the 
sea !  His  boast  was,  no  doubt,  highly  admired  by  the 
Spanish  Court,  but  was  not  altogether  confirmed  by  the 
event.  Trenches  were  opened  before  the  place  on  the 
1 1th  of  February,  and  all  communication  with  it  by  sea 
or  land  was  prohibited  upon  pain  of  death.*  Gibraltar 
was  already  well  provided  for  defence  :  a  squadron  of  six 
men  of  war  rode  in  its  harbour,  and  protected  constant 
supplies  of  fresh  provisions  from  Tangier  and  Tetuan. 
By  various  reinforcements,  the  garrison  was  raised  to  six 
thousand  men  ;  and  the  Earl  of  Portmore,  the  Governor, 
though  nearly  fourscore  years  of  age,  resolved  to  conduct 
the  defence  in  person,  and  hastened  from  England  to  his 
post.  The  besiegers  threw  a  great  quantity  of  bombs  into 
the  place,  but  with  little  damage,  and  no  result.  A  mine, 
on  which  they  had  formed  high  hopes,  served  only,  says 
their  own  historian,  to  remind  them  of  the  cave  of  Mon- 
tesinos,  in  Don  Quixote !  f  Their  proceedings  gave 
scarcely  any  concern  or  uneasiness  to  the  garrison,  while 
the  Spanish  army  soon  melted  to  half  its  numbers  from 
slaughter,  sickness,  or  desertion,  and  in  four  months  was 
glad  of  the  slightest  pretext  to  raise  the  siege. 

A  general  war  seemed  now  inevitable.  But  the  Em- 
peror perceived  that  he  was  overmatched,  and  when  he 
felt  weakness,  as  is  usual,  he  professed  moderation. 
Russia  had  fallen  away  from  him,  and  Prussia  was  again 
wavering;  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  had  openly  joined  the 
Hanover  allies  ;  and  the  Spaniards  it  appeared  could  not 
even  conquer  a  fortress  upon  their  own  shores.  In  Eng- 
land, the  cabals  against  the  Ministry,  though  still  proceed- 
ing, had  not  yet  been  attended  with  effect,  and  could  not 
any  longer  be  safely  awaited.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, Charles  resolved  to  sacrifice  Spain  to  his  own 

*  Mr.  "W.  Stanhope  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  February  10.  1727. 
Appendix, 
f  Campo  Raso  Coment.  vol.  i.  p.  108. 


1727.  PEACE  CONCLUDED.  107 

security  ;  and  his  new-born  moderation  was  well  seconded 
by  the  pacific  temper  of  Walpole  and  of  Fleury.  After  a 
short  negotiation,  through  the  mediation  of  France,  the 
Austrian  ambassador  signed  at  Paris  on  the  31st  of  May 
the  preliminaries  of  peace  with  England,  France,  and 
Holland.  The  Emperor  consented  to  suspend  for  seven 
years  the  charter  of  the  Ostend  Company ;  to  confirm  all 
the  treaties  previous  to  1725,  and  to  refer  any  other  dis- 
cussions to  a  General  Congress. 

Spain  also  was  treated  of,  though  not  treated  with,  at 
Paris.  The  fifth  article  provided  that  Admiral  Hosier 
should  raise  the  blockade  of  Porto  Bello,  and  the  galleons 
be  permitted  to  return  to  Spain.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
was  expected  that  the  siege  of  Gibraltar  should  be  dis- 
continued, and  the  "Prince  Frederick"  restored.  But 
though  these  preliminaries  were  signed  by  the  Spanish 
ambassador  at  Vienna,  they  were  not  ratified  by  Philip  ; 
and  though  he  raised  the  siege  of  Gibraltar,  he  did  not 
relinquish  his  pretensions,  and  the  two  nations  still  con- 
tinued in  a  state  between  peace  and  war. 

The  satisfaction  of  Walpole  at  seeing  hostilities  averted 
was  not  unmixed,  for,  in  proportion  as  the  foreign  tempest 
cleared,  another  seemed  gathering  at  home.  By  large 
payments,  and  larger  promises,  Bolingbroke  had  wholly 
gained  over  the  Duchess  of  Kendal.  She  did  not,  indeed, 
openly  declare  against  the  Ministers,  from  whom  she  re- 
ceived a  yearly  pension  of  7500/.,  besides  sundry  gratifi- 
cations and  presents  ;  but  she  endeavoured  to  sink  them 
in  the  King's  opinion,  and  to  obtain  not  only  the  complete 
restoration  of  Bolingbroke,  but  his  accession  to  power. 
On  one  occasion  she  gave  the  King  a  memorial  from  her 
friend,  drawn  up,  no  doubt,  with  his  usual  skill,  declaring 
that  the  kingdom  must  be  inevitably  ruined  should  Wal- 
pole continue  Minister ;  and,  in  conclusion,  entreating  an 
audience,  that  Bolingbroke  might  make  good  his  asser- 
tions. This  memorial,  hoAvever,  the  King  quietly  put 
into  the  hands  of  Walpole  himself.  Sir  Robert,  whose 
sagacity  never  forsook  him,  observed  that  the  cover  was 
not  sealed,  and  that  therefore  the  deliverer  of  it  must  cer- 
tainly have  known  and  sanctioned  its  contents.  On  the 
two  Turks,  the  King's  attendants,  disclaiming  all  know- 
ledge of  it,  he  went  to  the  Duchess  of  Kendal,  who  owned 


108  HISTORY:  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  xiv. 

the  part  she  had  acted,  adding,  however,  some  false  and 
frivolous  excuses.  "  I  then,"  says  Walpole,  "  earnestly 
"  desired  the  King  to  admit  Bolingbroke  to  the  audience 
"  he  solicited,  and  said,  that  if  this  was  not  done  the 
"  clamour  would  be,  that  I  kept  His  Majesty  to  myself, 
"  and  would  allow  none  to  come  near  him  to  tell  the 
"  truth."  *  Through  these  means  was  Bolingbroke  ad- 
mitted, but  his  representations  produced  no  effect ;  and 
the  King  afterwards  mentioned  them  slightingly  to  his 
Minister,  and  called  them  BAGATELLES  !  But  Sir  Robert 
was  not  ignorant  that  this  attack,  though  now  warded 
off,  would  be  constantly  pointed  anew,  and  that  a  genius 
so  transcendent  as  Bolingbroke  is  formidable  even  in  its 
wildest  schemes.  The  influence  of  the  Duchess  of  Kendal 
might  be  once  repulsed,  but  not  very  long  resisted  ;  for  it 
is  almost  incredible  how  much  even  the  weakest  mind 
can  control  and  sway  even  the  strongest  by  habits  of 
access  at  all  hours.  In  Walpole's  own  words,  "  as  St. 
"  John  had  the  Duchess  entirely  on  his  side,  I  need  not 
"  add  what  must,  or  might  in  time,  have  been  the  conse- 
"  quence."  Speaker  Onslow  was  even  assured  by  Mr. 
Pelham  that  Walpole  was  so  convinced  of  his  approach- 
ing downfal,  that  he  had  determined  to  retire  with  a 
peerage  ;  and  was  withheld  by  the  remonstrances  of  the 
Duke  of  Devonshire  and  of  the  Princess  of  Wales,  f  It 
is  probable  that  this  might  be  a  sudden  sally,  but  never 
a  fixed  resolution  ;  and  Walpole  had  the  less  reason  to  be 
very  solicitous  about  a  peerage  since  that  honour  had 
recently  been  conferred  upon  his  son.  Certain  it  is  that 
Bolingbroke  fully  expected  that,  in  the  next  Session,  his 
restoration  would  be  completed- — perhaps  his  administra- 
tion renewed. 

All  these  projects  and  hopes,  however,  were  postponed 
till  the  King's  expected  return  from  Hanover.  He  had 
set  out  for  that  place  on  the  3d  of  June,  Old  Style,  with 
the  Duchess  of  Kendal  and  Lord  Townshend  in  his  train. 
Late  on  the  9th  he  arrived  at  Delden,  apparently  in  per- 
fect health,  and  again  resumed  his  journey  at  four  o'clock 

*  Mr.  Etough's  Minutes  of  a  Conversation  with  Walpole,  Septem- 
ber 13.  1737. 

t  Speaker  Onflow's  Remarks,  Coxe's  Walpole,  vol.  ii.  p.  571.  See 
nlso  Swift's  Letter  to  Sheridan,  May  13.  1727. 


1727.  DEATH   OF    GEORGE   THE   FIRST.  109 

the  next  morning.  But  as  he  was  travelling  that  fore- 
noon, he  was  seized  with  an  apoplectic  fit  in  his  coach, 
and  on  coming  to  Ippenburen,  was  observed  to  be  quite 
lethargic ;  his  hands  were  motionless,  his  eyes  fixed,  and 
his  tongue  hung  out  of  his  mouth.  His  attendants  wished 
to  stop  at  Ippenburen,  and  obtain  assistance ;  but  the 
King  recovered  his  speech  so  far  as  to  cry  out  several 
times,  impatiently,  "  Osnabruck !  Osnabruck ! "  Even  in 
that  extremity  these  well-trained  courtiers  durst  not  dis- 
obey him,  and  hastened  on.  But  when  they  reached 
Osnabruck  the  King  was  already  dead.  He  was  taken 
to  the  house  of  his  brother  the  Prince-Bishop,  and  imme- 
diately blooded ;  but  all  attempts  to  recover  him  were 
useless.  His  interment  took  place  at  Hanover,  in  the 
vault  of  his  ancestors.  And  thus  suddenly  closed  his 
checkered  and  eventful,  but,  on  the  whole,  prosperous, 
constitutional,  and  indulgent  reign. 

An  express  was  sent  with  the  fatal  news  to  Lord 
Townshend,  and  another  to  the  Duchess  of  Kendal,  who 
were  both  at  different  places  in  the  rear.  The  Minister, 
after  proceeding  to  Osnabruck,  and  finding  that  all  was 
over,  hastened  back  to  England.  The  favourite  tore  her 
hair  and  beat  her  breast,  with  other  signs  of  extreme 
grief,  and  then  dismissing  the  English  ladies  who  at- 
tended her,  travelled  onwards  to  Brunswick.  She  did 
not  disdain,  however,  again  to  honour  England  with  her 
presence,  residing  chiefly  at  Kendal  House,  near  Twick- 
enham, till  her  death,  in  1743,  when  she  left  enormous 
wealth  to  be  divided  amongst  her  German  relatives. 

The  reader,  who  in  the  reign  of  George  the  First  has 
seen  his  mistresses  so  often  mentioned  and  his  consort 
not  once,  will  be  surprised  to  learn  that  the  latter  had 
died  only  seven  months  before  her  husband.  Sophia- 
Dorothea  of  Zell  was  the  name  and  lineage  of  this  un- 
fortunate princess.  When  married,  in  1682,  she  was 
young,  accomplished,  beautiful.  But  with  indiscretion, 
though  probably  no  more  than  indiscretion,  she  received 
the  attentions  of  Count  Konigsmark,  a  Swedish  noble- 
man who  had  come  on  a  visit  to  Hanover.  Her  husband 
was  absent  at  the  army ;  her  father-in-law,  the  old  Elec- 
tor, was  prepossessed  against  her,  partly  by  the  cabals  of 
his  mistress,  and  partly  by  her  own  imprudence  of  be- 


HO  BISTORT   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIV. 

haviour.  Tlie  details  of  this  transaction,  and  of  the  black 
deed  that  followed  it,  are  shrouded  in  mystery ;  thus 
much  only  is  certain,  that  one  evening  as  Konigsmark 
had  come  out  of  the  apartment  of  the  Princess,  and  was 
crossing  a  passage  in  the  palace,  several  persons,  who 
had  been  ready  posted,  rushed  upon  and  despatched  him. 
The  spot  of  this  murder  is  still  shown ;  and  many  years 
afterwards,  in  some  repairs,  the  bones  of  the  unhappy 
man  were  discovered  beneath  the  floor.  The  Princess 
was  placed  under  arrest ;  the  Prince,  on  his  return,  was 
convinced  of  her  guilt,  and  concurred  in  her  imprison- 
ment, obtaining  also  from  the  Consistory  a  divorce  in 
December,  1694.  Sophia  was  closely  confined  to  the  so- 
litary castle  of  Ahlen,  where  she  dragged  on  a  miser- 
able existence  for  thirty-two  years,  till,  on  the  13th  of 
November,  1726,  she  was  released  by  death,  when  she 
was  mentioned  in  the  Gazette  as  Electress-Dowager  of 
Hanover.  During  her  confinement  she  used  to  receive 
the  Sacrament  every  week,  and  never  failed  on  those 
occasions  to  make  a  solemn  protestation  of  her  innocence. 
Her  son,  afterwards  George  the  Second,  was  fully  con- 
vinced of  it ;  once,  it  is  said,  he  made  a  romantic  attempt 
to  see  her,  crossing  the  river  opposite  the  castle  on  horse- 
back, but  was  prevented  by  Baron  Bulow,  to  whose  care 
she  was  committed.  He  secretly  kept  her  picture,  and 
had  determined,  in  the  event  of  her  surviving  his  acces- 
sion, to  have  restored  her  to  liberty,  and  acknowledged 
her  as  Queen-Dowager. 

If  we  may  trust  some  rumours  whispered  at  the  time 
in  Germany,  the  death  of  this  ill-fated  Princess  hastened 
that  of  George.  It  is  said  that  in  her  last  illness  she  had 
delivered  to  a  faithful  attendant  a  letter  to  her  husband, 
upon  promise  that  it  should  be  given  into  his  own  hands. 
It  contained  a  protestation  of  her  innocence,  a  reproach 
for  his  hard  usage,  and  a  citation  or  summons  to  appear 
within  a  year  and  a  day  at  the  Divine  tribunal,  and  there 
to  answer  for  the  long  and  many  injuries  she  had  received 
from  him.  As  this  letter  could  not  with  safety  to  the 
bearer  be  delivered  in  England,  it  was  given  to  the  King- 
in  his  coach,  on  his  entering  Germany.  He  opened  if 
immediately,  and,  it  is  added,  was  so  struck  with  the  ui- 


1727.  SOPHIA   DOROTHEA   OF   ZELL.  Ill 

expected  contents  and  fatal  citation,  as  to  fall  at  once  into 
the  convulsion  of  which  he  died.* 

Another  rumour,  not  incompatible  with  the  former, 
states,  that  Sophia  having  made  a  will,  bequeathing  her 
personal  property  to  her  son,  the  document  was  taken  to 
her  husband  in  England,  and  by  him  destroyed.  Such  a 
story,  however,  rests  only  on  Court  gossip,  and  seems 
quite  at  variance  with  the  honesty  of  purpose,  and  love 
of  justice,  which  eminently  distinguished  George  the 
First.  If  it  be  really  true,  the  act  was  very  speedily 
retaliated  upon  him  who  wrought  it.  For  George  the 
First,  himself,  had  made  a  will,  with  large  legacies,  as 
was  believed,  to  the  Duchess  of  Kendal,  and  her  niece 
(some  said  her  daughter)  Lady  Walsingham.  One  copy 
of  this  will  he  had  intrusted  to  Dr.  Wake,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  who  produced  it  at  the  very  first  Council 
attended  by  the  new  King,  expecting  that  His  Majesty 
would  immediately  open  and  read  it.  But  George  the 
Second,  without  saying  a  single  word,  put  it  in  his  pocket, 
and  strode  out  of  the  apartment ;  the  Archbishop  was  too 
courtly  or  too  timid  to  complain,  and  the  whole  transac- 
tion remained  buried  in  silence.  Another  copy,  it  is 
said,  had  been  deposited  with  the  Duke  of  Brunswick, 
but  His  Highness  was  silenced  by  a  well-timed  subsidy ; 
and  Lord  Chesterfield,  who  married  Lady  Walsingham 
in  1733,  and  who  threatened  a  suit  in  Chancery  for  her 
supposed  legacy,  received,  it  is  reported,  in  lieu  of  it,  the 
sum  of  20,000/4 

*  See  Lockhart's  Memoirs,  voL  ii.  p.  352.  The  letter  containing 
this  account  was  shown  him  in  the  same  year  by  Count  Welling, 
Governor  of  Luxemburg.  But  some  people  believed  the  whole  to  be 
a  fabrication. 

•j-  Walpole's  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  459.,  and  Reminiscences,  Works, 
vol.  iv.  p.  295.  In  her  later  years,  Lady  Suffolk  lived  in  a  villa  close 
to  Horace  Walpole's  ;  and  this  old  woman  (I  mean  the  former)  com- 
municated many  curious  anecdotes. 


112  HISTORY  OF   EXGLAM).  CHAP.  XV. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

GEORGE  the  Second  was  born  in  1683,  and  had  married 
in  1705  Princess  Caroline  of  Anspach,  by  whom  lie  had 
four  daughters  and  two  sons  ;  Frederick  Prince  of  Wales, 
born  in  1707,  and  William  Duke  of  Cumberland  in  1721. 
His  parts,  I  think,  were  not  so  good  as  his  father's,  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  he  had  much  less  reserve  and  shyness, 
and  he  possessed  another  inestimable  advantage  over  him 
— he  could  speak  English  fluently,  though  not  without  a 
foreign  accent.  His  diminutive  person,  pinched  features, 
and  frequent  starts  of  passion,  were  not  favourable  to  the 
Royal  dignity,  and  his  mind  still  less.  He  had  scarcely 
one  kingly  quality,  except  personal  courage  and  justice. 
The  former  he  had  highly  signalised  at  the  battle  of  Ou- 
denarde  as  a  volunteer,  and  was  destined  to  display  again 
as  sovereign  at  Dettingen  ;  and  even  in  peace  he  was  so 
fond  of  the  army,  and  of  military  details,  that  his  nick- 
name among  the  Jacobites  was  "the  Captain."  A  love 
of  justice  was  apparent  in  all  the  natural  movements  of 
his  mind.  But  avarice,  that  most  unprincely  of  all  pas- 
sions, sat  enshrined  in  the  inmost  recesses  of  his  bosom. 
Its  twitches  were  shown  on  all  occasions.  His  purse 
was  often  in  his  hands,  not  to  give  from  it,  but  to  feel, 
and  count  over.*  An  extreme  minuteness  and  precision 
in  keeping  his  private  accounts  saved  him  a  little  money, 
and  lost  him  a  great  deal  of  time.  "  He  has  often  told 
"  me  himself,"  says  Lord  Chesterfield,  "  that  little  things 
"  affected  him  more  than  great  ones ;  and  this  was  so 
"  true,  that  I  have  often  seen  him  put  so  much  out  of 

*  "  Soon  after  his  first  arrival  in  England,  Mrs. one  of  the 

"  bed-chamber  women,  with  whom  he  was  in  love,  seeing  him  count 
*'  his  money  over  very  often,  said  to  him, '  Sir,  I  can  bear  it  no  longer; 
"  '  if  yon  count  your  money  once  more  I  will  leave  the  room  ! '  *" 
Horace  Walpole's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  1 53. 


1727.  QUEEN  CAROLINE.  113 

humour  at  his  private  levee,  by  a  mistake  or  blunder 
of  a  valet  de  chambre,  that  the  gaping  crowd  admitted 
to  his  public  levee  have  from  his  looks  and  silence  con- 
cluded that  he  had  just  received  some  dreadful  news." 
.  .  On  the  same  principle,  "  he  troubled  himself  little 
about  religion,  but  jogged  on  quietly  in  that  in  which 
he  had  been  bred,  without  scruples,  doubts,  zeal,  or 
inquiry."     Of  acquired  knowledge  he  had  little,  pro- 
fessing great  contempt  for  literature  ;  but  he  sometimes 
read  history,  and  had  an  excellent  memory  for  dates. 
His  habits  were  very  temperate,  and  so  regular,  that  he 
scarce  ever  deviated  from  his  beaten  daily  track  :  in  the 
words  of  one  of  his  courtiers,  "  he  seems  to  think  his 
"  having  done  a  thing  to-day  an  unanswerable  reason  for 
"  his  doing  it  to-morrow."*      Business   he  understood 
well,  and  transacted  with  pleasure.     Like  his  father,  he 
was  far  too  Hanoverian  in  his  politics,  nor  wholly  free 
from  the  influence  of  mistresses.     But  his  reign  of  thirty- 
three  years  deserves  this  praise, — that  it  never  once  in- 
vaded the  rights  of  the  nation,  nor  harshly  enforced  the 
prerogatives  of  the  Crown; — that  its  last  period  was 
illumined  by  the  glories  of  Wolfe  and  of  Chatham ; — 
and  that  it  left  the  dynasty  secure,  the  constitution  unim- 
paired, and  the  people  prosperous. 

Queen  Caroline  had  been  handsome  in  her  youth,  and 
to  the  last  retained  great  expression  in  her  countenance, 
and  sweetness  in  her  smile.  Her  character  was  without 
a  blemish,  and  her  conduct  always  marked  by  judgment 
and  good  sense.  During  the  violent  quarrels  between  her 
husband  and  his  father,  she  had  behaved  so  prudently 
that  she  equally  retained  the  affection  of  the  first  and  the 
esteem  of  the  latter.  With  the  nation  also  she  was  more 
popular  than  any  other  member  of  her  family,  till  George 
the  Third.  Her  manner  most  happily  combined  the 
Royal  dignity  with  female  grace,  and  her  conversation 
was  agreeable  in  all  its  varieties,  from  mimicry  and 
repartee  up  to  metaphysics.  In  fact,  her  only  faults 
were  those  of  a  Philaminte  or  a  Belise.f  She  was  fond 
of  talking  on  all  learned  subjects,  and  understood  some- 

*  Lord  Hervey  to  Horace  Wai  pole,  October  31.  1735. 
f  See  Molle"  re  —  Lcs  Fcmmes  Savantes. 
VOL.   IL  I 


114  msTORr  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  xv. 

thing  of  a  few.  Her  toilet  was  a  strange  medley:  prayers, 
and  sometimes  a  sermon,  were  read ;  tattle  and  gossip 
succeeded ;  metaphysics  found  a  place ;  the  head-dress 
was  not  forgotten  ;  divines  stood  grouped  with  courtiers, 
and  philosophers  with  ladies !  On  the  table,  perhaps,  lay 
heaped  together,  the  newest  ode  by  Stephen  Duck  upon 
her  beauty,  her  last  letter  from  Leibnitz  upon  Free  Will, 
and  the  most  high-wrought  panegyric  of  Dr.  Clarke,  on 
her  "  inimitable  sweetness  of  temper,"  "  impartial  love  of 
"  truth,"  and  "  very  particular  and  uncommon  degree  of 
"  knowledge,  even  on  matters  of  the  most  abstract  specu- 
"  lation."*  Her  great  delight  was  to  make  theologians 
dispute  in  her  presence,  and  argue  controverted  points, 
on  which  it  has  been  said,  perhaps  untruly,  that  her  own 
faith  was  wavering.  But  no  doubt  can  exist  as  to  her 
discerning  and  most  praiseworthy  patronage  of  worth  and 
learning  in  the  Church ;  the  most  able  and  pious  men 
were  every  where  sought  out  and  preferred,  and  the 
Episcopal  Bench  was  graced  by  such  men  as  Hare, 
Sherlock,  and  Butler,  f  Even  to  her  enemies  she  could 
show  favour,  if  they  could  show  merit ;  through  her  in- 
tercession were  Carte  the  historian  and  Lord  Lansclowne 
the  poet  recalled  from  exile,  and  the  former  enabled  to 
show  his  gratitude  by  renewing  his  intrigues  for  the 
Pretender. 

In  fact,  so  great  was  the  influence  of  Queen  Caroline 
over  her  husband,  that  neither  in  the  Church  nor  in  the 
State  were  any  appointments  made  without  her  having  at 
least  some  share  in  them,  and  during  ten  years  she  may 
be  said  to  have  governed  England.  But  she  was  one  of 
those  "  who,  if  she  rules  him,  never  shows  she  rules." 
Her  power  was  felt,  not  displayed.  She  had  the  art  of 
instilling  ideas  into  the  King's  mind,  which  after  a  time 

*  See  his  Dedication  to  his  own  and  Leibnitz's  Letters,  pp.  iii. — 
xiii.  ed.  1717. 

f  Butler,  author  of  the  celebrated  "Analogy,"  was  then  living 
obscurely  in  the  country  as  rector  of  Stanhope.  The  Queen  thought 
that  he  was  dead,  and  asked  the  question  of  Archbishop  Blackburne. 
"  No,  Madam,"  said  His  Grace,  "  but  he  is  buried  !  "  The  Queen 
took  the  hint,  and  put  down  Butler  in  her  list  for  a  vacant  Bishoprick, 
which  he  obtained  after  her  death.  See  the  Life  of  Seeker,  and 
Coxe's  "Walpole,  pp.  551.  and  554. 


1727.  LADY   SUFFOLK.  115 

he  found  there,  and  believed  to  be  his  own.  It  was  her 
plan  always  to  affect  to  retire  when  the  Minister  came  to 
the  King,  declaring  that  she  did  not  understand  business, 
and  only  remaining  as  it  seemed  to  obey  His  Majesty's 
commands.  By  her  management  he  never  became  jealous, 
nor  she  boastful,  of  authority.  Nay,  so  ready  was  she  to 
consult  and  comply  with  all  his  inclinations,  that  she 
lived  on  a  friendly  footing  with  his  mistress,  one  of  her 
bed-chamber  Avomen.  This  was  Henrietta,  daughter  of 
Sir  Henry  Hobart,  and  married  to  Mr.  Howard,  who 
afterwards  succeeded  to  the  Earldom  of  Suffolk.  The 
Queen  used  to  call  her  in  banter  her  sister  Howard,  and 
was  pleased  to  employ  her  at  her  toilet,  or  in  menial 
offices  about  her  person.*  Lady  Suffolk  was  placid, 
good-natured,  and  kind-hearted,  but  very  deaf,  and  not 
remarkable  for  wit.  Though  the  King  passed  half  his 
time  in  her  company,  her  influence  was  quite  subordinate 
to  that  of  the  Queen  ;  she  could  obtain  from  George  but 
little  attention  and  less  pay,  and  at  length,  weary  of  a 
post  so  unprofitable  as  that  of  a  favourite  without  favour, 
she  left  him,  and  withdrew  from  Court  in  1734.  f 

It  seemed,  however,  so  difficult  to  believe  that  the  wife 
should  be  always  preferred  to  the  mistress,  that  Lady 
Suffolk  received  a  large  share  of  homage  and  solicitation. 
All  the  wits  in  opposition  courted  her  friendship,  and 
celebrated  her  perfections.  Pope,  Gay,  Arbuthnot,  the 
eloquent  Bolingbroke,  and  the  chivalrous  Peterborough, 
formed  a  galaxy  of  genius  around  her,  and  she  shines  in 
history  with  a  lustre  not  her  own.  Even  the  moody 
Swift  declares,  "  I  know  no  person  of  your  sex  for  whom 
"  I  have  so  great  an  esteem,"  J  and  even  her  deafness 

*  Memoirs  of  Horace  Walpole,  vol.  i.  p.  513. 

f  Horace  Walpole,  and  after  him  Archdeacon  Coxe,  state  that 
Gay,  Swift,  and  Chesterfield  all  fell  into  disgrace  at  Court  by  suppos- 
ing Lady  Suffolk's  influence  to  be  greater  than  the  Queen's,  and 
leaning  only  on  the  former.  But  the  falsehood  of  these  stories  and 
surmises  is  well  shown  by  the  editor  of  the  Suffolk  Letters.  (See 
especially  his  note,  vol.  ii.  p.  84.)  All  the  stories  of  Horace  Walpole 
are  to  be  received  with  great  caution  ;  but  his  Kcminiscenccs,  above 
all,  written  in  his  dotage,  teem  with  the  grossest  inaccuracies  and 
most  incredible  assertions. 

J  To  Lady  Suffolk,  November  21.  1730. 
I  2 


1 16  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

becomes  modesty  and  merit  in  the  graceful  lines  of 
Pope.* 

The  despatch  from  Lord  Townshend,  announcing  the 
King's  death,  reached  London  on  the  14th  of  June. 
Walpole  immediately  hastened  to  the  palace  of  Richmond, 
where  he  was  told  that  the  Prince,  according  to  his  usual 
custom,  had  retired  to  bed  for  an  afternoon  slumber.  His 
Highness  (so  we  may  call  him  for  the  last  time)  being 
awakened,  at  Walpole's  desire,  started  up  and  made  his 
appearance  half-dressed.  Walpole  knelt  down  and  kissed 
his  hand  ;  but  the  King  was  at  first  incredulous,  nor  con- 
vinced of  the  truth,  until  Townshend's  letter  was  produced. 
The  Minister  then  inquired  whom  His  Majesty  would  be 
pleased  to  appoint  to  draw  up  the  necessary  declaration 
to  the  Privy  Council,  fully  hoping  that  the  choice  would 
fall  upon  himself.  "  Compton,"  answered  the  King, 
shortly,  and  Walpole  withdrew  in  the  deepest  disappoint- 
menkf 

Sir  Spencer  Compton,  the  second  surviving  son  of  the 
Earl  of  Northampton,  was  chosen  Speaker  in  1715,  and  a 
Knight  of  the  Bath,  on  the  revival  of  that  Order.  He 
and  Lord  Scarborough  had  been  the  chief  favourites  of 
the  King  as  Prince  of  Wales.  He  was  respectable  in  his 
private,  regular  in  his  public,  character.  In  the  Speaker's 
chair,  where  form  rather  than  substance  is  required,  he 
had  fulfilled  his  duty  well,  but  the  seals  of  office  were  too 
heavy  for  his  hands.  So  little  acquainted  was  he  with 
real  business,  that  when  Walpole  conveyed  to  him  the 
King's  commands,  he  avowed  his  ignorance,  and  begged 
\Yulpole  to  draw  up  the  Declaration  for  him.  Sir  Robert 
willingly  complied,  and  the  Declaration  which  he  wrote 
was  carried  by  Compton  to  the  King. 

Seeing  the  weakness  of  his  rival,  Walpole,  with  his 
usual  sagacity,  said  to  his  friend  Sir  William  Yonge, 

*  After  a  long  panegyric,  he  concludes  :  — 

"  Has  she  no  faults  then,  Envy  says,  Sir  ? 

"  Yes,  she  has  one,  I  must  aver,  — 
"  When  all  the  world  conspires  to  praise  her, 
"  The  woman's  deaf,  and  will  not  hear !  " 
These  lines  have  also  been  ascribed  to  Lord  Peterborough. 

f  Minutes  of  Conversation  with  Mr.  Scrope,  Coxe's  Walpole, 
vol.  ii.  p.  519. 


1727.  SIR   SPENCER   COMPTON.  117 

"  I  shall  certainly  go  out,  but  let  me  advise  you  not  to  go 
"  into  violent  opposition,  as  we  must  soon  come  in  again." 
It  was  not  easy  (such  was  the  jealousy  between  them)  for 
any  Minister  of  George  the  First  to  stand  well  with  the 
Prince  of  Wales.  Pulteney,  moreover,  had  taken  care  to 
repeat,  or  perhaps  to  exaggerate,  some  disrespectful  ex- 
pressions which  Walpole  had  used  in  1720.*  Yet  Sir 
Robert,  on  returning  to  office,  had  not  neglected  to  found 
his  future,  as  far  as  he  could  venture  without  hazarding 
his  present  favour.  He  had  obtained  from  the  King  the 
Garter  for  Lord  Scarborough,  and  had  often  gratified 
with  places  other  personal  adherents  of  the  Prince,  f 
Above  all,  Walpole  had  now  Queen  Caroline  on  his  side. 
He  had  gained  her  regard  by  his  attentions,  her  esteem 
by  his  abilities ;  she  perceived  that  no  one  could  surpass 
him  in  financial  skill,  and  that  the  late  King  was  scarcely 
mistaken,  when  he  said  to  her  one  day  in  chapel,  that 
Walpole  could  change  stones  into  gold !  |  At  this  crisis 
also,  he  fixed  and  secured  her  favour,  by  a  well-timed 
offer  to  obtain  from  Parliament  a  jointure  for  Her  Majesty 
of  100,000/.  a  year,  while  Compton  only  ventured  to  pro- 
pose 60,000/.  What  better  proof  could  be  required  that 
Walpole  was  fittest  for  Prime  Minister  ? 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  triumph  of  Compton 
endured  but  a  few  days.  Caroline,  without  openly  op- 
posing the  King's  resolution,  represented  to  him  the  rash- 
ness and  danger  of  dismissing  a  prosperous  and  well- 
established  government ;  she  made  him  acquainted  with 
the  incapacity  of  Compton,  in  applying  for  assistance  to 
the  very  Minister  whom  he  displaced;  and  she  added, 
that  Walpole  had  agreed  to  carry  through  the  House  of 

*  According  to  Pulteney,  this  conversation  passed  on  the  recon- 
ciliation in  the  Royal  Family  in  1720.  Pulteney  asked  Walpole  what 
terms  he  had  made  for  the  Prince.  "  To  which  you  answered,  with 
"  a  sneer, Why  he  is  to  go  to  Court  again,  and  he  will  have  his  drums 
"  and  his  guards  and  such  fine  things."  But,  said  Pulteney,  Is  the 
Prince  to  be  left  Regent  again  as  he  had  been  when  the  King  left 
England  ?  "  Your  answer  was  this  :  he  docs  not  deserve  it.  We 
"  have  done  too  much  for  him,  and  if  it  was  to  be  done  again,  we 
"  would  not  do  so  much  !  "  See  Pultcney's  "  Answer  to  an  Infamous 
"  Libel." 

t  Count  de  Broglie  to  the  King  of  France,  July  24.  1 724. 

j  Minutes  of  Conversation  with  Mr.  Scrope. 
i  3 


118  HISTORY  OP   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

Commons  an  increase  of  130,000/.  to  the  Civil  List. 
Such  arguments  had  their  due  weight  with  George,  while 
Horace  Walpole  arriving  from  Paris,  artfully  magnified 
to  him  the  difficulties  of  foreign  negotiations  in  new 
hands.  Compton  himself  was  now  beginning  to  see  the 
shoals  and  rocks  before  him.  He  could  scarcely  hope  to 
contend  at  once  with  the  Tories  and  with  Walpole  and 
his  friends,  in  opposition  ;  and  to  join  the  Tories  at  that 
j  uncture  seemed  a  hazardous  experiment.  Thus  his  own 
sense  of  danger  combining  with  the  rising  doubts  of  the 
King,  he  was  induced  to  relinquish  his  commission,  and 
the  King  to  re-appoint  the  old  Ministers.  No  change 
took  place  in  the  Cabinet,  except  that  Lord  Berkeley, 
who  had  been  leagued  with  Carteret  and  Roxburgh,  was 
replaced  at  the  Admiralty  by  Lord  Torrington,  a  more 
devoted  friend  of  Walpole.  As  for  Compton,  he  was  gra- 
tified with  the  title  of  Wilmington  and  the  Presidency  of 
the  Council ;  and  it  might  be  said  of  him,  as  afterwards 
of  Pulteney,  that  he  shrunk  at  once  into  insignificance 
and  an  Earldom. 

The  Opposition,  who  had  expected  any  thing  rather 
than  the  re-appointment  of  Walpole,  were  stunned  with 
the  blow,  and  unfitted  for  resistance  in  Parliament. 
When  Walpole  proposed  that  the  entire  revenue  of  the 
Civil  List,  producing,  as  he  said,  93,000/.,  but  in  fact 
about  130,000/.  beyond  the  sum  of  700,0007.  granted  to 
George  the  First,  should  be  settled  on  His  Majesty,  no 
voice  but  Shippen's  was  raised  against  it ;  and  to  the 
proposal  of  100,0007.  for  Her  Majesty's  jointure,  there 
was  no  dissent  at  all.  This  imanimous  Parliament  was 
soon  prorogued,  and  then,  as  the  law  requires,  dissolved. 

The  Jacobites  had  always  hoped  that  the  death  of 
George  the  First  would  be  the  signal  of  confusion,  and 
the  dawning  of  triumph  to  themselves.  They  were  con- 
founded at  finding,  on  the  contrary,  a  new  spirit  of 
loyalty  displayed,  a  new  expectation  of  prosperity  ex- 
cited, not  only  in  the  Parliament,  but  amongst  the  people. 
The  letter  of  the  Earl  of  Strafford  to  James  at  that  crisis 
is  now  before  me.*  He  observes,  that  "  the  alteration 
"  here  was  so  sudden  and  surprising,  that  no  man  knew 

*  Dated  June  21.  1727.    See  Appendix 


1727.  DISMAY   OF   THE   JACOBITES.  119 

at  first  what  would  be  the  consequence.  The  people 
in  the  streets  ran  backwards  and  forwards,  only  asking 
news,  and  inquiring  of  one  another  what  was  to  be 
done.  The  sudden  coming  of  the  Prince  and  Princess 
to  town,  and  calling  of  the  Council,  immediately  turned 
the  expectation  of  the  mob,  on  seeing  the  ceremony  of 
a  proclamation  that  night ;  who  are  always  fond  of  any 
show  or  new  thing.  They  waited  till  midnight,  and 
were  then  told  it  was  put  off  till  next  day,  when  all 
things  were  performed  without  the  least  disorder.  The 
torrent  is  too  strong  for  your  friends  to  resist,  so  they 
thought  it  their  best  way  to  join  with  the  rest  to  hinder 
'  distinctions,  that  their  party  may  be  the  stronger 
"  whenever  dissatisfaction  breaks  out  again,  which  it  is 

"  generally  thought  will  not  be  long I  am  con- 

'  vinced  the  same  violent  and  corrupt  measures  taken  by 
'  the  father  will  be  pursued  by  the  son,  who  is  pas- 
'  sionate,  proud,  and  peevish ;  and  though  he  talks  of 
'  ruling  by  himself,  will  just  be  governed  as  his  father 
'  was.  But  his  declarations  that  he  will  make  no  dis- 
'  tinction  of  parties,  and  turning  off  the  Germans,  make 

'  him  popular  at  present I  find  your  friends 

'  already  desponding  and  complaining  that  they  have 
'  ruined  their  fortunes,  and  are  not  able  to  resist  this 
'  last  effort  of  the  Whigs."  With  still  more  bitterness 
does  Lord  Orrery,  a  few  weeks  later,  inveigh  against  the 
'  incapacity,  stubbornness,  and  haughtiness  of  the  pre- 
'  sent  King," — "  the  universal  corruption  of  our  Parlia- 
'  ment," — "  the  servility,  ignorance,  and  poor  spirit  of 
'  our  nobility  and  gentry,  striving  who  shall  sell  them- 
'  selves  at  the  best  price  to  this  Court,  but  resolved  to 
'  sell  themselves  at  any ! "  Yet,  with  all  this,  he  is 
obliged  to  own  that,  "  there  do  not  yet  appear  many  dis- 
contented people ! "  * 

When  the  Pretender  received  the  news  of  the  King's 
death,  he  was  residing  at  Bologna.  He  had  for  a  long 
time  obstinately  refused  to  conciliate  his  consort,  by  dis- 
missing the  titular  Earl  of  Inverness,  and  turned  a  deaf 
ear  to  the  unanimous  representations  of  his  friends,  both 
at  home  and  abroad.  But  his  stubbornness  being  at 

*  Lord  Orrery  to  James,  August,  1727.    Appendix. 
I  4 


120  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

length  partly  vanquished,  he  accepted  Inverness's  resig- 
nation, though  with  such  marks  and  declarations  of  high 
regard*,  as  made  it  plain  that  his  favour  was  fixed,  and 
that  he  would  ere  long  recal  him.  Nevertheless  Clemen- 
tina agreed  to  quit  her  convent  at  Rome,  and  to  join  her 
husband ;  and  she  was  already  on  her  road,  when  the 
tidings  of  the  great  event  in  Germany  arrived.  Per- 
ceiving the  value  of  time,  and  the  necessity  of  being 
near  his  friends  at  such  a  crisis,  James  the  very  next 
day  set  out  from  Bologna  on  pretence  of  meeting  his 
Queen  on  her  journey,  and  thus  in  concealment  of  his 
object ;  but  turning  short,  at  a  little  distance,  he  posted 
with  all  speed  to  Lorraine. 

On  arriving  near  Nancy,  James  despatched  a  mes- 
senger to  Bishop  Atterbury  at  Paris,  and  one  also  to 
Lord  Orrery  in  London,  while  another  of  his  most  trusty 
servants,  Allan  Cameron,  was  sent  to  confer  with  Mr. 
Lockhart,  who  had  been  obliged  to  leave  Scotland  on 
account  of  some  discoveries,  and  who  was  then  at  Liege. 
"  Cameron  told  me,"  says  Lockhart,  "  that  the  Kins, 
"  notwithstanding  the  certainty  he  had  of  no  foreign  aid, 
"  and  that  there  was  no  scheme  nor  preparations  at 
"  home,  inclined,  and  seemed  resolved  to  repair  to  the 
"  Highlands,  and  make  the  best  stand  he  could  with 
"  such  as  repaired  to  him ;  and  this  measure  was  ap- 
"  proved  by  Lord  Inverness,  and  his  other  subjects  at- 
"  tending  him,  with  whom  he  advised.  Upon  my  in- 
"  quiring  if  that  Lord  was  with  the  King,  he  shifted 
"  giving  a  direct  answer ;  but  being  put  to  it,  he  said  he 
"  was  not  actually  present  with  him,  but  kept  at  a  little 
"  distance,  so  as  His  Majesty  could  send  often  to  him, 
"  and  have  him  when  he  pleased." f  When  asked  for 
his  opinion  in  this  momentous  affair,  Lockhart  desired  to 
consult  Colonel  Clephane,  a  zealous  Jacobite,  who  had 

*  "  You  know  the  great  and  good  opinion  I  have  long  had  of  that 
"  Lord,  and  it  is  now,  with  reason,  augmented  by  the  sacrifice  he  will 
"  make  of  himself  for  the  good  of  my  family  in  this  conjuncture,  which 
"  ought  to  increase  his  merit  with  all  honest  men,  and  I  hope  to  have 
"  yet  soon  occasion  to  show  in  his  person  that  I  am  incapnble  of 
"  abandoning  my  faithful  servants."  Circular  Letter  of  James  ;  Lock- 
hart,  vol.  ii.  p.  347. 

f  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  359. 


1727.  JACOBITE    SCHEME   OF   INVASION.  121 

taken  an  active  part  in  the  Rebellion  of  1715*,  and  was 
now  living  in  exile.  The  answer  of  Cameron  is  another 
strong  proof  how  rife  were  cabals  and  jealousies  even  at 
so  small  a  Court  as  James's.  He  declined  to  send  for 
Clephane,  who  he  said  was  "  of  the  Marrian  faction ; " 
and  he  did  not  yield  till  Lockhart  had  pledged  himself 
for  Clephane's  honour  and  fidelity,  and  inveighed  against 
the  folly  of  keeping  up  divisions  at  a  crisis  when  all 
hands  were  needed.  Both  Clephane  and  Lockhart  agreed, 
that  the  project  of  going  over  to  Scotland,  without  either 
a  settled  scheme  or  foreign  succour,  was  utterly  hopeless, 
and  could  serve  only  to  lose  the  cause  and  ruin  its  adhe- 
rents altogether.  It  appeared  that  Inverness  and  Dun- 
bar,  who  advised  the  scheme,  meant  themselves  to  stay 
abroad,  the  one  attending  the  Prince,  and  the  other  ma- 
naging affairs  with  foreign  Powers ;  and  Lockhart  could 
not  forbear  remarking,  that  he  should  have  had  a  much 
better  opinion  of  these  two  gentlemen,  if  they  had 
thought  fit  to  run  equal  hazard  with  their  King,  in  a 
project  they  so  much  approved. 

The  answers  which  James  received  from  Paris  and 
from  London  were  equally  discouraging,  and  urged  him 
in  the  strongest  manner  to  forbear  so  desperate  an  enter- 
prise. "  You  will  observe,  Sir,"  writes  Atterbury,  "  what 
'a  spirit  of  caution  and  fear  possesses  your  friends  at 
'  home,  and  how  they  dread  any  alarm  being  given  to 

'  the  Government,  or  taken  by  it It  appears  that 

'  nothing  is  to  be  expected  from  them,  without  a  foreign, 

'  and  a  very  considerable  assistance It  is  plain  that 

'  the  Tories  at  this  turn  hoped  to  get  into  place,  if  not 
'  into  power ;  and  though  they  resolved  to  keep  their  prin- 
'ciples  and  inclinations  if  they  had  done  so,  I  much 
'  question  whether  they  really  would,  or  rather  I  am 
"  satisfied  that  the  bulk  of  them  would  not ;  and  therefore 
"  it  is  a  happiness  to  you,  Sir,  that  their  aims  have  hitherto 
"  been  and  will  probably  continue  to  be  defeated."  f 

Nor  was  the  Pretender  left  quiet  and  undisturbed  to 
mature  his  plans ;  on  the  contrary  the  French  govern- 
ment, urged  by  the  English,  sent  positive  directions  to 

*  Sec  the  first  volume  of  this  history,  p.  156. 

|  Bishop  Atterbury  to  James,  August  20.  1727.     Appendix. 


122  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

the  Duke  of  Lorraine  to  compel  James  to  quit  his  territo- 
ries. The  Duke,  who  was  little  more  than  the  vassal  of 
France,  durst  not  disobey,  and  wrote  to  James  in  his  own 
hand,  pressing  him  in  the  strongest  manner  to  go  out  of 
his  country  in  three  days.  "  Thus,"  says  James,  "  in  my 
"present  situation,  I  cannot  pretend  to  do  any  thing 
"  essential  for  my  interest,  so  that  all  that  remains  is  the 
"  world  should  see  that  I  have  done  my  part."  *  He  de- 
termined, however,  by  the  advice  of  Atterbury,  instead  of 
crossing  the  Alps,  to  repair  to  the  Papal  State  of  Avig- 
non. But  even  there  the  French  influence  was  exerted 
to  dislodge  him.  In  the  ensuing  spring  he  was  compelled 
to  return  to  Italy,  where  he  rejoined  his  consort,  and 
seems  to  have  become  gradually  reconciled  with  her.  A 
German  traveller  who  was  at  Rome  in  1731,  saw  them 
living,  to  all  appearance,  in  perfect  harmony  together, 
and  speaks  with  high  praise  (as  indeed  all  parties  do)  of 
Clementina's  grace  and  goodness,  her  quick  talents,  and 
her  never-failing  charity,  f  It  is  even  said,  but  on  no 
good  authority,  that  she  used  to  express  her  sorrow  at 
having  left  her  husband  and  retired  to  a  convent.^  The 
chief  object  of  their  contention,  Inverness,  was  sent  to  a 
kind  of  exile  at  Avignon ;  but  Dunbar  still  retained  the 
chief  influence  at  the  little  Court  of  the  Pretender. 

Meanwhile  events  in  England  were  proceeding  very 
far  from  favourably  to  his  cause.  The  new  Parliament, 
which  met  in  January,  1728,  displayed  a  Ministerial  ma- 
jority even  greater  than  the  last.  "  On  the  first  day," 
says  Horace  Walpole,  "we  had  427  members  in  the 
"  House,  most  of  them  sincere  and  hearty  friends,  and  in 
"  perfect  good  humour."  §  Their  choice  for  Speaker  (Sir 
Spencer  Compton  being  now  a  Peer)  fell  unanimously 
upon  Mr.  Arthur  Onslow,  sprung  from  a  family  which 
had  already  twice  filled  the  Chair  ||,  and  endowed  with 
high  personal  qualifications  for  that  office.  During  three 
and  thirty  years  did  this  accomplished  man  continue  to 

*  James  to  Atterbury,  August  9.  1727.     Appendix, 
f  Polnitz  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  60.  ed.  1737. 

J  Account  of  the  Funeral  Ceremonies  of  the  Princess  Clementine 
Sobieski.  Preface. 

§  To  Earl  Waldegrave,  January  24.  1728.     Coxe's  Walpole. 
|i  See  Parliamentary  History,  voL  i.  p.  703. ;  and  voL  vi.  p.  744. 


1728.  THE   NEW  PARLIAMENT.  123 

preside  over  the  House  of  Commons,  with  thorough 
knowledge  of  forms,  and  perfect  impartiality  of  judgment ; 
and  even  after  his  retirement  he  still  contributed  to  the 
public  service,  by  his  ready  advice  and  guidance  to 
younger  politicians.* 

The  King's  Speech  on  opening  the  Session  lamented 
the  tedious  and  still  unsettled  negotiations  with  Spain, 
and  the  consequent  necessity  of  continuing  warlike  pre- 
parations ;  but  did  not  omit  the  usual  professions  of 
economy,  and  willingness  to  reduce  the  national  expenses. 
Such  professions,  in  fact,  are  frequently  the  most  ardent 
where  the  supplies  to  be  demanded  are  largest.  To  the 
Address,  in  answer,  Shippen  moved  an  amendment,  and 
inveighed  against  Hosier's  expedition  as  useless  and  in- 
significant ;  for  that  we  might  have  rifled  the  galleons  at 
Carthagena,  and  plundered  Porto  Bello,  and  have  had 
those  riches  in  our  hands  to  dispute  with  the  Spaniards,  f 
He  was  seconded  by  Wyndham  ;  but  their  observations 
were  so  ill  received  by  the  House,  that  they  did  not  ven- 
ture on  a  division.  Almost  the  first  occasion  when  the 
Opposition  made  a  stand  was  when  they  had  reason  and 
justice  completely  on  their  side.  It  was  proposed  by 
Horace  Walpole  that  the  sum  of  230,000/.  should  be 
granted  for  maintaining,  during  this  year,  12,000  Hes- 
sians in  the  British  pay  —  a  measure  quite  unworthy  the 
King  of  England,  but  very  advantageous  to  the  Elector 
of  Hanover.  If  troops  were  wanted,  could  we  not  raise 
them  at  home  ?  Or,  if  a  similar  step  had  been  taken  in 
the  rebellion  of  1715,  amidst  pressing  and  fearful  dangers, 
can  it  be  urged  that  the  precedent  applied  to  orderly  and 
settled  times  ;  and  might  we  not  quote  against  this  mo- 
tion the  very  words  of  its  mover  on  another  occasion, 
when  he  said  that  "little,  low,  partial,  Electoral  notions 
"  are  able  to  stop  or  confound  the  best  conducted  project 
"  for  the  public  ?  "  J  Nevertheless,  so  strong  was  the 

*  "It  was  permitted  to  the  compiler  of  this  work  to  visit  that 
"  excellent  man  in  his  retirement,  and  to  hear  those  observations  on 
"  the  law  and  constitution,  which,  particularly  in  the  company  of 
"  young  persons,  Mr.  Onslow  was  fond  of  communicating."  Hatscll's 
Precedents,  vol.  ii.  Preface,  p.  ix.  ecL  1785. 

Mr.  Tilson  to  Earl  Waldeprave,  February  2.  1728. 

Horace  Walpole  to  Sir  Robert,  September  1.  1739. 


124  HISTORT  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

party  in  power,  that  280  voted  with,  and  only  84  against 
them. 

Of  a  similar  tendency  was  a  treaty  just  concluded  with 
the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  stipulating  a  subsidy  of  25,000/. 
a  year  to  him  during  four  years,  whilst,  on  his  part,  he 
was  to  furnish,  if  required,  5000  men. 

In  this  temper  of  the  House  a  discussion  between  Wai- 
pole  and  Pulteney  afforded  a  certain  triumph  to  the  for- 
mer. Pulteney  asserted  that,  in  spite  of  the  Sinking 
Fond,  the  public  burthens  had  increased  instead  of  dimi- 
nishing since  1716.  Such  statements,  enforced  in  an 
able  pamphlet,  and  in  several  numbers  of  the  "  Crafts- 
man," began  to  pass  current  upon  the  public.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  was  maintained  by  Walpole,  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  that  6,000,000/.  had  been  discharged  since 
that  year ;  and  that,  allowing  for  new  debts,  the  decrease 
was  still  no  less  than  2,500,000/.  Pulteney  defended  his 
calculations,  adding,  that  he  should  be  prepared  to  prove 
them  in  a  few  days,  and  would  stake  his  reputation  on 
their  accuracy.  Accordingly,  on  the  4th  of  March,  there 
ensued  a  sort  of  pitched  battle  between  the  rival  states- 
men, when  the  statement  of  Walpole  was  affirmed  by  a 
large  majority,  and  afterwards  embodied  in  a  Report, 
which  was  laid  before  the  King. 

The  Opposition  hoped  to  be  more  successful  in  calling 
for  a  specific  account  of  so  large  a  sum  as  250,000/.,  which 
was  charged  for  Secret  Service.  Walpole  gave  the  usual 
answer,  that  the  public  interest  would  suffer  by  the  dis- 
closure ;  and  the  debate  was  still  proceeding  when  some 
important  news  arrived.  The  King  of  Spain,  on  learn- 
ing the  death  of  George  the  First,  had  determined  not  to 
ratify  the  preliminaries  signed  in  his  name,  but  without 
his  authority,  at  Vienna.  He  hoped  to  see,  not  merely  a 
change  of  administration  but  a  change  of  dynasty  follow 
the  Royal  decease  in  England;  he  expected,  at  least, 
great  discord  and  divisions  in  the  new  Parliament :  but 
finding  the  result  quite  otherwise,  and  unable  to  stand 
alone  against  the  Hanover  allies,  his  reluctance  at  length 
gave  way.  From  his  country  palace  he  issued  what  was 
termed  the  Act  of  the  Pardo,  accepting  the  preliminaries 
with  France  and  England,  and  referring  further  difficul- 
ties to  a  Congress,  about  to  be  held  at  Soissons.  The 


1728.  THE   CONGRESS   OF   SOISSONS.  125 

express  which  brought  this  intelligence  reached  Walpole 
in  the  midst  of  his  speech  on  the  Secret  Service  ;  he  im- 
mediately availed  himself  of  this  event,  and  having  com- 
municated it  to  the  House,  added,  that  the  country  would 
now  be  relieved  from  the  burthen  of  its  late  expenses, 
and  that  he  could  assure  the  Members  who  clamoured  for 
an  account  of  the  Secret  Service  money,  that  it  had  been 
expended  in  obtaining  that  peace  of  which  the  prelimina- 
ries were  just  signed.  So  much  satisfaction  did  this 
news  spread  through  the  House,  that  the  question  was 
instantly  called  for,  and  passed  without  a  division.  In 
fact,  to  the  end  of  this  Session  (I  might  almost  say,  of 
this  Parliament)  the  Ministerial  numbers  continued  steady, 
and  even  increasing ;  and  verified  the  shrewd  saying, 
that  a  good  majority,  like  a  good  sum  of  money,  soon 
makes  itself  bigger.* 

At  the  Congress,  which  opened  in  the  month  of  June, 
the  English  plenipotentiaries  were  William  Stanhope, 
Poyntz,  and  Horace  Walpole.  The  business  at  Paris 
was  intrusted  to  Lord  Waldegrave,  whom  Horace  Wal- 
pole praises  for  "  a  good  understanding : "  but  still  more 
for  what  was  most  requisite  under  Sir  Robert,  "  a  supple 
"  and  inoffensive  disposition."  •}•  At  the  Hague  our  inte- 
rests were  most  ably  conducted  by  the  Earl  of  Chester- 
field, one  of  the  most  shining  characters  of  this  age  ; 
whom  Smollett,  though  with  much  party  spirit,  goes  so 
far  as  to  call  the  only  man  of  genius  employed  under 
Wai  pole.  J 

The  Congress  of  Soissons,  however,  proved  a  worthy 
counterpart  of  the  Congress  of  Cambray.  It  was  a  mere 
routine  of  forms — a  dull  accumulation  of  endless  memo- 
rials and  counter  memorials,  without  leading  to  the  deci- 
sion of  a  single  disputed  point.  A  proposal  for  a  provi- 
sional instead  of  a  definitive  treaty  equally  failed,  and  it 
became  necessary  to  revert  once  more  to  separate  negotia- 
tions. "  It  is  evident  to  us  all  here,"  writes  Townshend, 
"  that  this  nation  will  not  long  bear  this  uncertain  state 
"  of  things."  §  It  was  lamented  in  the  King's  Speech, 

*  Walpole's  Letters  to  Mann,  December  3.  1741. 

•f  Coxe's  Walpole,  vol.  iii.  p.  8. 

|  History  of  England,  book  ii.  ch.  4. 

§  To  Mr.  Poyntz,  February  21.  1729. 


126  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

when  Parliament  met  again  in  January,  1729,  "  and  I 
"  am  not  insensible,"  said  His  Majesty,  "  that  some  may 
"  be  induced  to  think  that  an  actual  war  is  preferable  to 
"  such  a  doubtful  and  imperfect  peace  ;  but  the  exchange 
"  is  very  easy  to  be  made  at  any  time." 

Although  the  Session  of  1729  was  almost  entirely  en- 
grossed with  Foreign  affairs,  there  are  two  other  of  its 
transactions  that  seem  deserving  of  attention.  The  first 
was,  the  expression  of  the  public  joy  and  loyal  congratu- 
lations to  the  King  at  the  arrival  of  Frederick  Prince  of 
Wales.  For  some  reason  not  very  clear,  but  probably  to 
gratify  the  Hanoverian  party,  the  young  Prince  had 
never  been  allowed  to  visit  England  in  the  lifetime  of 
George  the  First.  He  now  came  over  at  the  age  of 
twenty-one,  a  pledge  of  the  Protestant  Succession,  and 
not  without  qualities  to  captivate  the  multitude,  who  are 
always  apt  to  love  an  heir  apparent  better  than  a  King. 
I  shall  have  occasion  to  show  how  soon  this  fair  prospect 
was  clouded  and  darkened  by  faction,  and  how  scrupu- 
lously Frederick  followed  his  father's  example  in  cabal- 
ling against  him. 

Another  affair  this  Session,  in  which  the  Court  was 
less  honourably  mingled,  was  a  motion  for  granting  His 
Majesty  115,000/.  to  supply  a  deficiency  in  the  Civil  List. 
It  afterwards  appeared  that  in  truth  there  was  no  such 
deficiency,  yet  the  Minister  persevered  and  carried  the 
Bill  by  a  large  majority.  The  transaction  was  very 
painful  to  Walpole,  and  no  less  injurious  to  his  public 
character ;  and  he  is  said  to  have  used  every  argument 
with  the  Court  to  dissuade  it  from  urging  the  demand. 
We  are  told  also  that  the  resistance  to  it  in  the  House  of 
Lords  was  very  strong,  although  (so  strictly  were  their 
Standing  Orders  enforced)  no  report  at  all,  however 
meagre,  appears  of  their  debates  in  this  and  the  fore- 
going Session. 

Indeed,  had  it  depended  on  the  wish  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  their  debates  also  would  have  remained  wholly 
unrecorded.  A  complaint  being  made  to  the  House  of 
one  Raikes,  a  printer  of  Gloucester,  who  had  published 
some  reports  of  their  proceedings,  they  passed  an  unani- 
mous resolution  on  the  26th  of  February,  "  That  it  is  an 
u  indignity  to,  and  a  breach  of  the  privilege  of,  this 


1729.  GIBRALTAR.  127 

'  House  for  any  person  to  presume  to  give  in  written 
'  or  printed  newspapers  any  account  or  minutes  of  the 
'  debates  or  other  proceedings  of  this  House,  or  of  any 
'  Committee  thereof."  And,  "  that  upon  discovery  of  the 
'  authors,  printers,  or  publishers,  this  House  will  proceed 
'  against  the  offenders  with  the  utmost  severity." 

The  points  on  which  it  had  been  found  most  difficult 
to  come  to  an  understanding  with  the  Spaniards  were  the 
possession  of  Gibraltar,  and  the  claim  of  the  English  to 
cut  log-wood  in  the  Bay  of  Campeachy.  The  latter  had, 
for  some  years,  been  contested  by  the  Spaniards  ;  in  1717 
the  Marquis  de  Monteleon  had  delivered  a  memorial 
against  it,  which  was  met  by  a  representation  from  the 
Board  of  Trade,  proving  that  the  practice  was  of  old 
standing,  and  of  just  right.  This  representation  was 
now  laid  before  the  House  of  Commons,  together  with 
numerous  petitions  complaining  of  Spanish  depredations, 
and  every  art  was  used  to  inflame  the  public  mind,  and 
to  represent  the  Minister  as  tamely  submitting  to  insult 
and  careless  of  the  national  wrongs. 

Gibraltar  was  a  question  nearly  touching  the  Spanish 
pride.  >.  It  is  almost  incredible  what  deep  and  deadly  re- 
sentment had  been  raised  in  that  haughty  nation,  who  had 
extended  their  conquering  arms  so  far,  to  see  a  fortress 
upon  their  own  shores  held  and  garrisoned  by  England. 
They  viewed  it  with  still  more  bitter  feelings  than  the 
French  had  formerly  our  possession  of  Calais,  and  there 
was  scarcely  a  Spanish  statesman  of  this  period  who 
might  not  have  applied  to  himself  the  saying  of  Queen 
Mary,  and  declared  that  when  he  died  the  word  GIBRAL- 
TAR would  be  found  engraven  on  his  heart.  They  openly 
avowed,  that  until  it  was  restored,  there  should  be  no 
amity  with  England — a  truce,  but  no  peace.  Thus  high 
is  the  spirit  of  the  Spaniards,  so  keen  are  they  to  discern, 
and  so  fierce  to  resent,  even  the  slightest  approaches  to 
an  insult! 

The  obstacles  to  a  friendly  intercourse  with  Spain,  so 
long  as  we  retained  Gibraltar,  were  most  strongly  felt  by 
General  Stanhope  on  his  coming  to  power,  and  he  was 
also  impressed  with  the  idea  that  the  fortress  was  of 
small  value  to  England.  The  Opposition  which  after- 
wards urged  the  contrary  arguments  was  at  first  not  less 


128  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

loud  in  inveighing  against  a  "  barren  rock"  and  "  useless 
"  charge."  The  garrison  was  the  cause  of  an  increase  in 
our  standing  army.  The  expense  of  its  establishment 
was  great  and  ill  regulated.*  There  was  no  English  pos- 
session to  protect  in  the  Mediterranean  except  Minorca, 
which  was  fully  adequate  to  its  own  defence.  There  was 
yet  no  precedent  of  one  nation  long  retaining  such  a 
strong-hold  on  the  shores  of  another.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, Stanhope  formed  a  decided  opinion  as  to  the 
policy  of  yielding  Gibraltar  on  certain  conditions :  he 
made  this  proposal  to  the  King  and  to  his  colleagues,  and 
obtained  their  acquiescence  before  he  proceeded  with  it 
to  Madrid  in  1718.  Yet,  while  allowing  considerable 
weight  to  his  arguments,  I  must  maintain  that  our 
national  glory  demanded  the  preservation  of  this  con- 
quest; and  it  is  evident  that  at  a  later  period  our 
national  interests  would  have  suffered  by  its  loss. 

It  must  be  observed,  however,  that  Stanhope  never 
proposed  an  unconditional  surrender ;  the  doubt  is  only 
whether  in  1718  he  asked  for  any  territorial  equivalent, 
or  whether  he  would  have  been  satisfied  with  the  acces- 
sion of  Spain  to  the  Quadruple  Alliance,  coupled  with 
(as  was  then  required)  large  commercial  advantages  to 
our  traders  in  South  America.  Amidst  the  secrecy  and 
obscurity  of  the  negotiation,  we  cannot  distinguish  the 
exact  terms  of  the  offer.  We  find,  however,  that  it  was 
rejected  by  the  Spanish  Court ;  but  that  in  the  subse- 
quent negotiations  the  French  government,  though  with- 
out any  express  authority,  again  held  out  this  tempting 
bait,  and  gave  Philip  hopes  of  prevailing  on  easy  terms. 
Thus  the  honour  of  the  Regent  became  in  some  degree 
engaged,  and  he  warmly  seconded  the  claim  of  Philip  at 
the  Court  of  England.  But  no  sooner  had  Stanhope 
sounded  the  House  of  Lords  upon  the  subject  than  the 
country  caught  the  alarm.  The  cession  on  any  terms 
became  most  unpopular — which  in  England  is  but  another 
word  for  impossible.  As  Stanhope  declares,  in  a  letter  to 
Sir  Luke  Schaub,  from  Paris,  "  We  have  made  a  motion 
"  in  Parliament,  relative  to  the  restitution  of  Gibraltar, 


Lord  Bolingbroke  to  Lord  Portmorc,  March  29.  1712. 


1729.        LETTERS  OF  EARL  STANHOPE.         129 

"  to  pass  a  Bill,  for  the  purpose  of  leaving  to  the  King 
"  the  power  of  disposing  of  that  fortress  for  the  advan- 
"  tage  of  his  subjects.     You  cannot  imagine  the  ferment 
'  which  the  proposal  produced.     The  public  was  roused 
'with  indignation,  on  the  simple  suspicion  that,  at  the 
'  close  of  a  successful  war,  so  unjustly  begun  by  Cardinal 
'  Alberoni,  we  should  cede  that  fortress.     One  circum- 
'  stance  greatly  contributed  to  excite  the  general  indigna- 
'tion,  namely,  a  report  insinuated  by  the  Opposition, 
'  that  the  -King  had  entered  into  a  formal  engagement  to 
"  restore  Gibraltar,  which  was  deemed  a  sufficient  ground 
"  to  attack  the  Ministry.     Many  libels  have  been  pub- 
'  lished  to  alarm  the  nation,  and  excite  them  rather  to 
'  continue  the  war,  than  to  cede  a  fortress  of  such  im- 
'  portance.     We  were  accordingly  compelled  to  yield  to 
'the  torrent,  and  to  adopt  the  wise  resolution  of  with- 
'  drawing  the  motion  ;  because  if  it  had  been  pressed,  it 
"  would  have  produced  a  contrary  effect  to  what  is  de- 
"  signed,  and  would  perhaps  have  ended  in  a  Bill,  which 
"  might  for  ever  have  tied  up  the  King's  hands.     Such 
"  being  the  real  state  of  this  business,  you  will  endeavour 
"  to  explain  to  the  Court  of  Madrid,  that  if  the  King  of 
"  Spain  should  ever  wish  at  some  future  day  to  treat  con- 
"  cerning  the  cession  of  Gibraltar,  the  only  method  of 
"  succeeding  would  be  to  drop  the  subject  at  present.  We 
"  are  much  concerned  that  France  should  have  interfered 
"  on  this  occasion  ;  the  extreme  eagerness  which  she  tes- 
tified was  of  great  detriment.     Some  letters  and  me- 
"  morials  on  that  subject  seemed  even  to  threaten  a  rup- 
"  ture.     The  alarm  was  indeed   so  strong,  that   people 
"  began  to  suspect  France  was  meditating  a  change  of 
"  system,  and  made  Gibraltar  a  pretext  to  adopt  other 
"  measures ;   and  this  was  the  cause  of  my  coming  to 
"Paris."* 

Stanhope's  journey  proved  successful :  the  Regent  was 
convinced  by  his  statements,  and  promised  not  to  join 
Spain  in  urging  its  claims  prematurely.  But  it  was  not 
so  easy  for  Schaub  to  prevail  with  the  Spaniards.  Their 
impatience  grew  so  uncontrollable,  that  though  the 
question  was  referred  to  the  Congress  to  be  held  at 

*  To  Mr.  Schaub,  March  28.  1720. 
VOL.  II.  K 


130  msxoRr  OF  ENGLAJTD.  CHAP.  xv. 

Cambray,  Stanhope  made  another  effort  to  conclude  it  in 
the  autumn  of  1720.  He  wrote  from  Hanover  to  lay 
before  the  Lords  Justices  the  expediency  of  exchanging 
Gibraltar  on  the  footing  of  some  adequate  equivalent.* 
The  Lords  Justices  agreed  to  this  plan ;  and  the  cession 
of  Gibraltar  seemed  determined  if  the  consent  of  Parlia- 
ment could  be  obtained.  But  the  project  was  again 
marred  by  the  perverseness  of  the  King  of  Spain,  who 
refused  to  give  Florida,  and  wished  to  gain  Gibraltar 
without  any  equivalent  whatever. 

At  this  period  of  the  transaction  ensued  the  deaths  of 
Stanhope  and  Craggs,  and  the  consequent  changes  in 
the  English  administration.  Townshend,  however,  into 
whose  hands  the  affair  now  chiefly  came,  followed  in 
this  respect  the  footsteps  of  his  predecessor.  Like  him 
he  desired  the  cession  of  the  fortress,  like  him  he 
dreaded  the  resistance  of  the  Parliament.  Scarcely  had 
he  taken  the  Seals,  when  he  received  an  application 
from  the  Court  of  Madrid,  stating,  in  confidence,  their 
difficulty  with  their  own  subjects,  the  peace  being 
deemed  in  Spain  highly  dishonourable  unless  it  included 
Gibraltar.  They  therefore  requested,  as  an  ostensible 
vindication  of  the  treaty,  a  letter  from  King  George, 
containing  a  promise  of  restoring  the  fortress  some  time 
hereafter.  By  advice  of  the  two  Secretaries,  Townshend 
and  Carteret,  such  a  letter  was  written  by  the  King  on 
the  29th  of  April,  assuring  His  Catholic  Majesty  "  of 
"  my  readiness  to  satisfy  you  with  regard  to  the  re- 
"  stitution  of  Gibraltar,  upon  the  footing  of  an  equiva- 
"  lent,  promising  you  to  make  use  of  the  first  favour- 
"  able  opportunity  to  regulate  this  article  with  consent 
"  of  my  Parliament."  But  when  William  Stanhope  de- 
livered this  letter  to  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain  at 
Aranjuez,  they  made  so  many  cavils  and  objections  to 
the  word  EQUIVALENT,  which,  they  said,  would  render 
the  letter  useless  f,  that,  at  their  solicitation,  George  the 
First  consented  to  write  another  letter  on  the  1st  of 


*  Earl  Stanhope  to  Secretary  Craggs,  October  1.  1720.  See 
Appendix 

f  William  Stanhope  to  Lord  Carteret,  May  29.  1721,  N.S.  Hard- 
wicke  Papers. 


1729.  WILLIAM   STANHOPE.  131 

June,  omitting  the  clause  in  question.*  It  was  the  con- 
viction of  the  Ministers  that  the  letter,  even  thus  mu- 
tilated, left  the  affair  entirely  to  the  discretion  of  Par- 
liament, who  might  refuse  the  cession  altogether,  or 
demand  any  equivalent  they  pleased. 

Philip,  however,  considered,  or  affected  to  consider, 
the  promise  as  unconditional ;  and  it  was  always  thus 
represented  in  his  negotiations.  Nevertheless  there 
seems  reason  to  believe,  that  if  the  English  Parliament 
could  have  been  brought  to  approve  the  cession  upon 
the  footing  of  an  equivalent,  Philip  would  soon  have  con- 
sented to  yield  the  latter.  In  January,  1722,  William 
Stanhope  writes  from  Madrid: — "  It  is  very  unfortunate 
'  that  our  hands  are  tied  as  to  Gibraltar,  so  as  not  to 
'  take  advantage  of  this  immoderate  desire  the  King  of 
'  Spain  has  to  obtain  it ;  for  were  it  otherwise,  notwith- 
'  standing  the  pretended  promise  of  it,  I  am  fully  per- 
'  suaded  we  might  yet  sell  it  for  double  its  worth  iu 
'  advantages  to  our  commerce."  f 

At  Cambray,  numerous  petty  obstacles  delayed  the 
opening,  and  blighted  the  hopes,  of  the  Congress.  At 
Madrid  the  negotiations  for  Gibraltar  continued  to  drag 
on  with  the  usual  slow  pace  of  Spaniards,  who,  as  they 
say  themselves,  are  born  doing  business,  pass  their  life 
in  doing  business,  and  die  without  having  done  any!J 
Yet  Philip  did  not  relinquish  his  pursuit.  To  gain  this 
darling  object  was  one  of  his  motives  for  rushing  so 
eagerly  into  the  Vienna  alliance,  and  he  then  peremptorily 
told  William  Stanhope,  that  the  immediate  restitution  of 
Gibraltar  was  the  only  means  to  prevent  a  war.  Stan- 
hope answered,  that  at  all  events  it  could  not  be  done 
without  Parliament,  which  was  not  then  sitting.  "  No ! " 
exclaimed  the  Queen,  who  was  present :  "  Why  then  let 
"  the  King,  your  master,  return  from  Germany  and  call 
"  a  Parliament  expressly  for  that  purpose.  The  matter 
"  once  fairly  proposed  would  not  meet  with  one  negative 

*  See  this  Letter  in  the  original  French ;  Commons'  Journals, 
vol.  xxi.  p.  285. 

f  To  Sir  Luke  Schaub.     Coxe's  House  of  Bourbon,  vol.  iii.  p.  22. 

j  "  Nacimos  arrcglando,  vivemos  arreglando,  y  por  fin  moriremos 
"  sin  haber  arrcglado  nada."  See  Mr.  Slidell's  Spain  Revisited,  vol.  U. 
p.  330. 

K.  2 


132  IIlSTOIir   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

"in  either  House.  Let  this  short  argument  be  once 
"  made  use  of;  either  give  up  Gibraltar,  or  your  trade 
"  to  the  Indies  and  Spain,  and  the  matter,  I  will  answer 
**  for  it,  would  not  admit  of  a  moment's  debate ! "  *  Un- 
happily, however,  the  two  Houses,  not  having  the  benefit 
of  hearing  this  Royal  reasoning,  were  not  convinced  by 
it ;  and  Philip,  finding  his  threats  as  unsuccessful  as  his 
entreaties  had  been  before,  at  length  laid  siege  to  the 
fortress,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,  in  1727.  The 
siege  failed,  and  he  signed  the  preliminaries  at  the  Pardo  ; 
but  still,  in  discussing  a  definitive  treaty,  continued  to 
claim  the  former  promise,  and  to  urge  the  expected 
cession. 

The  views  of  the  English  Cabinet  at  this  period  were 
still  the  same  —  anxious  to  pacify  the  Spaniards,  but 
afraid  to  lose  their  popularity  at  home.  In  1728  we  find 
a  letter  from  Mr.  Poyntz  to  his  patron,  Lord  Townshend, 
observing  that  "after  we  carry  the  point  of  Gibraltar 
"  the  Spaniards  will  leave  no  stone  unturned  to  hurt  our 
"commerce  and  to  distress  us  into  compliance ;"  and  that 
"  the  Catholic  King  and  all  true  Spaniards  are  animated 
"  against  us  by  this  single  consideration."  Townshend, 
in  answer,  declares,  "  What  you  propose  in  relation  to 
"  Gibraltar  is,  certainly,  very  reasonable,  and  is  exactly 
"  conformable  to  the  opinion  which  you  know  I  have 
"  always  entertained  concerning  that  place.  But  you 
"  cannot  but  be  sensible  of  the  violent  and  almost  super- 
"  stitious  zeal  which  has  of  late  prevailed  among  all 
"  parties  in  this  kingdom,  against  any  scheme  for  the 
"  restitution  of  Gibraltar,  upon  any  conditions  what- 
"  soever ;  and  I  am  afraid  that  the  bare  mention  of  a 
"  proposal  which  carried  the  most  distant  appearance  of 
"  laying  England  under  an  obligation  of  ever  parting 
"  with  that  place  would  be  sufficient  to  put  the  whole 
"  nation  in  a  flame."f 

Townshend  had,  indeed,  good  reason  for  his  fear  of 
Parliamentary  or  popular  resistance.  From  the  Spanish 
complaints  the  Opposition  had  obtained  a  clue  to  the 

*  William  Stanhope  to  Lord  Townshend,  August  6.  1725.  Coxe's 
Wai  pole. 

f  Mr.  Poyntz  to  Lord  Townshend,  June  9.  1728.  Lord  Towns- 
hend to  Mr/Poyntz,  June  14.  1728. 


1729.  DEBATES  IN  PARLIAMENT.  133 

letter  of  George  the  First,  in  1721 ;  and  they  now  raised 
an  outcry  on  two  grounds ;  first,  that  there  should  be  any 
idea  of  ceding  the  fortress  at  all  —  and,  secondly,  because, 
as  they  alleged,  the  Ministry  had  disgraced  the  King  and 
nation  by  breaking  a  solemn  promise,  however  wrongly 
made,  from  whence  they  inferred  that  the  war  was  unjust 
on  the  part  of  England,  and  that  Philip  was  merely 
claiming  his  due.  A  motion  to  produce  King  George's 
letter  was  brought  forward  by  Mr.  Sandys,  in  February, 
1727,  warmly  supported  by  Wyndham  and  Pulteney. 
Walpole  replied  that  such  a  promise  had,  indeed,  been 
made  in  a  former  administration,  but  that  he  could 
assure  the  House  it  was  only  a  conditional  promise, 
and  void  by  the  refusal  of  Spain  to  comply  with  the 
terms  required ;  and  that  as  to  producing  the  King's 
letter,  he  held  that  the  private  letters  of  Princes  were 
almost  as  sacred  as  their  very  persons.  The  motion  was 
rejected  by  a  large  majority. 

In  1729,  however,  the  onset  was  renewed  in  the  other 
House.  No  resistance  was  then  made  by  the  Ministers 
to  produce  the  Royal  letter,  probably  because  it  had  al- 
ready been  published  abroad.  This  document  being  laid 
upon  the  table,  the  Opposition,  in  order  to  thwart  the 
Government  and  perplex  the  negotiations  as  much  as 
possible,  moved,  "  That  effectual  care  be  taken  in  any 
"  treaty  that  the  King  of  Spain  do  renounce  all  claim  to 
"  Gibraltar  and  Minorca,  in  plain  and  strong  terms." 
But  a  large  minority  decided  for  a  counter-resolution : 
"That  the  House  relies  upon  His  Majesty  for  preserving 
"  his  undoubted  right  to  Gibraltar  and  Minorca."  This 
resolution  was  communicated  to  the  Commons  in  a  con- 
ference; in  that  House  also,  Lord  Malpas  obtained  the 
production  of  the  King's  letter,  and  a  similar  proposal  to 
that  of  the  Lords  in  opposition  was  made,  but  with  similar 
defeat.  The  minority,  however,  mustered  no  less  than 
111,  a  larger  number  than  they  usually  could  at  that 
period.* 

The  agitation  of  the  public  mind  on  this  question,  and 
the  rising  clamour  against  Spanish  depredations,  rendered 
it  more  than  ever  necessary  to  come  to  some  conclusion 

*  Parliamentary  History,  vol.  viii.  pp.  548.  and  695. 
K  3 


13-1  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

of  the  long  pending  negotiations.  Scarcely,  therefore, 
had  the  Session  closed,  and  the  King  set  out  on  his  first 
Royal  journey  to  Hanover,  than  the  Ministers  determined 
to  send  once  more  to  Spain  the  former  ambassador,  Mr. 
William  Stanhope.  His  diplomatic  skill  was  long  tried; 
he  was  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  Spanish  nation ; 
and  his  integrity  was  so  highly  esteemed  by  the  Spanish 
monarch,  that  His  Majesty  used  to  say  of  him,  "  Stanhope 
"  is  the  only  foreign  Minister  who  never  deceived  me." 
The  ambassador  found  the  Spanish  Court  no  longer  at 
Madrid,  nor  in  the  stately  palaces  around  it :  their 
Catholic  Majesties  had  wandered  to  the  delicious  plains 
of  Andalusia,  and  now  dwelt  amidst  the  Moorish  glories 
of  Seville.  The  cause  of  this  change  was  the  same  which 
influenced  all  others  at  that  Court  —  the  ambition  of  the 
Queen.  The  King,  her  husband,  was  a  prey  to  hypo- 
chondriac maladies,  and  often  desirous  of  resigning  his 
crown :  he  had  effected  that  wish  in  1724,  and  she  had 
discovered,  to  her  infinite  alarm,  that  a  similar  scheme 
was  nearly  accomplished  in  1728.  It  became,  therefore, 
her  great  object  to  withdraw  him  from  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  Council  of  Castille,  to  which  any  abdication  must 
be  first  addressed,  and  by  whose  intrigues  it  might  be 
sometimes  promoted.* 

It  was  therefore  in  Andalusia  that,  on  the  9th  of  No- 
vember, William  Stanhope,  after  innumerable  difficulties, 
signed  the  celebrated  treaty  of  Seville.  The  terms  were 
highly  advantageous  to  his  countrymen.  It  was  a  de- 
fensive alliance  between  England,  Spain,  and  France,  to 
which  Holland  subsequently  acceded.  After  a  confirma- 
tion of  preceding  treaties,  and  a  stipulation  of  mutual 
assistance  in  case  of  attack,  Spain  revoked  all  the  pri- 
vileges granted  to  Austrian  subjects  by  the  treaties  of 
Vienna,  re-established  the  English  trade  in  America  on 
its  former  footing,  and  restored  all  captures,  with  com- 
pensation for  the  loss  sustained.  The  Asiento  was  con- 

*  Mr.  Kcene  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  August  1.  1733.  Accord- 
ing to  Duclos  :  — "  Sans  aucune  incommodite  apparente  Philippe 
"  etait  quelquefois  six  mois  sans  vouloir  quitter  le  lit,  se  faire  raser, 

"  couper  les  ongles,  ni  changer  de  linge Dans  des  momens 

"  il  se  eroyait  mort,  et  demaiidait  pourquoi  on  ne  I'entcrrait  pas !"  &c. 
(MOm.  voL  ii.  p.  386.) 


1730.  TREATY   OF   SEVILLE.  135 

firmed  to  the  South  Sea  Company.  Commissioners  were 
to  be  appointed  to  determine  the  disputes  as  to  the  limits 
of  the  American  trade,  and  as  to  the  claims  of  Spain 
for  restitution  of  the  ships  taken  in  1718.  Another 
article  stipulated,  that  to  secure  the  succession  of  Parma 
and  Tuscany  to  the  Infant  Don  Carlos,  6000  Spanish 
troops  should  be  allowed  to  garrison  Leghorn,  Porto 
Ferrajo,  Parma,  and  Placentia,  instead  of  the  neutral 
garrisons  provided  by  the  Quadruple  Alliance.  The 
question  of  Gibraltar  was  passed  over  in  total  silence, 
which,  after  the  noisy  pretensions  of  Spain,  was  equiva- 
lent to  a  public  renunciation.  Such,  in  fact,  it  was  con- 
sidered by  Philip,  who  now,  losing  all  hope  of  ever  ob- 
taining the  fortress,  attempted  to  cut  off  its  communication 
with  the  main  land,  and  constructed  the  strong  lines  of 
San  Roque,  across  the  isthmus.*  The  Spanish  people, 
however,  still  continued  to  look  with  indignation  on  the 
British  banners  floating  from  the  summit  of  the  inac- 
cessible rock,  and  for  above  half  a  century  longer  nursed 
an  ardent  ambition  for  its  conquest. 

For  the  conclusion  of  this  peace,  and  for  his  other 
services,  William  Stanhope  was  immediately  created  Lord 
Harrington,  and  soon  afterwards,  as  we  shall  find,  ap- 
pointed Secretary  of  State.  In  proportion  to  the  satisfac- 
tion in  London  was  the  rage  and  resentment  at  Vienna ; 
and  a  further  mortification  to  the  Emperor  ensued  in  the 
next  Session  of  Parliament ;  for,  being  deprived  of  his 
Spanish  supplies  of  money,  he  attempted  to  borrow 
400,000^.  on  his  credit  in  London.  The  Ministry  imme- 
diately brought  in  and  carried  through  a  Bill,  prohibiting 
loans  to  foreign  powers  without  licence  from  the  King 
under  his  Privy  Seal.  It  is  quite  certain  that  had  the 
Government  allowed  the  loan,  the  Opposition  would 
afterwards  have  loudly  inveighed  against  their  supine- 
ness.  Now,  however,  as  loud  a  cry  was  raised  against 
"  a  Bill  of  Terrors,"  —  "  an  "  eternal  yoke  on  our  fellow 

*  Mr.  Kecnc  was  afterwards  instructed  to  remonstrate  against  these 
works.  But  he  writes,  May  20.  1731  :  —  "I  was  assured  if  the  whole 
"  universe  should  fall  upon  the  King  to  make  him  desist,  he  would 

"  rather  let  himself  be  cut  to  pieces  than  consent We  might 

"as  well  pretend  to  Cadiz  as  to  the  spot  where  the  line  is."  See  Coxe's 
House  of  Bourbon,  voL  iii.  p.  240. 

K4 


136  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAT.  XV. 

"subjects," — "an  advantageous  bargain  to  the  Dutch."  * 
"  Shall  British  merchants,"  answers  Walpole,  "  be  per- 
"  mitted  to  lend  their  money  against  the  British  nation  ? 
"  Shall  they  arm  an  enemy  with  strength,  and  assist  him 
"  with  supplies  ? 

The  treaty  of  Seville  was  followed  in  a  very  few  months 
by  Lord  Townshend's  resignation.  I  have  already  more 
than  once  mentioned  the  misunderstandings  between  the 
brother  Ministers ;  and  I  need  scarcely  again  advert  to 
the  jealousy  of  power  in  Walpole,  to  the  violence  of 
temper  in  Townshend.  The  former  would  brook  no 
equal,  and  the  latter  no  superior.  Their  constant  bicker- 
ings were  often  appeased  by  the  mediation  of  Walpole's 
sister,  Lady  Townshend,  or  even  of  Queen  Caroline  ;  but 
unhappily  the  former  died,  and  the  latter,  when  she  found  a 
breach  unavoidable,  threw  her  whole  influence  into  the 
scale  of  Walpole.  Besides  the  general  causes  of  coldness, 
there  were,  at  this  time,  particular  grounds  of  difference. 
In  foreign  affairs  Townshend  was  much  incensed  against 
the  Emperor,  and  would  have  pushed  matters  to  extremity 
against  him  if  not  withheld  by  his  colleague.  At  home 
he  was  disgusted  with  the  timidity  and  captiousness  of  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle,  and  wished  him  to  be  removed  in 
favour  of  Chesterfield.  Another  cause  of  irritation  in 
the  Session  of  1730  was  the  Pension  Bill  —  a  measure 
proposed  by  Mr.  Sandys,  and  supported  by  the  whole 
Opposition,  to  disable  all  persons  from  sitting  in  Parlia- 
ment who  had  any  pension,  or  any  offices  held  in  trust 
for  them,  and  to  require  every  member  to  swear  that  he 
had  not.  In  the  King's  private  notes  this  is  termed 
"  a  villanous  Bill  "  —  which  should  be  "  torn  to  pieces  in 
"  every  particular."  f  But  Walpole,  though  he  entertained 
the  same  opinion  of  it,  would  not  run  the  hazard  of  un- 
popularity by  taking  an  active  part  against  it,  and  he 
allowed  it  to  pass  the  House  of  Commons,  knowing  that 
it  would  be  thrown  out  by  the  House  of  Lords.  Such, 
indeed,  was  the  policy  which  he  pursued  with  respect  to 
this  Bill  during  his  whole  remaining  administration  ;  for 
so  strong  a  weapon  of  attack  was  not  allowed  to  rust  in 

*  Speech  of  Mr.  Danvers.     Parl.  Hist.  vol.  viiL  p.  788. 
t  The  King  to  Lord  Townshend,  March,  1730.     Coxe's  Walpole, 
voL  ii.  p.  537. 


1730.  WALPOLE   AND   TOVVNSHEND.  137 

the  scabbard,  and  the  measure  was  brought  forward  again 
and  again  by  the  party  out  of  power.  Townshend,  on 
the  other  hand,  complained  that  the  odium  of  the  rejec- 
tion should  be  cast  solely  upon  the  House  of  Lords  ;  and 
foretold,  as  the  event  really  proved,  that  the  petty  ma- 
noeuvre of  Walpole  would  be  soon  seen  through,  and  that 
the  Minister  would  incur  even  more  unpopularity  by  his 
disguised,  than  by  a  manly  and  avowed,  resistance. 

Complaint  and  recrimination  were,  however,  useless. 
'  It  has  always,"  says  the  great  Duke  of  Maryborough  *, 
'  been  my  observation  in  disputes,  especially  in  that  of 
'  kindness   and  friendship,  that  all  reproaches,  though 
'  ever  so  reasonable,  do  serve  to  no  other  end  but  the 
making  the  breach  wider."     Between  Townshend  and 
Walpole  the  train  of  enmity  was  now  ready  laid,  and  any 
spark  would  have  produced  the  explosion.     The  decisive 
quarrel  took  place  at  the  house  of  Colonel  Selwyn,  in 
Cleveland  Square.     Foreign  affairs  being  discussed,  and 
Townshend  presuming  to  differ  with  Walpole,  Sir  Robert 
grew  so  incensed  as  to  declare  that  he  did  not  believe 
what   the   other   was   saying !     Townshend,    losing   all 
patience,  raised  his  hand,   and  these  old   friends,  near 
relations,  and  brother  Ministers,  seized  one  another  by 
the   collar    and    grasped   their   swords.      Mrs.    Selwyn 
shrieked  for  assistance  ;  the  men  interposed  and  dissuaded 
them  from  going  out,  as  they  wished,  to  fight  an  imme- 
diate duel.     But  though  the  encounter  was  prevented,  the 
friendship  could  never  be  restored. 

Townshend,  however,  made  another  struggle  to  esta- 
blish his  power  at  Court,  and  obtain  the  dismissal  of 
Newcastle.  He  had  still  considerable  personal  influence 
with  the  King  ;  but  finding  it  quite  inadequate  to  main- 
tain him  against  his  all-powerful  colleague,  he  resigned 
on  the  16th  of  May.  He  left  office  with  a  most  un- 
blemished character,  and  —  what  is  still  less  common  — 
a  most  patriotic  moderation.  Had  he  gone  into  opposi- 
tion, or  even  steered  a  neutral  course,  ho  must  have 
caused  great  embarrassment  and  difficulty  to  his  triumph- 
ant rival.  But  he  must  thereby  also  have  thwarted  a 
policy  of  which  he  approved,  and  hindered  measures 

*  To  the  Duchess,  August  2C.  1709. 


138  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

which  he  wished  to  see  adopted.  In  spite,  therefore,  of 
the  most  flattering  advances  from  the  Opposition,  who 
were  prepared  to  receive  him  with  open  arms,  he  nobly 
resolved  to  retire  altogether  from  public  life.  He  with- 
drew to  his  paternal  seat  at  Rainham,  where  he  passed 
the  eight  remaining  years  of  his  life  in  well-earned 
leisure,  or  in  agricultural  improvements.  It  is  to  him 
that  England,  and  more  especially  his  native  county  of 
Norfolk,  owes  the  introduction  and  cultivation  of  the 
turnip  from  Germany.  He  resisted  all  solicitations  to  re- 
enter  public  life,  nor  would  even  consent  to  visit  Lon- 
don. Once  when  Chesterfield  had  embarked  in  full 
opposition  to  Walpole,  he  went  to  Rainham,  on  purpose 
to  use  his  influence  as  an  intimate  friend,  and  persuade 
the  fallen  Minister  to  attend  an  important  question  in  the 
House  of  Lords.  "I  have  irrevocably  determined," 
Townshend  answered,  "  no  more  to  engage  in  politics ; 
'  I  recollect  that  Lord  Cowper,  though  a  staunch  Whig, 
'  was  betrayed  by  personal  pique  and  party  resentment  to 
'  throw  himself  into  the  arms  of  the  Tories,  and  even  to 
'  support  principles  which  tended  to  serve  the  Jacobites. 
'  I  know  that  I  am  extremely  warm,  and  I  am  apprehen- 
'  sive  that  if  I  should  attend  the  House  of  Lords,  I  may 
'  be  hurried  away  by  my  temper,  and  my  personal  ani- 
'  mosities,  to  adopt  a  line  of  conduct  which  in  my  cooler 
'  moments  I  may  regret."  Whatever  may  be  thought 
of  Lord  Cowper's  conduct,  the  highest  praise  is  certainly 
due  to  Townshend's,  and  he  deserves  to  be  celebrated  in 
history,  as  one  of  the  very  few  who,  after  tasting  high 
power,  and  when  stirred  by  sharp  provocation,  have 
cherished  their  principles  more  than  their  resentments, 
and  rather  chosen  themselves  to  fall  into  obscurity  than 
the  public  affairs  into  confusion.  Let  him  who  under- 
values this  praise  compute  whether  he  can  find  many  to 
deserve  it. 

The  peaceful  accession  of  George  the  Second, — the 
happy  conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  Seville,  —  and  the  con- 
sequent quiet  throughout  Europe, — dashed  all  the  hopes 
of  the  English  Jacobites.  That  party  had  never  varied 
in  its  language.  It  had  uniformly  declared  that  any  at- 
tempt without  a  body  of  troops  would  be  hopeless,  and 
would  not  receive  their  support ;  and  such  troops  could 


1730.  DEATH  OF  LORD  MAR.  139 

no  longer  be  expected  from  any  foreign  power.  In  the 
twelve  years  from  1728  to  1740,  the  Jacobite  cause  was 
evidently  at  a  very  low  ebb  ;  the  Stuart  Papers  lose 
most  of  their  importance,  and  the  correspondence  dwin- 
dles in  a  great  measure  from  powerful  statesmen  down 
to  low  adventurers.  What  interest  could  the  reader  feel 
in  tracing  a  succession  of  wild  schemes  formed  by  subal- 
tern ambition,  or  nourished  by  religious  bigotry,  or  what 
place  can  History  assign  to  the  reveries  of  some  despair- 
ing exile,  or  persecuted  priest  ?  As  the  old  leaders  drop 
off,  few  others  appear  to  supply  their  place.  In  1728, 
we  find  Shippen  praised  for  keeping  what  is  called  "  his 
"  honesty,"  (that  is,  swearing  one  way,  and  voting  the 
other,)  "at  a  time  when  almost  every  body  is  wavering."* 
The  faults  of  the  Government  afterwards  added  again  to 
the  strength  of  the  Jacobites  ;  but  of  their  new  cham- 
pions scarce  any  seem  of  note,  besides  Lord  Cornbury,  heir 
to  the  illustrious  house  of  Clarendon,  and  member  for  the 
University  of  Oxford,  f 

Abroad,  the  Pretender's  party  lost  at  nearly  the  same 
time  the  Earl  of  Mar,  the  Duke  of  Wharton,  and  Bishop 
Atterbury.  Mar  died  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  in  May,  1732, 
distrusted  by  all  parties  and  regretted  by  none. — Whar- 
ton had  been  plunging  deeper  and  deeper  from  one  folly 
and  extravagance  to  another.  His  first  Duchess  having 
died  in  England,  he  on  a  very  short  acquaintance,  and 
contrary  to  the  advice  of  all  his  friends,  married  Miss 
O'Byrne,  the  daughter  of  an  exiled  Irish  Colonel,  and 
maid  of  honour  to  the  Queen  of  Spain  ;  but  he  afterwards 
left  the  lady  almost  as  suddenly  as  he  had  sought  her. 
So  completely  did  he  renounce  his  country,  that  he  joined 
the  Spanish  army  as  a  volunteer,  when  engaged  in  the 
siege  of  Gibraltar.  Next  spring,  we  find  him  again  in 
Italy,  having  an  interview  with  the  Chevalier  at  Parma, 
aod  writing  him  a  letter  in  vindication  of  his  conduct, 
and  in  reply  to  "  some  gentlemen,  who  brand  my  zeal 
"  with  the  name  of  madness,  and  adorn  their  own  indo- 
"  lence  with  the  pompous  title  of  discretion,  and  who 
"  without  your  Majesty's  gracious  interposition  will  never 

*  Mr.  Morice  to  Bishop  Atterbury,  Jnnc  24.  1728. 
I  See  his  letter  to  James,  May  17.  1733.     Appendix. 


1 40  niSTORT   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAT.  XV. 

"comprehend  that  obedience  is  true  loyalty!"*  Yet  in 
June,  1728,  only  a  month  from  the  date  of  this  letter,  he 
writes  from  Lyons  to  Horace  Walpole  to  protest  that 
"  since  his  present  Majesty's  accession  to  the  throne,  I 
"  have  absolutely  refused  to  be  concerned  with  the  Pre- 

"  tender  or  of  any  of  his  affairs I  was  forced  to 

"  go  to  Italy  to  get  out  of  Spain I  am  coming  to 

"  Paris  to  put  myself  entirely  under  your  Excellency's 
"  protection,  and  hope  that  Sir  Robert  Walpole's  good 
"  nature  will  prompt  him  to  save  a  family  which  his 
"generosity  induced  him  to  spare."  f 

To  Paris,  accordingly,  Wharton  came,  and  there  re- 
newed the  strongest  assurances  to  the  ambassador.  "  He 
"  told  me,"  says  Horace  Walpole,  *'  that  he  had,  indeed, 
"  lately  passed  through  Parma,  where  the  Pretender  and 
"  several  of  his  adherents  were  with  him  ;  but  that  he 
"  had  industriously  avoided  to  speak  with  any  of  them. 

" He  then  gave  me,  by  fits,  and  in  a  rambling 

"  way  that  was  entertaining  enough,  an  account  of  seve- 
*'  ral  of  his  late  motions  and  actions  while  he  was  in 

"  the  Pretender's  service And  he  concluded 

"  with  telling  me,  that  he  would  go  to  his  lodgings, 
"  which  were  in  a  garret,  where  the  Duchess  of  Whar- 
"  ton  was  likewise  with  him,  and  would  write  me  a  letter, 
"  and  immediately,  without  making  the  least  stay  or  ap- 
"  pearance  here,  retire  to  Rouen,  in  Normandy,  and  there 
"  expect  the  answer  from  England."  J 

This  answer,  however,  was  not  favourable;  the  En- 
glish Ministers,  who  had  already  preferred  against  the 
l)uke  an  indictment  for  high  treason,  refused  to  receive 
any  application  in  his  favour.  At  this  intelligence 
Wharton  immediately  renewed  his  connection  with  the 
Jacobites,  and  his  profession  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion.  §  By  this  time  he  had  squandered  all  his  for- 
tune in  the  wildest  extravagance,  and  was  compelled  to 
solicit  and  accept  a  present  of  2000/.  from  the  Chevalier. 
His  servants  were  still  numerous,  but  ragged ;  his  jour- 

*  Letter  to  James,  May  21.  1728.     Appendix, 
f  To  Horace  Walpole,  June  28.  1728.     Coxe's  Walpole. 
j  Horace  Walpole  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  July  6.  1 728. 
§  Duke  of  Newcastle  to  Horace  Walpole,  July  1.  1728.     Horace 
Walpole  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  August  14.  1728. 


1730.  BISIIOP   ATTEUBUIIT.  141 

neys  frequent,  but  penurious.*  But  without  following 
him  through  all  the  mazes  of  his  eccentric  course,  it  may 
be  sufficient  to  state  that  he  returned  to  Spain,  where  he 
held  a  commission  in  the  army,  and  was  appointed  to 
command  a  regiment  at  Lerida.  His  health,  however, 
was  now  failing ;  he  derived  relief  from  some  mineral 
waters  in  Catalonia,  but  soon  again  relapsed  at  a  small 
village,  where  he  lay,  almost  destitute,  till  some  charita- 
ble fathers  of  the  Bernardine  convent  of  Poblet  removed 
him  to  their  house. f  There,  after  languishing  a  week 
longer,  he  died  in  their  habit,  and  was  interred  in  their 
cemetery.  And  thus,  on  the  last  day  of  May,  1731, 
amongst  strangers,  and  without  one  friend  to  close  his 
eyes,  this  last  heir  to  a  most  aspiring  family  and  most 
princely  fortune,  ended  his  career  of  baleful  wit,  miser- 
able frolic,  and  splendid  iufainy. 

The  Bishop  of  Rochester's  mind  was  of  a  far  different 
order.  Had  James  been  a  man  of  talent,  or  able  to  ap- 
preciate talent  in  others,  he  would  certainly  have  placed 
his  whole  confidence  in  that  great  and  surpassing  genius. 
But  the  same  infatuation  which  had  formerly  wrought 
the  dismissal  of  Bolingbroke  soon  undermined  the  credit 
of  Atterbury.  The  faction  of  the  Invernesses  would 
bear  no  rival,  even  at  such  a  distance  as  Paris,  and 
looked  upon  every  man  of  ability  as  a  sort  of  natural 
enemy.  Atterbury  had  too  much  spirit  to  endure  ill 
treatment,  or  to  yield  services  without  receiving  confi- 
dence. Only  a  few  days  before  the  death  of  George  the 
First  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Chevalier,  in  which  he 
mentions  his  own  loss  of  favour  with  admirable  temper 
and  dignity : — "It  may,  perhaps,  be  some  ease  to  you, 
"  Sir,  if  I  first  speak  of  that  matter  myself,  and  assure 
"  you,  as  I  now  do,  of  my  perfect  readiness  to  retire  from 

*  At  last  when  he  travelled  back  to  Spain  his  whole  stock  was  one 
shirt,  one  cravat,  and  500  livrcs!  (Memoirs  of  his  Life,  p.  45.) 

f  Campo  Kaso,  Comcnt.  vol.  i.  p.  52.,  and  Memoirs  prefixed  to 
\Vharton|s  Works  (2  vols.  1732),  writreu  by  a  friendly  but  candid 
hand.  Poblet  is  a  magnificent  monastery,  called  by  Pons  "  The 
"  Escurial  of  the  North."  In  the  church  arc  the  monuments  of  Jayme 
el  Conquistador,  Raymond  Folch,  and  other  Spanish  worthies. 
A  friend  of  mine,  who  travelled  there  not  long  since,  describes 
AVlmrton's  tomb  as  "  a  plain  sin!)  in  ;m  nisle,  apart  from  the  other 
"monuments."  (Letter  from  George  Vivian,  Esq.,  1837.) 


142  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

"  that  share  of  business  with  which  it  has  been  hitherto 
"  thought  not  improper  to  intrust  me.  I  apprehend  that, 
"  as  things  have  been  managed,  it  will  scarce  be  in  my 
"  power,  for  the  future,  to  do  any  thing  considerable  for 
"  your  service,  which  I  never  hoped  to  do  otherwise  than 
"  by  the  countenance  and  encouragement  you  should  be 
"  pleased,  and  should  be  known,  to  afford  me.  That  has, 
"  in  many  respects,  and  by  various  degrees,  been  with- 

"  drawn What  has  given  rise  to  this  conduct  I 

"  forbear  to  conjecture,  or  inquire.     Doubtless  your  Ma- 

"jesty  must   have   good   and  wise    reasons I 

"  acquiesce  in  them,  Sir,  whatever  they  are ;  and,  from 
"  my  heart,  wish  that  all  the  steps  you  take  towards 
"  your  great  end  may  be  well  adjusted  and  proper,  and 
"  then  it  matters  not  much  who  has,  or  who  has  not,  the 
"  honour  of  serving  you."  * 

Atterbury's  resolution  was  for  some  time  delayed  by 
the  sudden  decease  of  George,  and  by  the  consequent 
journey  of  James  to  Lorraine  and  afterwards  to  Avignon. 
But  when,  in  the  spring  of  1728,  the  Pretender  found 
himself  obliged  again  to  cross  the  Alps,  the  Bishop  threw 
aside  his  negotiations  at  Paris,  and  chose  Montpellier  as 
the  place  of  his  retirement.  Meanwhile  his  friends  in 
England  took  care  to  put  the  best  gloss  upon  his  journey, 
saying,  that  he  found  himself  too  much  pressed  at  Paris 
by  the  Jacobites,  and  had  withdrawn  on  purpose  to 
escape  their  solicitations  and  avoid  their  intercourse.! 
About  this  time  also  he  seems  to  have  formed  a  project 
to  conciliate  various  parties  in  England  in  favour  of  the 
lineal  heir  —  that  the  Jacobites  should  transfer  their  al- 
legiance to  the  Pretender's  eldest  son  —  and  that  endea- 
vours should  be  made  to  obtain  for  the  young  Prince  a 
Protestant  education  —  a  scheme  which  strongly  shows 
the  objections  to  the  personal  character  of  James.  J 

*  Bishop  Atterbury  to  James,  June  16.  1727.     Appendix. 

t  See  the  Preface  to  his  Correspondence,  p.  vii. 

f  See  a  Memoir  by  Atterbury,  Coxe's  Walpole,  vol.  ii.  p.  227. 
According  to  Horace  Walpole  this  scheme  was  warmly  promoted  by 
Bolingbroke.  (Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  63.)  In  1733,  Sir  Archer  Croft 
declared  in  the  House  of  Commons,  that  "the  Pretender  was  the  more 
"  to  be  feared  because  they  did  not  know  but  that  he  was  then  breeding 
"his  son  a  Protestant!"  (Parl.  Hist.  vol.  viii.  p.  1185.) 


1730.  MRS.  MORICE.  143 

In  the  south  of  France,  Atterbury  continued  for  nearly 
two  years,  cheered  by  the  hope  of  a  visit  from  his  be- 
loved daughter,  Mrs.  Morice,  who  was  languishing  under 
a  consumption,  and  for  whom  a  milder  climate  was  pre- 
scribed. But  the  Act  of  Attainder  had  made  it  penal  for 
any  British  subject,  even  for  Atterbury's  own  children, 
to  visit  him  without  the  King's  permission  under  the 
Sign  Manual ;  this  permission  was  always  to  be  renewed, 
attended  with  high  fees  of  office  very  burthensome  to  a 
narrow  fortune,  and  thus  it  was  not  without  humble  so- 
licitation, and  large  expense,  that  the  dying  daughter 
was  enabled  to  rejoin  her  afflicted  parent. 

Mrs.  Morice,  whose  strength  was  too  far  reduced  for 
land-travelling,  went  by  sea  with  her  husband  to  Bour- 
deaux  in  October,  1729,  and  then  ascended  the  Garonne 
towards  Toulouse,  where  Atterbury  had  advanced  to 
meet  her.  The  letters  of  Mr.  Morice,  at  this  period,  to 
the  Bishop,  are  most  affecting.  *  We  may  trace  in  them 
what  too  many  of  us  may  have  felt  with  those  most  dear 
to  us  —  how  affection  struggles  against  reason  —  how 
tenaciously  the  mind  clings  to  the  lessening  chances  of  re- 
covery —  how  slowly  hope  darkens  into  fear,  and  fear  into 
despair!  We  may  observe  Morice,  at  first  so  sanguine 
in  his  expectations  from  change  of  scene,  ere  long  com- 
pelled to  see,  compelled  to  own,  the  rapid  wastings  of  the 
inexorable  disease,  until  at  length,  when  all  human 
means  appear  to  fail,  he  can  only  implore  the  prelate's 
prayers!  The  anxious  desire  of  Mrs.  Morice  was  to 
reach  Toulouse,  and  to  see  her  dear  father  once  more  be- 
fore she  died.  That  wish  at  least  was  vouchsafed  to  her. 
With  great  courage  she  ventured  all  night  up  the  Ga- 
ronne, and  reached  her  father  at  Toulouse  early  in  the 
morning.  But  let  me,  for  the  closing  scene,  borrow  At- 
terbury's own  touching  words :  — "  She  lived  twenty 
'  hours  afterwards,  which  time  was  not  lost  on  either  side. 
'  For  she  had  her  senses  to  the  very  last  gasp,  and  ex- 
'  ertcd  them  to  give  me  in  those  few  hours  greater  marks 
'  of  duty  and  love  than  she  had  done  in  all  her  life  time, 
though  she  had  never  been  wanting  in  either.  The  last 
'  words  she  said  to  me  were  the  kindest  of  all,  a  reflection 

*  See  these  letters  in  Atterbury's  Correspondence,  vol.  i  pp.  222 — 
238.  ed.  1783. 


144  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

"  on  the  goodness  of  God,  which  had  allowed  us  to  meet 

"  once  more  before  we  parted  for  ever She  is 

"  gone,  and  I  must  follow  her.  When  I  do,  may  my  lat- 
"  ter  end  be  like  hers !  It  was  my  business  to  have 
"  taught  her  to  die ;  instead  of  it  she  has  taught  me.  I 
"  am  not  ashamed,  and  wish  I  may  be  able  to  learn  that 
"  lesson  from  her.  What  I  feel  upon  her  loss  is  not 
"  to  be  expressed,  but  a  reflection  of  the  manner  of  it 

"makes  me  some  amends Yet  at  my  age,  under 

"  my  infirmities,  among  utter  strangers,  how  shall  I  find 
"  out  proper  reliefs  and  supports  ?  I  can  have  none  but 
"those  with  which  reason  and  religion  furnish  me,  and 
"  those  I  lay  hold  on  and  grasp  as  i'ast  as  I  can.  1  hope 
"that  He  who  laid  the  burden  upon  me  (for  wise  and 
"  good  purposes,  no  doubt, )  will  enable  me  to  bear  it  in 
"  like  manner  as  I  have  borne  others,  with  some  degree 
"  of  fortitude  and  firmness."  * — Who,  at  such  expressions, 
would  not  forget  Atterbury's  failings!  Who  might  not 
often  observe  how  often  it  pleases  Providence  to  call  to 
itself  the  best  and  worthiest  of  its  creatures  in  their 
youth,  and  leave  only  the  less  noble  spirits  to  struggle  on 
to  age!  And  how  true  and  touching  seems  the  remark 
of  the  great  poet  of  our  time  in  speaking  of  one  of  his 
early  friends  —  "  He  was  such  a  good  amiable  being  as 
"  rarely  remains  long  in  this  world !  "  f 

If,  however,  there  be  any  relief  in  such  afflictions,  it  is, 
next  to  religion,  to  be  found  in  employment  either  of 
business  or  study,  and  to  these  Atterbury  had  recourse. 
The  favour  of  Inverness  was  now  upon  the  wane,  and 
the  Pretender  beginning  to  repent  his  folly  in  alienating 
by  far  the  ablest  man  of  his  party.  He  seems  about  this 
time  to  have  solicited  Atterbury  to  return  to  Paris  and 
resume  the  chief  management  of  his  affairs ;  the  Bishop 
complied,  but  from  the  state  of  European  politics  coukl 

*  Atterbury  to  Pope,  November  20. ;  and  to  Mr.  Dicconson,  Decem- 
ber 4.  1729.  Mr.  Evans,  who  had  attended  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Morice 
from  England,  concludes  a  letter  to  his  own  brother  by  "  a  reflection 
"  I  made  at  the  time,  that  it  was  well  worth  my  while  to  have  taken 
"  so  long  a  voyage,  though  I  was  im mediately  to  return  home  again, 
"  and  reap  no  other  benefit  from  it  than  the  seeing  what  passed  in  the 
"  last  hours  of  Mrs.  Morice."  (Nov.  30.  1729.) 

f  Lord  Byron  of  Mr.  Edward  Long.  Sec  Moore's  Life,  voL  i. 
p.  96.  12  mo.  ed. 


1730.  CLARENDON'S  HISTORY.  145 

render  no  signal  service.  He  held  several  conferences 
at  Paris  with  the  Duchess  of  Buckingham,  an  illegitimate 
daughter  of  James  the  Second  by  Mrs.  Sedley,  and  now 
upon  her  way  to  Italy  on  a  visit  to  her  brother.  This 
Dowager  was  one  of  the  heads  of  the  Jacobites  in  Eng- 
land —  a  sort  of  Tory  Duchess  of  Marlborough,  and  a 
counterpoise  to  that  illustrious  relict — like  her,  full  of 
pride  and  passion  —  but  like  her  also,  with  enormous 
wealth  to  make  herself  respected.  Atterbury  used  his 
influence  over  her  to  prevent  the  Duke  of  Berwick 
from  giving  a  Roman  Catholic  preceptor  to  her  son, 
the  young  Duke  of  Buckingham,  and  even  quarrelled 
with  Berwick  when  he  found  the  latter  insist  on  his 
design.  He  also  induced  the  Duchess  to  exert  her- 
self in  Italy,  and  complete  the  dismissal  of  the  Inver- 
nesses from  her  brother's  service.  But  Inverness,  still 
hoping  to  recover  his  lost  ground,  had  recourse  to  an  ex- 
pedient that  strongly  marks  his  base  and  unscrupulous 
character:  he  abjured  the  Protestant  for  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholic religion.  The  very  last  letter  which  Atterbury 
ever  wrote  was  to  upbraid  him  with  his  apostasy  —  for 
so  we  may  surely  call  a  conversion  in  which  conscience 
has  no  part.* 

The  studies  of  Atterbury,  at  this  period,  were,  in  some 
measure,  forced  upon  him.  Oldmixon,  a  virulent  party 
writer  of  small  reputation  or  merit,  had  made  an  attack 
upon  him,  Bishop  Smalridge,  and  Dean  Aldrich,  as  joint 
editors  of  Clarendon's  History,  accusing  them  of  having 
altered  and  interpolated  that  noble  work.  Atterbury,  as 
the  only  survivor  of  the  three  f,  thought  it  incumbent 
upon  him  to  write  in  their  vindication  and  his  own. 

*  Atterbury  to  Lord  Inverness,  February,  1732.  See  Appendix. 
Inverness,  it  appears,  had  the  effrontery  to  observe:  —  "  Since  I  see 
"  nothing  is  likely  to  be  done  for  the  King  at  present,  I  think  it  high 
"  time  to  take  care  of  my  soul ! " 

f  Bishop  Smalridge  had  died  in  1719,  and  Dean  Aldrich  in  1710. 
The  latter  was  a  man  not  only  of  great  learning,  but  of  wit  and  jovial 
temper.  His  five  reasons  for  drinking  are  well  known  :  — 

"  Good  wine  —  a  friend  —  or  being  dry,— 
"  Or  lest  we  should  be  by  and  by, — 
"  Or  any  other  good  reason  why!" 

His  Compendium  of  Logic  is  less  agreeably  remembered  by  Oxonians. 
VOL.  H.  L 


146  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

Accordingly,  in  1731,  he  published  a  temperate  and  satis- 
factory answer.  The  last  sentence  contains  a  prophecy 
on  Oldmixon,  which  has  been  verified  by  time :  —  "  His 
'  attack  on  me,  and  on  the  dead,  who  he  thought  might 
'  be  insulted  with  equal  safety,  is  no  proof  of  a  generous 
'  and  worthy  mind ;  nor  has  he  done  any  honour  to  his 
'  own  history  by  the  fruitless  pains  he  has  taken  to  dis- 
'  credit  that  of  my  Lord  Clarendon,  which,  like  the 
'  character  of  its  author,  will  gain  strength  by  time,  and 
'  be  in  the  hands  and  esteem  of  all  men,  when  Mr.  Old- 
'  mixon's  unjust  censure  of  it  will  not  be  remembered,  or 
'  not  be  regarded  ! " 

A  copy  of  this  vindication  was  sent  by  Atterbury  to 
the  Prince  whom  he  had  so  zealously  and  so  unhappily 
served,  and  his  letter,  on  that  occasion,  reverts  almost 
involuntarily  to  his  own  desolate  feelings :  —  "  Whilst  I 
"  was  justifying  the  Earl  of  Clarendon's  History,  I  own 
"  myself  to  have  been  tempted  to  say  somewhat  likewise 
"  in  defence  of  his  character  and  conduct,  particularly  as 
"  to  the  aspersion  with  which  he  has  been  loaded,  of  ad- 
"  vising  King  Charles  the  Second  to  gain  his  enemies  and 
'  neglect  his  friends.  A  fatal  advice !  which  he  certainly 
'  never  gave,  though  he  smarted  under  the  effects  of  it, 
'  and  was  sacrificed  by  his  master  to  please  those  who 
4  were  not  afterwards  found  to  be  any  great  importance 

'  to   his   service You  may,   perhaps,   not  have 

"  heard,  Sir,  that  what  happened  to  my  Lord  Clarendon 
"  was  the  first  instance  in  the  English  story  of  banishing 
'  any  person  by  an  Act  of  Parliament,  wherein  a  clause 
'  was  expressly  inserted  to  make  all  correspondence  with 
'  him  penal,  even  to  death.  Permit  me  to  add,  that  I  am 
'  the  second  instance  of  a  subject  so  treated,  and  may, 
'  perhaps,  be  the  last,  since  even  the  inflictors  of  such 
'  cruelties  seem  now  to  be  aweary  and  ashamed  of  them. 
'  Having  the  honour  to  be  like  him  in  my  sufferings,  I 
'  wish  I  could  have  been  like  him  too  in  my  services  ; 
'  but  that  has  not  been  in  my  power.  I  can,  indeed,  die 
'  in  exile,  asserting  the  Royal  cause  as  he  did  ;  but  I  see 
'  not  what  other  way  is  now  left  me  of  contributing  to 
'  the  support  of  it ! "  *  Such  are  almost  the  last  expres- 

*  Bishop  Atterbury  to  James,  November  12.  1731.     Appendix. 


1730.  DEATH  OP  ATTERBURY.  147 

sions  of  this  most  eloquent  man  ;  his  infirmities  were 
daily  growing  upon  him,  and  he  died  a  few  weeks  af- 
terwards, on  the  15th  of  February,  1732,  in  the  70th 
year  of  hia  age.  How  grievous  is  the  fate  of  exiles ! 
How  still  more  grievous  the  party  division  which  turns 
their  talents  against  their  country ! 

Even  in  his  shroud  Atterbury  was  not  allowed  to  rest. 
His  body  being  brought  to  England  to  be  buried  in 
Westminster  Abbey,  the  government  gave  orders  to  seize 
and  search  his  coffin.  There  was  a  great  public  outcry 
against  the  Ministers  on  this  occasion,  as  though  their 
animosity  sought  to  pursue  him  beyond  the  grave  ;  and 
undoubtedly  none  but  the  strongest  reasons  could  excuse 
it.  They  had  received  intelligence  of  some  private 
papers  of  the  Jacobites  to  be  sent  over  by  what  seemed 
so  safe  and  unsuspected  a  method  of  conveyance.  *  This 
mystery  they  determined  to  unravel ;  and  with  the  same 
view  was  Mr.  Morice  arrested  and  examined  before  the 
Privy  Council. 

Atterbury's  own  papers  had  been  disposed  of  by  his 
own  care  before  his  death.  The  most  secret  he  had  de- 
stroyed ;  for  the  others  he  had  claimed  protection  as  an 
Englishman  from  the  English  ambassador,  Lord  Walde- 
grave ;  that  a  seal  might  be  placed  upon  them,  and  that 
they  might  be  safely  delivered  to  his  executors.  Lord 
Waldegrave  declined  this  delicate  commission,  alleging 
that  Atterbury  was  no  longer  entitled  to  any  rights  as  a 
British  subject,  t  The  Bishop  next  applied  to  the  French 
government,  but  his  death  intervening,  the  papers  were 
sent  to  the  Scots  College  at  Paris,  and  the  seal  of  office 
was  affixed  to  them,  Mr.  Morice  obtaining  only  such  as 
related  to  family  affairs. 

*  Coxe,  in  his  Narrati  vc,  speaks  of  smuggled  brocades,  not  of  papers. 
But  the  letter  from  the  Under  Secretary  of  State,  which  he  produces 
as  his  authority,  speaks  only  of  papers,  and  says  nothing  of  brocades. 
Mem.  of  Walpole,  vol.  i.  p.  175.,  vol.  ii.  p.  237.  Boyer  glides  over 
this  unpopular  transaction  (vol.  xlii.  p.  499.). 

f  Mr.  Delafaye,  Under  Secretary  of  State,  writes  to  Lord  Walde- 
grave: —  "  As  to  your  Excellency's  getting  the  scelle  put  to  his  effects 

" if  your  own  seal  would  have  done,  and  that  you  could  by 

"that  means  have  had  the  fingering  of  his  papers,  one  would  have 
"  done  him  that  favour."  (May  1 1.  1732.)  A  most  delicate  sense  of 
honour ! 

t.  2 


148  HiSTORT  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV. 

It  may  be  observed,  that  the  Government  of  George 
seems  always  to  have  possessed  great  facilities  in  either 
openly  seizing  or  privately  perusing  the  Jacobite  corre- 
spondence. We  have  already  seen  how  large  a  web  of 
machinations  was  laid  bare  at  Atterbury's  trial.  In 
1728,  Mr.  Lockhart  found  that  some  articles  of  his  most 
private  letters  to  the  Pretender  were  well  known  at  the 
British  Court,  where,  fortunately  for  himself,  he  had  a 
steady  friend;  and  on  his  expressing  his  astonishment, 
he  was  answered  —  "  What  is  proof  against  the  money 
"of  Great  Britain?"*  The  testimony  of  Lord  Ches- 
terfield, as  Secretary  of  State,  is  still  more  positive. 
1  The  rebels,  who  have  fled  to  France  and  elsewhere, 
'  think  only  of  their  public  acts  of  rebellion,  believing 
'  that  the  Government  is  not  aware  of  their  secret  cabals 
'  and  conspiracies,  whereas,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  fully 
'  informed  of  them.  It  sees  two-thirds  of  their  letters ; 
'  they  betray  one  another ;  and  I  have  often  had  the 
"  very  same  man's  letters  in  my  hand  at  once,  some  to 
"  try  to  make  his  peace  at  home,  and  others  to  the  Pre- 
"  tender,  to  assure  him  that  it  was  only  a  feigned  recon- 
"  ciliation  that  they  might  be  the  better  able  to  serve 

"  him The  spirit  of  rebellion  seems  to  be  rooted 

"  in  these  people ;  their  faith  is  a  Punic  faith ;  clemency 
"  does  not  touch  them,  and  the  oaths  which  they  take  to 
"  Government  do  not  bind  them."  f 

Nothing  certainly  tended  more  than  these  frequent 
disclosures  of  letters  to  cool  the  ardour  of  the  High  Tory 
gentlemen  in  England,  or,  at  least,  to  redouble  their 
caution.  They  came,  at  length,  to  prefer,  in  nearly  all 
cases,  verbal  messages  to  any  written  communication, 
and  prudently  kept  themselves  in  reserve  for  the  landing 
of  a  foreign  force.  Without  it,  they  always  told  James 
that  they  could  only  ruin  themselves  without  assisting 
him.  It  was  a  frequent  saying  of  Sir  Robert  Walpole  — 
"  If  you  see  the  Stuarts  come  again,  they  will  begin  by 
"  their  lowest  people  ;  their  chiefs  will  not  appear  till  the 
«end."J 

*  Lockhart's  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  400. 

f  To  Madame  de  Monconseil,  August  16.  1750.  Orig.  in  French. 
Works,  voL  iii.  p.  207,  ed.  1779. 

I  II  Walpole  to  Sir  IL  Mann,  Sept.  27.  1745. 


1731.  ASCENDENCY  OF   WALPOLE.  149 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

FROM  the  resignation  of  Lord  Townshend  the  ascendency 
of  Walpole  was  absolute  and  uncontrolled,  and  confirmed 
by  universal  peace  abroad,  by  growing  prosperity  at 
home.  His  system  of  negotiations  was  completed  by  the 
second  treaty  of  Vienna,  signed  in  March,  1731,  and  sti- 
pulating that  the  Emperor  should  abolish  the  Ostend 
Company,  secure  the  succession  of  Don  Carlos  to  Parma 
and  Tuscany,  and  admit  the  Spanish  troops  into  the 
Italian  fortresses.  England,  on  her  part,  was  to  gua- 
rantee the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  on  the  understanding  that 
the  young  heiress  should  not  be  given  in  marriage  to  a 
Prince  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  or  of  any  other  so  pow- 
erful as  to  endanger  the  balance  of  power.*  At  home, 
various  measures  of  improvement  and  reform  were  in- 
troduced about  this  time.  An  excellent  law  was  passed, 
that  all  proceedings  of  courts  of  justice  should  be  in  the 
English  instead  of  the  Latin  language.  "  Our  prayers," 
said  the  Duke  of  Argyle,  "  are  in  our  native  tongue,  that 
"  they  may  be  intelligible ;  and  why  should  not  the 
"  laws  wherein  our  lives  and  properties  are  concerned  be 
"so  for  the  same  reason  ?"f  The  charter  of  the  East 
India  Company  was  renewed  on  prudent  and  profitable 
terms.  J  Some  infamous  malversation  was  detected  in 

*  This  treaty  was  greatly  promoted  by  the  influence  of  Prince 
Eugene.  He  said  to  Lord  Waldegrave:  —  "  Je  n'ai  jamais  eu  si  peu 

"  de  plaisir  de  ma  vie  dans  les  apparenccs  d'une  guerre 

"  II  n'y  a  pas  asscz  de  sujet  pour  taire  tuer  un  poulet! "  Lord  Walde- 
grave  to  Lord  Townshend,  March  18. 1730.  Coxe's  House  of  Austria, 
vol.  iii. 

f  Most  of  the  lawyers  were  greatly  opposed  to  the  change.  Lord 
Raymond,  in  order  to  throw  difficulties  in  the  way  of  it,  said,  that  if 
the  Bill  passed  the  law  must  likewise  be  translated  into  Welsh,  since 
many  in  Wales  understood  no  English.  (I'arl.  Hist.  vol.  viii.  p.  861.) 
The  great  Yorkshire  jtetition  on  this  subject  complained  that  "  the 
"number  of  attorneys  is  excessive."  (Ib.  p.  844.) 

J  See  Coxe's  Walpole,  voL  i.  p.  326. 
i.  3 


150  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVI. 

the  Charitable  Corporation,  whicj*  had  been  formed  for 
the  relief  of  the  industrious  poor,  by  assisting  them  with 
small  sums  of  money  at  legal  interest ;  but  which,  under 
this  colour,  sometimes  received  ten  per  cent.,  and  ad- 
vanced large  sums  on  goods  bought  on  credit  by  fraudu- 
lent speculators.  Penalties  were  now  inflicted  on  the 
criminals,  and  Sir  Robert  Sutton,  the  late  ambassador  at 
Paris,  being  concerned  in  these  practices,  was  expelled 
the  House.  An  inquiry  into  the  Public  Prisons  of  Lon- 
don laid  bare  a  frightful  system  of  abuses ;  we  find  the 
Wardens  conniving  at  the  escape  of  rich  prisoners,  and 
subjecting  the  poor  ones  who  could  not  pay  heavy  fines 
to  every  kind  of  insult,  oppression,  and  want.  The  re- 
port of  the  Select  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons 
is  full  of  such  cases  :  —  thus  one  Captain  Mac  Phcadris, 
having  refused  to  pay  some  exorbitant  fees,  "  had  irons 
"put  upon  his  legs,  which  were  too  little,  so  that,  in 
"putting  them  on,  his  legs  were  like  to  have  been 

"  broken He  was  dragged  away  to  the  dungeon, 

"  where  he  lay,  without  a  bed,  loaded  with  irons,  so  close 
"  rivetted  that  they  kept  him  in  continual  torture,  and 
"  mortified  his  legs."  From  such  usage  the  prisoner  be- 
came lame  and  nearly  blind ;  he  had  petitioned  the 
judges,  who,  as  we  are  told,  "  after  several  meetings  and 
"  a  full  hearing,"  agreed  to  reprimand  the  gaoler,  but  de- 
cided, with  infinite  wisdom,  that  "  it  being  out  of  Term, 
"  they  could  not  give  the  prisoner  any  relief  or  satisfac- 
"  tion  ! "  *  ....  Another  report  declares  that  "  the  Com- 
"  mittee  saw  in  the  women's  sick  ward  many  miserable 
"  objects  lying,  without  beds,  on  the  floor,  perishing  with 
"  extreme  want ;  and  in  the  men's  sick  ward  yet  much 

"  worse On  the  giving  food  to  these  poor  wretches, 

"  (though  it  was  done  with  the  utmost  caution,  they 
"  being  only  allowed  at  first  the  smallest  quantities,  and 
"  that  of  liquid  nourishment,)  one  died  ;  the  vessels  of 
"his  stomach  were  so  disordered  and  contracted,  for 
"  want  of  use,  that  they  were  totally  incapable  of  per- 
"  forming  their  office,  and  the  unhappy  creature  perished 
"  about  the  time  of  digestion.  Upon  his  body  a  coroner's 

*  First  Report  of  the  Select  Committee,  presented  February  25. 
1729. 


1731.  THE  PUBLIC   PRISONS.  151 

"  inquest  sat,  (a  thing  which,  though  required  by  law  to 
"be  always  done,  has,  for  many  years,  been  scandal- 
"ously  omitted  in  this  gaol,)  and  the  jury  found  that  he 
'died  of  want.  Those  who  were  not  so  far  gone,  on 
'  proper  nourishment  given  them,  recovered,  so  that  not 
'  above  nine  have  died  since  the  25th  of  March  last,  the 
'  day  the  Committee  first  met  there,  though,  before,  a  day 
'  seldom  passed  without  a  death ;  and,  upon  the  advanc- 
'  ing  of  the  Spring,  not  less  than  eight  or  ten  usually 
'  died  every  twenty-four  hours."  * 

Such  atrocities  in  a  civilised  country  must  fill  every 
mind  with  horror,  and  it  is  still  more  painful  to  reflect 
that  for  very  many  years,  perhaps,  they  may  have  pre- 
vailed without  redress.  Thus,  for  example,  in  the 
Session  of  1725  I  find  a  petition  from  poor  insolvent 
debtors  in  the  gaol  of  Liverpool,  declaring  themselves 
"  reduced  to  a  starving  condition,  having  only  straw  and 
"  water  at  the  courtesy  of  the  sergeant."  f  How  often  may 
not  the  cry  of  such  unhappy  men  have  gone  forth  and 
remained  unheeded !  How  still  more  frequently  may 
not  their  sufferings  have  been  borne  in  constrained 
or  despairing  silence !  The  benevolent  exertions  of 
Howard,  (whom  that  family,  fertile  though  it  be  in 
honours,  might  be  proud  to  claim  as  their  kinsman,)  and 
still  more  the  gradual  diffusion  of  compassionate  and 
Christian  principles,  have,  we  may  hope,  utterly  rooted 
out  from  amongst  us  any  such  flagrant  abuses  at  the 
present  time.  Yet  let  us  not  imagine  that  there  is  no 
longer  any  tyranny  to  punish,  any  thraldom  to  relieve. 
Let  not  the  Legislature  be  weary  in  well  doing !  Let 
them  turn  a  merciful  eye  not  merely  to  the  dungeon  but  . 
to  the  factory,  not  merely  to  the  suffering  and  perhaps 
guilty  man  but  to  the  helpless  arid  certainly  unoffending 
child !  For  my  part  I  firmly  rely  on  the  progressive 
march  of  humanity.  In  a  barbarous  age  it  was  confined 
to  men  of  our  country.  In  a  half-barbarous  age  it  was 
confined  to  men  of  our  religion.  Within  our  own  times 
it  extended  only  to  men  of  our  colour.  But  as  time 
shall  roll  on,  I  am  persuaded  that  it  will  not  be  limited 
even  to  our  kind ;  that  we  shall  feel  how  much  the  brute 

*  Second  Report,  presented  Mny  14.  1729. 
f  Commons'  Journals,  vol.  xx.  p.  375. 
L  4 


152  HISTORY  OP   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVI. 

creation  also  is  entitled  to  our  sympathy  and  kindness, 
and  that  any  needless  or  wanton  suffering  inflicted  upon 
them  will  on  every  occasion  arouse  and  be  restrained  by 
the  public  indignation  and  disgust. 

From  this  digression  I  return  to  the  government  of 
Walpole.  —  To  detect  and  punish  the  cruelties  of  gaolers 
was  undoubtedly  a  merit  in  any  administration,  and 
a  happy  consequence  of  tranquillity  and  leisure.  In 
financial  affairs,  also,  there  was  much  cause  for  con- 
gratulation ;  the  taxes  were  light,  the  trade  thriving ; 
the  debt  at  least  not  increasing,  and  the  predictions  of 
impending  ruin  rather  less  common  than  usual.  In  vain 
did  Lord  Bathurst  declare  with  awful  forebodings,  that 
"  one  of  our  best  mathematicians  has  foretold,  that  if  ever 
"  England  raises  above  five  millions  in  a  year  it  will 
"  infallibly  be  exhausted  in  a  few  years !  "*  For  once, 
the  people  did  not  mistake  gloom  and  melancholy  for 
depth  of  thought.  In  short,  looking  to  the  state  of 
the  country,  every  thing  seemed  prosperous,  — looking  to 
the  state  of  the  Cabinet,  everything  submissive.  So 
brilliant  appeared  the  fortune  of  Walpole  at  this  period, 
that  an  old  Scotch  Secretary  of  State  in  the  time  of 
William,  named  Johnston,  having  been  on  a  visit  to  his 
native  country,  and  seeing  the  state  of  affairs  at  his 
return,  could  not  forbear  from  earnestly  asking  the  Min- 
ister, "  What  can  you  have  done,  Sir,  to  God  Almighty 
"  to  make  him  so  much  your  friend  ?"f 

The  two  Secretaries  of  State  were  now  Lord  Har- 
rington and  the  Duke  of  Newcastle — men  of  very  op- 
posite characters.  Harrington,  descended  from  a  brother 
of  the  first  Lord  Chesterfield,  was  a  man  of  very  high 
diplomatic,  but  no  Parliamentary,  talents.  He  had  skill 
and  sagacity  to  unravel  any  negotiation,  however  per- 
plexed, not  readiness  and  eloquence  to  defend  it.  The 
observation  of  a  Portuguese  Minister,  that  "  Lord  Har- 
"  rington  was  not  accustomed  to  interrupt  those  who 
"spoke  to  him,"J  paints  his  even  and  observing  temper. 

*  See  Parl.  Hist.  vol.  viii.  p.  537. 

t  Mr.  Delafaye  to  Lord  Waldcgravc,  Oct.  15.  1731. 

j  Coxe's  Walpole,  vol.  i.  p.  332.  Thus  also  Campo  Raso  says  of 
him  :  —  "  Tenia  el  talento  de  unir  la  mayor  actividad  con  el  exterior 
"menos  vivo."  (Coraent.  vol.  i.  p.  35.) 


1731.  LORD   HARRINGTON.  153 

An  historian,  writing  shortly  after  his  death,  declares 
that  "  such  was  his  moderation,  good  sense,  and  integrity, 
"  that  he  was  not  considered  as  a  party  man,  and  had  few 
"or  no  personal  enemies."*  Nor,  indeed,  would  it  be 
easy,  even  from  the  party  libels  of  the  time,  to  glean  any 
invective  against  him.  By  great  sagacity  he  had  over- 
come great  obstacles  in  the  way  of  his  advancement. 
The  King  disliked  him  on  account  of  a  Memorial  written 
in  the  hand  of  his  elder  brother,  Charles  Stanhope,  pre- 
sented to  George  the  First  by  Lord  Sunderland,  and  con- 
taining some  bitter  reflections  on  the  Prince  of  Wales. 
On  coming  to  the  throne,  George  the  Second  absolutely 
refused  to  employ  the  elder  brother,  and  could  only,  by 
degrees,  be  reconciled  to  the  younger.  Walpole  had  also 
a  prejudice  against  him,  on  account  of  his  family ;  for 
though  Sir  Robert  had  professed  a  thorough  reconcilia- 
tion and  friendship  with  Lord  Stanhope,  in  1720,  he 
never  forgave  any  contest  for  power,  and  his  biographer 
informs  us,  that  "  he  had  taken  an  aversion  to  the  very 
"name."f  Yet  *ue  prudence  of  Harrington  surmounted 
all  these  difficulties,  and  raised  him  from  a  narrow  for- 
tune to  the  very  highest  offices. 

Thomas  Pelham,  Duke  of  Newcastle,  born  in  1694,  was 
a  nephew  of  the  last  Duke  of  Newcastle  of  the  Holies 
family :  he  inherited  its  vast  estates,  of  above  30,000/.  a 
year,  and  the  title  was  revived  in  his  favour  by  George 
the  First.  From  a  very  early  age  he  applied  to  public 
life,  and  attached  himself  to  the  Whig  party.  When  that 
party  was  rent  asunder  by  the  schism  of  1717,  New- 
castle, though  brother-in-law  of  Townshend,  took  the 
side  of  Stanhope,  and  accepted  the  office  of  Lord  Cham- 
berlain. But  after  the  deaths  of  Stanhope  and  Sunderland 
he  formed  the  closest  connection  with  Townshend  and 
the  Walpoles.  Through  their  influence  he  became  Se- 
cretary of  State  in  the  place  of  Carteret ;  and  though  no 

*  Tindal's  Hist.  vol.  viii.  p.  50. 

f  Coxe's  Walpole,  vol.  i.  p.  331.  The  memorial  presented  to 
George  the  First  is  distorted  and  exaggerated  by  Horace  Walpole, 
more  sun,  until  it  becomes  an  incredible  proposal  of  Lord  Berkeley, 
First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty,  to  kidnap  the  Prince  of  Wales  and 
convey  him  to  America!  Such  fables  were  too  common  with  this 
writer  in  his  latter  years.  See  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  289. 


154  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVI. 

man  was  ever  more  jealous  of  power,  he  was  yet  content 
to  be  a  mere  cipher  under  the  brother  Ministers,  and  to 
fold  his  wings  until  he  could  expand  them  for  a  bolder 
flight. 

No  man,  as  I  have  said,  loved  power  more,  and  cer- 
tainly no  man  held  it  longer.  For  nearly  thirty  years 
was  he  Secretary  of  State ;  for  nearly  ten  years  First 
Lord  of  the  Treasury.  His  character  during  that  period 
has  been,  of  course,  observed  and  described  by  writers 
of  every  rank  and  every  party ;  and  it  may  well  astonish 
us  to  find  how  much  they  agree  in  their  accounts.  His 
peculiarities  were  so  glaring  and  ridiculous,  that  the 
most  careless  glance  could  not  mistake,  nor  the  most 
bitter  enmity  exaggerate  them.  There  could  be  no  cari- 
cature where  the  original  was  always  more  laughable 
than  the  likeness.  Ever  in  a  hurry,  yet  seldom  punctual, 
he  seems,  said  Lord  Wilmington,  as  if  he  had  lost  half 
an  hour  in  the  morning  which  he  is  running  after  the 
rest  of  the  day  without  being  able  to  overtake  it!  He 
never  walked,  but  constantly  ran ;  "  insomuch,"  writes 
Chesterfield,  "  that  I  have  sometimes  told  him,  that  by 
"  his  fleetness  one  should  rather  take  him  for  the  courier 
"  than  the  author  of  the  letters."  His  conversation  was 
a  sort  of  quick  stammer  —  a  strange  mixture  of  slowness 
and  rapidity ;  and  his  ideas  sometimes  were  in  scarcely 
less  confusion:  —  "Annapolis!  Annapolis!  oh  yes,  An  - 
"  napolis  must  be  defended ;  to  be  sure  Annapolis  should 
"  be  defended !  Pray  where  is  Annapolis ?"*  Extremely 
timorous,  and  moved  to  tears  on  even  the  slightest  oc- 
casions, he  abounded  in  childish  caresses  and  in  empty 
protestations.  At  his  levees  he  accosted,  hugged,  clasped, 
and  promised  every  body  with  a  seeming  cordiality  so 
universal,  that  it  failed  to  please  any  in  particular.  Fret- 
ful and  peevish  with  his  dependents ;  always  distrusting 
his  friends,  and  always  ready  to  betray  them,  he  lived 
in  a  continual  turmoil  of  harassing  affairs,  vexatious  op- 
position, and  burning  jealousies.  In  business,  Lord  Hervey 
thus  contrasts  him  to  Sir  Robert  Walpole  :  — "  We  have 
"  one  Minister  that  does  every  thing  with  the  same  seem- 
"  ing  ease  and  tranquillity  as  if  he  was  doing  nothing ; 

*  Horace  Walpolc's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  344. 


1731.  THE   DUKE   OF   NEWCASTLE.  155 

"  we  have  another  that  does  nothing  in  the  same  hurry 
"  and  agitation  as  if  he  did  every  thing  !"* 

Yet  in  some  points  Newcastle  might  bear  a  more  fa- 
vourable parallel  with  Walpole.  He  built  no  palace  at 
Houghton.  He  formed  no  splendid  collection  of  paint- 
ings. He  won  no  fortune  in  the  South  Sea  speculations. 
In  noticing  his  decease,  Lord  Chesterfield  gives  him  this 
high  testimony :  —  "  My  old  kinsman  and  contemporary 
"  is  at  last  dead,  and,  for  the  first  time,  quiet.  .  .  .  After 
"  all  the  great  offices  which  he  had  held  for  fifty  years, 
"  he  died  300,000/.  poorer  than  he  was  when  he  came 
"  into  them.  A  very  unministerial  proceeding  !"f 

Nor  was  disinterestedness  the  only  merit  of  Newcastle. 
In  private  life,  though  a  bundle  of  weaknesses,  his  cha- 
racter was  excellent.  He  had  very  great  Parliamentary 
interest,  both  of  his  own  and  through  his  friends ;  and 
his  brother,  Henry  Pelham,  now  Secretary  at  War,  was 
rising  into  high  reputation  as  a  speaker  and  a  statesman. 
Newcastle  himself  was  useful  and  ready  in  debate ;  al- 
ways prepared  for  an  answer,  and  with  the  same  quality 
which  the  French  have  ascribed  to  his  countrymen  in 
battle — he  never  knew  when  he  was  beat!  The  same 
confident  fluency  is  displayed  in  his  dispatches.  But 
what  chiefly  maintained  him  in  power  was  his  court-craft, 
his  indefatigable  perseverance,  his  devoting  every  faculty 
of  his  mind  to  discover  and  attach  himself  to  the  winning 
side ;  and  we  might  admire  his  skill  and  success  in  these 
respects,  had  he  ever  shown  the  least  hesitation  in  emer- 
gencies to  renounce  or  betray  his  friends.  "  His  name," 
said  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  "  is  Perfidy." 

The  Opposition  at  this  time  was  very  weak  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  seemed  still  weaker  from  the 
slack  attendance  of  its  members.  There  appeared  so 
little  prospect  of  success,  that  the  Tories,  losing  spirit, 
could  seldom  be  induced  to  remain  in  town,  or  appear  in 
full  force  on  any  question.  In  fact,  even  at  the  present 
day,  it  may  be  observed,  that  many  gentlemen  of  fortune 
seem  to  have  two  great  objects  in  life  —  the  first,  to  be- 
come Members  of  Parliament  at  any  cost  or  exertion ; 

*  Lord  Hervey  to  Horace  Walpole,  Oct.  31.  1735.  Coxe's 
Walpole. 

f  To  Colonel  Irvine,  November  21.  1768. 


156  HISTORY  OF  EXGLAXD.  CHAT.  XVI. 

the  second,  to  stay  away  from  the  House  of  Commons  as 
often  and  as  long  as  possible!  In  1730  Newcastle  writes, 
"  We  look  upon  the  enemy  to  be  quite  demolished  in  the 
"  House  of  Commons."*  They  were,  in  truth,  at  a  low 
ebb.  They  could  not  deny  that  the  Ministers  had  been 
very  successful  ,in  their  foreign  negotiations ;  and  were 
reduced  to  argue  that  this  advantage  had  accrued  by 
chance,  or  might  have  been  attained  a  shorter  way.  Ac- 
cording to  Pulteney,  "  It  is  something  like  a  pilot,  who, 
"  though  he  has  a  clear,  a  safe,  and  a  straight  passage  for 
"  going  into  port,  yet  takes  it  in  his  head  to  carry  the 
"  ship  a  great  way  about,  through  sands,  rocks  and  shal- 
"  lows,  and  thereby  loses  a  great  many  of  the  seamen, 
"  destroys  a  great  deal  of  the  tackle  and  rigging,  and 
"  puts  the  owners  to  a  vast  expense ;  however,  at  last, 
"  by  chance,  he  hits  the  port,  and  then  triumphs  in  his 
"  good  conduct."  According  to  Wyndham,  "  We  have 
"  been  like  a  man  in  a  room,  who  wants  to  get  out,  and 
"  though  the  door  be  open,  and  a  clear  way  to  it,  yet 
"  he  stalks  round  the  room,  breaks  his  shins  over  a  stool, 
"  tumbles  over  a  chair,  and  at  last,  rumbling  over  every 
"  thing  in  his  way,  by  chance  finds  the  door  and  gets  out, 
"  after  abundance  of  needless  trouble  and  danger.Wlf 

In  proportion,  however,  as  the  Opposition  flagged  in 
argument,  they  (as  usual  in  such  cases)  increased  in  vi- 
rulence. The  Craftsman  still  continued  his  weekly  at- 
tacks with  unabated  spirit  and  with  growing  effect. 
Other  pamphlets  also  appeared  from  the  same  quarter, 
under  the  name  of  Caleb  Danvers ;  and  one  of  these 
lashed  the  character  of  Lord  Hervey  with  such  asperity, 
that  Hervey  called  on  Pulteney  to  declare  whether  he 
was  the  author  of  the  libel.  After  some  altercation,  Pul- 
teney replied,  that  whether  he  were  or  not,  he  was  ready 
to  justify  and  stand  by  its  truth  :  a  duel  ensued,  and  both 
combatants  were  slightly  wounded.  J  Hervey  was  a 
young  man  of  considerable  wit  and  ability,  but  most  in- 

*  To  Lord  Harrington,  March  16.  1730. 

t  Speeches  on  the  Address,  January  13.  1732. 

j  Mr.  Thomas  Pelham  to  Lord  Waldegrave,  January  28.  1731. 
Pulteney  suspected  Lord  Hervey  of  having  written  a  scurrilous  pam- 
phlet against  him  and  Bolingbroke,  called  "  Sedition  and  Defamation 
"  Displayed. '  The  real  author  was  Sir  William  Yonge. 


1731.  PULTENEY.  157 

firm  health,  insomuch  that  he  found  it  necessary  to  live 
only  on  asses  milk  and  biscuits.  Once  a  week  he  in- 
dulged himself  with  an  apple;  emetics  he  used  daily.* 
He  attracted  ridicule  by  the  contrast  between  his  pom- 
pous solemn  manner  and  his  puny  effeminate  appearance  ; 
and  still  more  unhappily  for  himself,  he  attacked  Pope, 
who,  in  return,  has  sent  down  his  name  to  posterity  as  a 
monster  of  profligacy,  and  a  "  mere  white  curd  of  asses' 
"milk!" 

Another  pamphlet  which  Pulteney  published  in  the 
same  year,  and  in  which  he  did  not  conceal  his  name, 
brought  down  upon  him  the  full  tide  of  Ministerial  re- 
sentment. He  had  disclosed  some  former  private  con- 
versation between  him  and  Walpole,  in  which  Sir  Robert 
had  not  spared  the  character  of  George  the  Second  as 
Prince  of  Wales.  However  blamable  this  breach  of  con- 
fidence, Walpole  ought  not  to  have  mixed  the  King  in 
the  quarrel ;  but  he  now  prevailed  upon  His  Majesty  to 
strike  Pulteney's  name  out  of  the  list  of  Privy  Coun- 
cillors, and  to  order  that  the  several  Lords  Lieutenant 
who  had  granted  him  commissions  of  the  peace  should 
revoke  them,  f  It  should  be  observed  also,  that  Pul- 
teney's breach  of  confidence  was  not  without  justification. 
For  the  libel  which  he  was  answering  contained  a  like 
disclosure  of  other  conversations  between  him  and  Wal- 
pole ;  and  as  the  former  declares  in  his  preliminary  ad- 
dress, "  these  passages  of  secret  history,  however,  falsely 
"  stated  and  misrepresented,  could  come  from  nobody  but 
"  yourself." 

The  year  1733  was  marked  by  two  great  financial 
measjire*  ef  Walpole,  the  first  certainly  wrong,  Tut  car- 
ried by  large  majorities  ;  the  latter  as  certainly  just  and 
wise,  but  repelled  by  the  overpowering  force  of  public 
indignation.  The  first  was  hid  proposal  to  take  half  a 
million  from  the  Sinking  Fund  for  the  service  of  the 
rurrrn(  year.  The  Sinking  Fund,  established  by  Stan- 
hope and  Walpole  himself  in  1717,  had  been  kept  sacred 
during  the  whole  reign  of  George  the  First.  Since 
1727,  however,  various  encroachments  had  been  made 
upon  this  surplus,  and  now  in  1733,  it  received  an  open 

*  See  a  note  to  Coxe's  Walpole,  vol.  i.  p.  362. 
f  Tindul's  Hist.  vol.  viii.  p.  104. 


loS  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVI. 

attack.  It  was  truly  urged  by  the  Opposition,  and 
especially  by  Sir  John  Barnard,  member  for  London,  a 
man  of  the  greatest  weight  on  all  financial  questions^  that 
this  precious  fund  ought  never  to  be  applied  to  any  other 
purpose  than  that  of  discharging  debts,  except  in  the 
case  of  some  extreme  emergency ;  that  to  ease  ourselves 
by  loading  our  posterity  is  a  poor,  short-sighted  ex- 
pedient ;  "  and  the  author  of  such  an  expedient,"  em- 
phatically added  Barnard,  "  must  expect  the  curses  of 
"  posterity."  —  "  The  Right  Honourable  Gentleman," 
said  Pulteney,  "  had  once  the  vanity  to  call  himself 
"  the  Father  of  the  Sinking  Fund ;  but  if  Solomon's 
"judgment  was  right,  he  who  is  thus  for  splitting  and 
"  dividing  the  child  can  never  be  deemed  to  be  the  real 
"  father."  But  Walpole  had  a  most  irresistible  argu- 
ment for  the  country  gentlemen  :  he  declared  that  if  his 
proposal  were  not  carried,  he  must  move  for  a  land-tax 
of  two  shillings  in  the  pound — and  his  proposal  was  car- 
ried by  a  majority  of  110!  His  biographer  and  warm 
admirer  admits,  on  this  occasion,  "a  dark  speck  in  his 
"  financial  administration."*  For  the  example  once  set 
was  too  tempting  not  to  follow.  Next  year  1,200.000/., 
the  whole  produce  of  the  fund,  was  taken  from  it ;  in 
1735  and  1736  it  was  .mortgaged  and  alienated.  Our 
debts  were  always  augmented  in  moments  of  difficulty, 
never  diminished  in  a  period  of  peace,  until  the  Sinking 
Fund  was  restored,  in  a  different  era  and  on  a  new 
foundation,  by  the  genius  and  integrity  of  Pitt. 

It  may  be  observed,  however,  in  justice  to  Walpole, 
that  many^ers_oas_JLn  the  reign  of  the  two.  first  Georges 
entertained  an  idea,  however  erroneously,  that  the  public 
debt  was  a  main  pillar  of  the  established  Government  by 
interesting  so  many  persons  in  its  support,  and  we:x- 
therefore  extremely  unwilling  to  take  any  measures  for 
an  effectual  reduction. f  This  idea  was  founded  on  the 
fear  of  the  Pretender,  who  it  was  thought  if  once  en- 
throned in  the  kingdom  would  never  acknowledge  the 
debts  contracted  mainly  to  keep  him  out  of  it.  In  an 

*  Coxc's  Walpole,  vol.  i.  p.  371.  See  also  Sinclair's  Public 
Revenue,  part  ii.  p.  108. 

f  Sinclair's  History  of  the  Revenue,  part  ii.  p.  75. 


1733.  THE   EXCISE    SCHEME.  159 

allegory  of  Addison,  accordingly,  we  find  James  intro- 
duced as  a  young  man  with  a  sword  in  his  right  hand 
and  a  sponge  in  his  left.*  Several  Jacobites  disclaimed 
any  such  intention,  while  the  majority,  no  doubt,  looked 
to  it  as  an  unfailing  resource  against  all  future  financial 
difficulties.  We  may  notice,  also,  that  the  fundholders, 
probably  from  the  same  apprehension,  were  very  mode- 
rate and  reasonable  in  their  views,  and  that  even  the 
reduction  of  their  interest  in  1717  was  not  unpopular 
amongst  them ;  at  least  one  of  their  chief  men,  Mr. 
Bateman,  told  Lord  Stanhope  that  he  was  glad  the  re- 
solution had  been  taken,  because  though  his  interest  was 
diminished,  he  should  think  his  principal  more  secure 
than  ever,  f 

Walpole's  next  financial  measure  was  the  famous 
EXCISE  SCHEME.  The  excise  duties,  first  levied  in  the 
civil  wars,  and  continued,  but  curtailed  at  the  Restora- 
tion, were  progressively  increased  during  the  stormy 
reigns  of  William  and  Anne.  The  chief  articles  subject 
to  them  were  malt,  salt,  and  the  distilleries :  their  aver- 
age yearly  proceeds  rose,  under  William,  to  nearly  one 
million  ;  under  Anne,  to  nearly  two  millions.  No  addi- 
tional excise  was  laid  on  during  the  whole  reign  of 
George  the  First,  except  a  small  duty  on  wrought  plate 
by  Stanhope.}  From  the  progress  of  consumption,  how- 
ever, they  had  come  in  1733  to  produce  about  3,200, 000/.§ 
But,  meanwhile,  the  frauds  and  abuses  in  other  parts  of 
the  revenue  had  become  so  great,  and  so  repeatedly 
forced  upon  the  consideration  of  Walpole,  as  to  turn 
his  thoughts  to  the  whole  subject,  and  induce  him  to 
frame  a  comprehensive  measure  upon  it. 

Early  intelligence  reached  the  Opposition  that  some 
such  plan  was  brewing,  and  they  took  care  to  poison  and 
prepossess  the  public  mind  against  it  even  before  it  was 
known.  When  the  Sinking  Fund  was  discussed,  Pulteney 
pathetically  cried,  "  But,  Sir,  there  is  another  thing,  a 
"  very  terrible  affair  impending !  A  monstrous  project ! 

*  Spectator,  No.  iii. 

f  Bolingbroke  on  the  State  of  the  Nation.  (Polit.  Works,  vol.  iv. 
p.  150.  ed.  1773.) 

\  See  the  motive  of  this  duty  explained,  voL  i.  p.  295. 
§  Walpole's  Speech,  March  15.  1733. 


160  mSTORT  OF  ENGLAND.       CHAP.  XVI. 

"  yea,  more  monstrous  than  has  ever  yet  been  repre- 
"  sented !  It  is  such  a  project  as  has  struck  terror  into 
"  the  minds  of  most  gentlemen  within  this  House,  and  of 

"  all   men  without   doors ! I  mean,    Sir,  that 

"  monster  the  Excise !  That  plan  of  arbitrary  power 
"  which  is  expected  to  be  laid  before  this  House  in  the 
"  present  Session ! "  *  The  sensible  advice  of  Mr.  Pel- 
ham,  to  wait  till  the  plan  was  disclosed,  and  not  "  to 
"  enter  into  debates  about  what  we  know  nothing  of," 
was  utterly  unheeded ;  and  while  the  secrecy  of  the  plan 
did  not  suspend  the  censures  of  the  Opposition,  it  ena- 
bled them  to  spread  throughout  the  country  the  most  un- 
founded and  alarming  rumours  respecting  it.  A  General 
Excise  is  coming !  was  the  cry ;  a  tax  on  all  articles  of 
consumption  ;  a  burden  to  grind  the  country  to  powder  ; 
a  plot  to  overthrow  the  ancient  Constitution,  and  estab- 
lish in  its  place  a  baleful  tyranny !  The  Craftsman  had 
scarcely  words  enough  to  express  his  terror  and  resent- 
ment ;  and  his  eloquent  voice  found  a  ready  echo  in  the 
bosoms  of  the  people.  For  the  excise  duties,  partly  from 
their  burden  and  partly  from  their  invidious  mode  of 
collection,  were  most  highly  unpopular.  They  were  con- 
sidered oppressive,  and  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Con- 
stitution, —  called  sometimes  the  cause  and  sometimes 
the  consequence  of  bad  government ;  and  these  feelings, 
which  had  arisen  long  before  the  scheme  of  Walpole, 
continued  long  after  it.  Perhaps  the  strongest  proof  of 
them  is  displayed  by  the  invectives  of  so  great  a  writer 
as  Dr.  Johnson,  in  so  grave  a  work  as  his  Dictionary. 
In  the  first  edition,  published  in  1755,  the  word  EXCISE 
is  explained  as  "  A  hateful  tax  levied  upon  commodities, 
"  and  adjudged,  not  by  common  judges  of  property,  but 
"  by  wretches  hired  by  those  to  whom  excise  is  paid !" 

Thus  the  public  mind  being  highly  sensitive,  and 
easily  excited  upon  the  subject,  and  Walpole,  as  usual, 
paying  little  attention  to  the  power  of  the  press,  there 
was  a  general  ferment  against  the  new  scheme,  even 
while  its  true  nature  and  object  remained  entirely  un- 
known. Many  constituent  bodies  —  amongst  them  the 
citizens  of  London  —  held  meetings  and  sent  instructions 

*  ParL  Hist.  voL  viii.  p.  1203. 


1733.  THE    EXCISE    SCHEME.  161 

to  their  members,  entreating  them  to  vote  against  every 
extension  of  the  Excise  Laws,  "  in  any  form  or  on  any 
"  pretence  whatsoever."  It  was  under  these  unfavour- 
able circumstances,  and  after  several  preliminary  skir- 
mishes, that  Sir  Robert,  on  the  14th  of  March,  disclosed 
his  design  in  a  temperate  and  masterly  speech.  He  first 
complained  of  the  common  slander,  that  he  had  intended 
to  propose  a  General  Excise.  "  I  do  most  unequivocally 
'  assert,"  said  he,  "  that  no  such  scheme  ever  entered 
'  my  head,  or,  for  what  I  know,  the  head  of  any  man 

'  I  am  acquainted  with My  thoughts  have  been 

'  confined  solely  to  the  duties  on  wine  and  tobacco ;  and 
'  it  was  the  frequent  advices  I  had  of  the  shameful 
'  frauds  committed  in  these  two  branches,  and  the  com- 
'  plaints  of  the  merchants  themselves,  that  turned  my 
'  attention  to  a  remedy  for  this  growing  evil.  ...  I 
'  shall,  for  the  present,  confine  myself  entirely  to  the 
'  tobacco  trade."  He  next  proceeded  to  detail  the  various 
frauds  on  the  revenue  in  this  trade  —  frauds  so  frequent 
and  so  complicated,  that  while  the  gross  produce  of  the 
tax  was  on  an  average  750,000/.,  the  net  produce  was 
only  160,000/.  The  remedy  he  proposed  was,  stating  it 
briefly,  to  bring  the  tobacco  duty  under  the  laws  of 
excise,  and  to  effect  some  improvements  in  the  latter. 
The  same  might  afterwards  be  applied  to  the  similar 
case  of  the  wine  duty  ;  and  thus  would  the  revenue 
be  increased,  at  the  same  time  that  the  fair  dealer  was 
protected.  A  system  of  warehousing  for  re-exportation, 
if  desired,  was  likewise  to  be  instituted,  "  which  will 
"tend,"  said  the  Minister,  "to  make  London  a  free  port, 
'•and,  liy  eon-rqiience,  the  market  of  the  world."  l>y 
the  increase  in  the  revenue  the  land-tax  would  no  longer 
be- -required,  and  might  be  altogether  abolished.  "  And 
"  this,"  added  Walpole,  "  is  the  scheme  which  has  been 
"  represented  in  so  dreadful  and  terrible  a  light  —  this 
"  the  monster,  the  many-headed  monster,  which  was  to 
"  devour  the  people,  and  commit  such  ravages  over  the 
"  whole  nation!" 

Nor  did  Walpole  fail  in  his  speech  to  answer  or  anti- 
cipate objections,  such  as  "  the  increase  of  revenue  of- 
"  fleers,  which  fear,  interest,  and  affectation  have  mag- 

VOL.  II.  M 


162  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVL 

"  nified  into  a  standing  army.  This  standing  army, 
"  allowing  the  proposed  addition  to  extend  to  tobacco 
"  and  wine,  will  not,  according  to  the  estimate  of  the 
"  commissioners,  exceed  one  hundred  and  twenty-six 
"  persons ;  that  number,  in  addition  to  those  already 
"  employed,  will  do  all  the  duty.  In  this  computation, 
"  warehousekeepers  are,  of  course,  not  included ;  their 
"  number  must  be  uncertain  for  the  satisfaction  and 
"  accommodation  of  the  merchants Another  ob- 
jection is  the  power  of  officers  to  enter  and  search 
"  houses.  This  objection  could  not  possibly  have  any 
"  weight  without  the  aid  of  gross  misconception  or  mis- 
"  representation.  All  warehouses,  cellars,  shops,  and 
"  rooms  used  for  keeping,  manufacturing,  or  selling  to- 
"  bacco  are  to  be  entered  at  the  Inland  Office.  But  no 
'•  other  part  of  the  house  is  liable  to  be  searched  without 
"  a  warrant  and  a  constable,  which  warrant  is  not  to  be 
"  granted  without  an  affidavit  of  the  cause  of  suspicion. 
"  The  practice  of  the  Customs  is  now  stronger ;  they  can 
"  enter  with  a  writ  of  assistance  without  any  affidavit. — 
"  But  why  all  this  solicitude  in  behalf  of  fraud?"* 

The  reader  has  now  before  him  a  slight  but  I  hope  a 
clear  outline  of  the  Ministerial  measure.  It  might  not 
be  free  from  all  objections,  especially  in  its  detail*,  but 
it  seemed  to  afford,  at  the  very  least,  a  solid  foundation 
for  subsequent  improvements.  To  the  country  gentle- 
man, the  abolition  of  the  land-tax  was  clearly  a  great 
boon.  To  the  merchant  importer,  the  turning  of  the 
duties  on  importation  into  duties  on  consumption  was 
undoubtedly  no  less  a  benefit.  The  working  classes 
were  not  at  all  concerned  in  the  question,  since  the  re- 
tailers already  sold  tobacco  at  the  rate  of  duty  paid. 
Thus,  then,  unless  we  are  prepared  to  say,  with  Sir 
AVilliam  Wyndham,  that  "  in  all  countries,  excises  of 
"  every  kind  are  looked  on  as  badges  of  slavery, "f  we 
shall  rather  join  some  of  the  ablest  writers  on  finance  of 

*  Walpole's  speech  is  given  at  length,  and  from  original  notes,  in 
Coxe's  Memoirs,  pp.  385—399.  It  began  at  nearly  one  o'clock,  and 
occupied  two  hours  and  a  quarter.  Mr.  Dclafaye  to  Earl  Walde- 
grave,  March  1 5.  1 733. 

f  ParL  Hist.  vol.  viii.  p.  1302. 


1733.  SIR   JOSEPH   JEKYLL.  163 

later  times  in  approving  the  main  principles  and  objects 
of  Walpole's  scheme.* 

Far  different  was  the  language  of  the  Opposition  of  the 
day.  In  answer  to  the  complaint  of  previous  misinter- 
pretation, Sir  John  Barnard  declared  it  "  such  a  scheme 
"as  cannot,  even  by  malice  itself,  be  represented  to  be 
"  worse  than  it  really  is ! "  Pulteney  assailed  it  with 
raillery.  "  It  puts  me  in  mind  of  Sir  Ephraim  Mammon 
"  in  the  Alchemist :  he  was  gulled  out  of  his  money  by 
"  fine  promises ;  he  was  promised  the  philosopher's  stone, 
"  by  which  he  was  to  get  mountains  of  gold,  and  every 
"  thing  else  he  could  desire,  but  all  ended  at  last  in  some 
"little  charm  for  curing  the  itch!"  The  eloquence  of 
Wyndham  was  more  solemn :  he  thundered  against  cor- 
rupt motives  and  impending  tyranny,  and  evoked  the 
shades  of  Empson  and  Dudley,  those  two  unworthy 
favourites  of  old  time.  "  But  what,"  he  added,  "  was 
"  their  fate  ?  They  had  the  misfortune  to  outlive  their 
"  master,  and  his  son,  as  soon  as  he  came  to  the  throne, 
"  took  off  both  their  heads ! " —  no  obscure  allusion  to 
Frederick  Prince  of  Wales,  who  was  then  present  under 
the  gallery. 

On  the  other  hand,  Walpole  was  ably  supported  by  Sir 
Philip  Yorke  the  Attorney-General,  who  had  already 
several  times  shone  in  debate,  and  was  gradually  rising 
into  one  of  the  greatest  lawyers  and  statesmen  that  this 
country  can  boast.  He  had  also  the  unexpected  aid  of 
Sir  Joseph  Jekyll,  Master  of  the  Rolls,  a  very  indifferent 
speaker,  and  somewhat  open  to  ridicule  in  his  dress  and 
deportment,  but  a  man  of  the  highest  benevolence  and 
probity.  Pope  has  summed  up  his  character  as  one 
"  who  never  changed  his  principle  or  wig."  In  his 
opinions,  he  had  that  sort  of  wavering  temper  which  is 
sometimes  applauded  as  independence,  sometimes  cen- 
sured as  indecision,  which  inclined  him  alternately  to 
each  side,  and  which  made  his  vote  on  any  impending 
question  utterly  uncertain.  In  this  case,  he  protested 
that  he  had  come  to  the  House  undetermined,  but  been 


*  See  especially  Smith's  Wealth  of  Nations,  vol.  iii.  p.  358.  ed. 
1784,  and  Sinclair's  History  of  the  Revenue,  part  til  p.  28. 

M  2 


164  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVI. 

convinced  by  the  powerful  arguments  of  \Valpole,  and  he 
accordingly  rose  to  speak  in  favour  of  the  scheme.* 

But  whichever  might  be  thought  the  most  eloquent  or 
the  most  reasonable,  there  could  be  no  doubt  which  was 
the  most  popular  side.  During  the  debate,  the  doors 
were  beset  by  immense  multitudes,  all  clamorous  against 
the  new  measure,  and  convened  partly,  perhaps,  by  the 
efforts  of  the  Opposition  f,  but  still  more  by  their  own 
belief  that  some  dreadful  evil  was  designed  them.  To 
this  concourse  Sir  Robert  referred  in  his  reply:  —  "Gen- 
"  tlemen  may  give  them  what  name  they  think  fit ;  it 
"may  be  said  that  they  came  hither  as  humble  suppli- 
"  cants,  but  I  know  whom  the  law  calls  STURDY  BEGGARS," 
—  a  most  unguarded  expression !  For  though  the  Mi- 
nister meant  it  only  to  denote  their  fierce  and  formidable 
clamours,  yet  it  was  ever  afterwards  flung  in  his  teeth  as 
though  he  had  wished  to  insult  the  poverty  of  the  people 
and  debar  their  right  of  petition ;  and  the  phrase  im- 
mediately became  the  war-whoop  of  the  opponents  to 
the  Bill. 

At  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  after  thirteen 
hours'  debate,  the  House  divided,  and  the  numbers  were 
found  to  be,  for  the  measure  266,  against  it  205 ;  —  a 
victory,  indeed,  for  the  Minister,  but  a  large  and  most 
alarming  increase  of  the  usual  minority  against  him. 
As  Sir  Robert  went  out  to  his  carriage  some  of  the 
"  sturdy  beggars,"  highly  exasperated,  seized  him  by  the 
cloak,  and  might  have  done  him  some  injury,  had  not 
Mr.  Pelham  interposed.^ 

Two  days  afterwards,  on  reporting  the  Resolutions 
carried  in  Committee,  the  debate  was  resumed  with  fresh 
vigour  on  the  part  of  the  Opposition.  Sir  John  Barnard 
made  a  most  able  practical  speech ;  and  Pulteney's  was 

*  Lord  Harrington  to  Lord  Essex,  March  15.  1733.  See 
Appendix. 

(•  "  To  my  certain  knowledge  some  very  odd  methods  were  used  to 
"  bring  such  multitudes  hither :  circular  letters  were  wrote  and  sent 

"  by  the  beadles  in  the  most  unprecedented  manner This 

"  I  am  certain  of,  because  I  have  now  one  of  those  letters  in  my 
"  pocket."  Walpole's  Speech  in  reply. 

J  An  erroneous  version  of  this  anecdote  in  Coxe's  Walpole  is  cor- 
rected by  himself  in  his  Memoirs  of  Pelham  (voL  i.  p.  10.);  yet  several 
writers  have  continued  to  follow  the  former. 


1733.  STRONG   POPULAR   FERMENT. 

distinguished  at  least  by  the  former  quality.  "I 
"  well  known,"  said  he,  "  that  every  one  of  the  pui 
"  offices  have  already  so  many  boroughs  or  corporation^ 
"which  they  look  on  as  their  properties.  There  are 
"  some  boroughs  which  may  be  called  Treasury  boroughs ; 
"  there  are  others  which  may  be  called  Admiralty  bo- 
" roughs;  in  short,  it  may  be  said  that  nearly  all  the 
"towns  upon  the  sea-coast  are  already  seized  on,  and, 
"  in  a  manner,  taken  prisoners  by  the  officers  of  the 
"  Crown  ;  in  most  of  them  they  have  so  great  an  influ- 
"  ence,  that  none  can  be  chosen  members  of  Parliament 
"  but  such  as  they  are  pleased  to  recommend.  But  as  the 
"  Customs  are  confined  to  our  sea-ports,  as  they  cannot 
"  travel  far  from  the  coast,  therefore  this  scheme  seems  to 
"  be  contrived  in  order  to  extend  the  laws  of  excise,  and 
"  thereby  to  extend  the  influence  of  the  Crown  over  all 
"the  inland  towns  and  corporations  in  England.  This 
"  seems  plainly  to  be  the  chief  design  of  the  scheme  now 
"  under  our  consideration,  and  if  it  succeeds,  —  which 
"  God  forbid  it  should,  —  I  do  not  know  but  some  of  us 
"  may  live  to  see  some  vain  over-grown  Minister  of  State 
"  driving  along  the  streets  with  six  members  of  Parlia- 
"  ment  behind  his  coach ! "  However,  in  spite  of  such 
judicious  predictions,  the  Resolutions  were  carried  by  the 
same  majority  as  before.  Several  other  debates  and  di- 
visions ensued  before  the  Bill  came  to  a  second  reading, 
but  the  majority  in  these  gradually  dwindled  from  sixty 
to  sixteen. 

During  this  time,  also,  the  popular  ferment  grew- 
higher  and  higher.  Petitions  poured  in  from  several 
large  towns.  The  Common  Council  of  London  indited 
the  most  violent  of  all,  under  the  guidance1  of  Alderman 
1'iM-lier,  a  noted  Jacobite,  who  had  been  Swift's  and 
Bolinghroke's  printer,  and  was  now  Lord  Mayor.  The 
instructions  sent  by  different  places  to  their  representa- 
tives to  oppose  the  Bill  were  collected  and  published 
together,  so  as  to  stir  and  diffuse  the  flame ;  and  the 
Minister  was  pelted  by  innumerable  other  pamphlets ; 
various  in  talent  but  all  equal  in  virulence.  "  The 
"  public,"  says  a  contemporary,  "  was  so  heated  with 
"  papers  and  pamphlets,  that  matters  rose  next  to  a 

M   3 


166  DISTORT   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVT. 

"  rebellion."*  One  or  two  extracts  will  show  the  pre- 
vailing spirit :  —  "I  remember  to  have  read  of  some 
"  state,  wherein  it  was  the  custom  that  if  any  one 
"  should  propose  a  new  law,  he  must  do  it  with  a  rope 
"  about  his  neck,  that  in  case  it  were  judged  prejudicial, 
"  he  might  very  fairly  be  hanged  up  for  his  pains  with- 
"  out  further  ceremony.  I  heartily  wish  that  law  had 
"  been  in  force  amongst  us."  f  — "  Philip  the  Second 
"  having  a  mind  to  settle  the  Inquisition  in  the  Seven- 
"  teen  Provinces,  as  he  already  had  in  Spain,  gave  Car- 
"  dinal  Granvelle  orders  to  establish  that  bloody  tribunal 
"  there  ;  and  the  people  making  some  resistance  against 
"  it,  the  Cardinal  was  guilty  of  such  inhuman  oppression, 
"  that  the  people  rose  as  one  man  under  the  command  of 
"  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  Counts  Egmont  and 
"  Horn  (to  whom  the  Cardinal  gave  the  name  of  GUEUX 
<(  or  Sturdy  Beggars),  and  they,  with  seas  of  blood,  infi- 
"  nite  expense,  and  consummate  bravery,  drove  out  their 
"  oppressors."! 

The  storm  thus  thickening  around  the  Court,  Queen 
Caroline  applied  in  great  anxiety  to  Lord  Scarborough, 
as  to  the  King's  personal  friend,  for  his  advice.  His 
answer  was,  that  the  Bill  must  be  relinquished.  "  I  will 
"  answer  for  my  regiment,"  he  added,  "  against  the  Pre- 
"  tender,  but  not  against  the  opposers  of  the  Excise." 
Tears  came  into  the  Queen's  eyes.  "Then,"  said  she, 
n  we  must  drop  it!"§ 

Sir  Robert,  on  his  part,  summoned  a  meeting  of  his 
friends  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  requested  their 
opinion.  The  general  sentiment  amongst  them  was  still 
to  persevere.  It  was  urged  that  all  taxes  were  obnoxi- 
ous, and  that  there  would  be  an  end  of  supplies  if  mobs 
were  to  control  the  legislature  in  the  manner  of  raising 
them.  Sir  Robert,  having  heard  every  one  first,  declared 
how  conscious  he  felt  of  having  meant  well ;  but  that,  in 
the  present  inflamed  temper  of  the  people",  the  Act  could 

*  Tindal's  Hist.  vol.  viii.  p.  172. 

f  The  Vintner  and  Tobacconist's  Advocate,  p.  1. 

j  A  Word  to  the  Freeholders  and  Burgesses  of  Great  Britain, 
p.  49.  On  the  Belgian  confederates  nick-named  Les  Gueux,  see  De 
Thou's  History,  lib.  xl.  vol.  v.  p.  216.  ed.  1734. 

§  Mate's  Life  of  Chesterfield,  p.  124. 


1733.  THE   EXCISE    BILL   DROPPED.  167 

not  be  carried  into  execution  without  an  armed  force  ; 
and  that  he  would  never  be  the  Minister  to  enforce  taxes 
at  the  expense  of  blood.  * 

The  voice  of  moderation  having  thus  prevailed,  when 
on  the  llth  of  April,  there  came  on  the  Order  of  the  Day 
for  the  second  reading,  Walpole  rose,  and  moved  that  it 
should  be  postponed  for  two  months ;  and  thus  the  whole 
measure  was  dropped.  The  Opposition  were  scarcely 
satisfied  with  this  hard-won  victory,  and  wished  to  reject 
the  Bill  with  the  brand  of  their  aversion  upon  it ;  but  the 
general  sense  of  the  House  was  so  evidently  against  the 
suggestion,  that  it  was  not  pressed,  nor  even  openly  pro- 
posed. Throughout  England,  however,  the  news  was 
hailed  with  unmixed  pleasure,  and  celebrated  with 
national  rejoicings.  The  Monument  was  illuminated  in 
London  ;  bonfires  without  number  blazed  through  the 
country  ;  the  Minister  was,  in  many  places,  burnt  in 
effigy  amidst  loud  acclamations  of  the  mob ;  any  of  his 
friends  that  came  in  their  way  were  roughly  handled  ; 
and  cockades  were  eagerly  assumed  with  the  inscription 

LIBERTY,    PROPERTY,    AND    NO    EXCISE!        But    amidst    the 

general  joy  their  ill-humour  against  the  Minister  gra- 
dually evaporated,  or  rather  spent  itself  by  its  own  force  ; 
and  their  loyalty  was  immediately  afterwards  confirmed 
and  quickened  by  the  welcome  intelligence  that  the 
Princess  Anne,  the  King's  eldest  daughter,  was  espoused 
to  the  young  Prince  of  Orange.  Walpole  congratulated 
himself  on  this  new  turn  given  to  the  public  feeling,  and 
determined  to  run  no  risk  of  stirring  it  once  more  against 
him.  It  was  indeed  his  favourite  maxim  at  all  times,  as 
his  son  assures  us,  QUIETA  NE  MOVEAS1—  a  maxim  bad 
und»T  a  bad  constitution,  but  surely  good  under  a  good 
one  —  a  maxim  to  be  shunned  at  Milan,  to  be  followed 
in  London.  When,  in  the  next  Session,  Pulteney  in- 
sinuated that  the  Excise  scheme  was  to  be  revived,  "  As 
"  to  the  wicked  scheme,"  said  Walpole,  "  as  the  honour- 
"  able  gentleman  was  pleased  to  call  it,  which  he  would 
"  persuade  us  is  not  yet  laid  aside,  I,  for  my  own  part, 
"  can  assure  this  House  I  am  not  so  mad  as  ever  again  to 

*  ThLs  meeting  is  recorded  by  the  respectable  authority  of  Mr. 
White,  M.P.  for  Kctfonl,  a  supporter  of  Sir  Robert.  (Coxc's  Wal- 
pole, vol.  L  p.  404.) 

x  4 


168  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVI. 

"  engage  in  any  thing  that  looks  like  an  Excise,  though, 
"  in  my  own  private  opinion,  I  still  think  it  was  a 
"  scheme  that  would  have  tended  very  much  to  the 
"  interests  of  the  nation."  *  It  is  very  remarkable,  how- 
ever, that,  after  his  time,  some  of  the  least  popular  clauses 
of  the  Excise  scheme  were  enacted,  and  that  there  was  no 
renewal  of  clamour,  because  there  was  a  change  of  title. 
So  little  do  things  weigh  with  the  multitude,  and  names 
so  much ! 

The  conduct  of  Walpole  in  relinquishing,  and  declar- 
ing that  he  would  never  renew,  his  scheme,  though  it 
has  not  escaped  censure  in  present  times  f,  seems,  on  the 
contrary,  highly  deserving  of  praise.  It  is  true  that  he 
might  still  possess  the  power  to  carry  the  Bill  by  a  small 
majority.  It  is  true  that  the  Bill  would  have  been  bene- 
ficial to  the  people.  But  to  strive  for  the  people's  good 
in  the  very  face  of  all  their  wishes  and  opinions,  is  a 
policy  doubtful  even  in  despotic  governments,  but  sub- 
versive of  a  free  one. — The  next  step  of  Walpole,  how- 
ever, is  by  no  means  to  be  approved.  It  was  to  seek  out, 
and  to  punish,  the  murmurers  in  his  own  Cabinet.  Surely, 
having  yielded  to  the  repugnance  of  the  nation,  Walpole 
might  have  forgiven  the  repugnance  of  his  colleagues. 
Was  it  just  that  vengeance  should  survive  when  the 
scheme  itself  had  fallen ;  or  was  it  wise  to  thrust  out 
statesmen  into  opposition,  with  the  popular  words  NO  EX- 
CISE inscribed  upon  their  banners  ? 

Walpole  found  that  a  knot  of  powerful  Peers,  holding 
offices  under  the  Crown,  had,  some  whispered,  others 
openly  avowed,  their  dislike  to  the  Excise  Bill.  At  their 
head  was  Chesterfield,  who  had  greatly  risen  in  public 
favour,  from  the  skill  and  the  success  of  his  Dutch 
negotiations.  "  I  shall  come  over,"  he  writes  from  the 
Hague,  "  well  prepared  to  suffer  with  patience,  for  I  am 
"  now  in  the  school  of  patience,  here ;  and  I  find  treating 
"  with  about  two  hundred  sovereigns  of  different  tempers 
"  and  professions,  is  as  laborious  as  treating  with  one 

*  Purl.  Hist.  vol.  ix.  p.  254.  An  attempt  was  made  that  year  to 
celebrate  the  anniversary  of  the  1 1th  of  April,  with  fresh  bonfires  and 
rejoicings,  but  it  seems  to  have  only  succeeded  in  London.  See 
Beyer's  Polit.  State,  vol.  xlvii.  p.  437. 

f  Edinburgh  Review,  No.  cxvii.  p.  245. 


1733.  LOUD    CHESTERFIELD.  169 

"  fine  woman,  who  is  at  least  of  two  hundred  minds  ia 
"  one  day ! "  *  On  his  return,  Chesterfield  became  Lord 
Steward  of  the  Household,  and  in  Parliament,  a  frequent 
and  admired  speaker ;  but  did  not  display  all  the  patience 
he  had  promised,  when  he  found  the  whole  power  of  the 
state  monopolised  by  Walpole.  The  Excise  scheme  ap- 
peared a  favourable  opportunity  for  Chesterfield  to  claim 
a  share.  His  three  brothers  in  the  House  of  Commons 
voted  against  the  Bill,  and  some  sarcasms  upon  it  were 
ascribed  to  himself.  Yet  it  was  generally  thought  by  the 
public  that  the  Minister  would  scarcely  choose  to  dis- 
miss abruptly  a  man  of  so  much  ability  and  influence ; 
and  it  was  even  doubted,  whether  the  King's  confidence 
in  Walpole  still  stood  unimpaired.  The  public  was  soon 
undeceived.  The  Bill  had  been  dropped  on  the  llth 
of  April ;  on  the  13th,  as  Chesterfield  was  going  up  the 
great  staircase  of  St.  James's  Palace,  he  was  stopped  by 
an  attendant,  and  summoned  home  to  surrender  the 
White  Stan0.!  At  the  same  time  were  dismissed,  as 
being  leagued  with  him,  Lord  Clinton,  a  Lord  of  the 
Bedchamber,  the  Earl  of  Burlington,  Captain  of  the  Band 
of  Pensioners,  and  three  northern  Peers,  who  enjoyed 
lucrative  sinecures  in  Scotland,  the  Duke  of  Montrose 
and  the  Earls  of  Marchmont  and  Stair.  Nay,  more  ;  the 
Duke  of  Bolton  and  Lord  Cobham,  holding  not  offices  in 
the  Court,  but  commissions  in  the  army,  were  deprived  of 
their  regiments  on  no  other  ground,  and  by  an  unjustifi- 
able stretch  of  the  prerogative.  Thus  was  the  King's 
unabated  regard  for  his  Minister  declared  ;  but  thus  also 
Av;is  the  Opposition  most  strongly  reinforced,  and  a  new 
and  real  grievance  afforded  for  their  declamations. 

To  stem  in  some  degree  the  formidable  attacks  that 
might  now  be  expected  in  the  Upper  House,  Walpolo 
determined  to  send  there  two  of  his  most  eminent  com- 
moners, the  Attorney  and  the  Solicitor  General.  The 
former  became  Lord  Chief  Justice,  with  the  title  of 
Hardwicke,  the  latter,  Lord  Chancellor,  with  the  title 
of  Talbot.  Of  Lord  Hardwicke  I  shall  have  often  to 

•  Lord  Chesterfield  to  Dr.  Arbuthnot,  April  20.  1731:  from  Dr. 
Hunter's  MS.  collection. 
f  Maty's  Life,  p.  125. 


170  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVI. 

speak  hereafter.  Lord  Talbot  is  less  conspicuous  in 
history,  only  because  he  was  more  brief  in  life ;  he  died, 
but  three  years  afterwards,  at  the  age  of  fifty-two ;  and, 
even  amidst  the  strife  of  parties,  was  universally  lamented 
as  a  man  of  the  highest  legal  talents,  of  irreproachable 
character,  and  most  winning  gentleness  of  manners. 

The  year  1733  is  also  remarkable  for  the  kindling  of  a 
new  war,  in  which,  however,  England  took  no  part,  and 
of  which,  therefore,  a  slight  sketch  will  be  sufficient  for 
my  object.  Augustus  the  Second,  King  of  Poland  and 
Elector  of  Saxony,  having  died  in  February,  his  king- 
dom was  immediately  exposed  to  the  usual  evils  of  an 
elective  monarchy.  One  faction  called  to  the  throne 
King  Stanislaus,  who  had  already  reigned  over  them ; 
another  proclaimed  Augustus,  son  of  the  late  sovereign. 
The  former  was  supported  by  his  son-in-law  the  King  of 
France,  the  other  by  the  Emperor  Charles  and  the 
Czarina  Anne  of  Russia.  Stanislaus  set  out  from  France 
in  disguise,  attended  only  by  a  single  officer,  and,  after  a 
series  of  romantic  adventures,  arrived  safe  at  Warsaw, 
and  was  again  hailed  the  rightful  King  of  Poland.  He 
had  certainly  on  his  side  the  greater  part  of  the  nation  ; 
but  a  large  Russian  army  entering  Lithuania  carried 
every  thing  in  favour  of  his  rival.  Stanislaus  was  com- 
pelled to  shut  himself  up  in  Dantzick,  where  he  Avas  be- 
sieged by  the  Russian  and  Saxon  troops,  and  from  whence 
he  made  his  escape  with  great  difficulty,  while  the  re- 
mainder of  Poland  submitting  to  the  conqueror  proclaimed 
King  Augustus  the  Third. 

The  Emperor  had  been  withheld  from  taking  any 
direct  part  in  this  struggle  by  the  remonstrances  of  Wai- 
pole  ;  but,  in  spite  of  that  prudent  and  pacific  Minister, 
he  had  so  warmly,  though  indirectly,  befriended  Au- 
gustus, as  to  become  involved  in  a  war  with  France  and 
Spain.  The  great  object,  at  this  time,  of  the  Queen  of 
Spain  (the  King  I  need  scarcely  mention)  was  to  obtain 
a  Crown  for  her  son,  Don  Carlos.  This  young  Prince 
was  already  Duke  of  Parma,  having  been  brought  over 
two  years  before,  with  the  convoy  of  an  English  fleet,  on 
the  death  of  the  last  Duke  ;  and  though  his  accession  was 
for  some  months  delayed  by  the  Duchess-Dowager  de- 
claring herself  to  be  pregnant,  she  at  length  admitted  her 


1734.  CAMPAIGN    IN    ITALY.  171 

hopes  to  be  groundless,  and  Don  Carlos  was  installed.  * 
It  was  now  contemplated  by  the  Spanish  Court  to  seize 
this  opportunity  of  making  him  King  of  Naples  ;  and 
Fleury  having  been  reluctantly  drawn  into  hostilities,  was 
induced  to  co-operate  in  this  design. 

Spain  and  France,  thus  agreed,  obtained  the  assistance 
of  the  King  of  Sardinia  at  the  very  time  when  he  was 
promising  it  at  the  Court  of  Vienna ;  and  their  united 
armies,  suddenly  bursting  into  the  Milanese,  overran  the 
whole  of  Austrian  Lombardy.f  Charles,  on  his  part, 
found  himself  almost  without  allies.  Russia,  having  se- 
cured her  own  objects,  quietly  withdrew  from  the  quarrel. 
Denmark  was  insignificant ;  Holland  timorous  ;  and  the 
Government  of  England,  embarrassed  by  the  approach  of 
a  general  election,  was  less  than  ever  inclined  to  plunge 
into  foreign  war. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  campaign  of  1734  was 
any  thing  but  favourable  to  Charles,  either  in  Italy  or  on 
the  Rhine.  At  the  battle  of  La  Crocetta,  near  Parma, 
the  Austrians  lost  several  thousand  men,  and  their  com- 
mander, Count  Mercy.  A  Spanish  army  assembling  in 
Tuscany,  under  the  Duke  de  Montemar,  marched  with 
Don  Carlos  to  the  conquest  of  Naples,  where  the  Impe- 
rial troops  were  too  few  for  effectual  resistance,  and 
where  the  natives,  as  usual,  remained  passive  in  the 
struggle.  Montemar  entered  the  capital  without  striking 
a  blow,  and  afterwards  completed  his  conquest  by  a  vic- 
tory at  Bitonto,  near  Bari.  Capua  and  Gaeta,  into  which 
the  best  Austrian  troops  had  thrown  themselves,  surren- 
dered to  him  after  a  protracted  siege ;  Sicily,  almost 
without  opposition,  yielded  to  his  arms,  and  the  young 
Spanish  Prince  was  crowned  King,  under  the  title  of 
Charles  the  Third  —  the  same  with  which,  on  the  death 
of  his  brother,  in  1759,  he  succeeded  to  the  throne  of 
Spain.J 

*  See  Boyer's  Polit.  State,  voL  xlii.  p.  321.  and  407.  The 
English  Admiral  was  Sir  Charles  Wager. 

1  Muratori,  Annal.  d'ltal.  vol.  xii.  p.  189. 

J  Ibid.,  p.  205—209.  He  adds,  "  Fra  tanti  soldati  fatti  prigioneri 
"  ne  i  Regni  di  Napoli  e  Sicilia,  la  maggior  pane  de  gli  Italian!,  ed 
"  anchc  molte  Tcdeschi  si  arrolarono  nclF  esercito  Spagnuolo."  See 
also  Campo  Raso  Coment.  roL  ii.  p.  66 — 116. 


172  HisTcmr  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  xvi. 

On  the  Rhine,  the  Emperor  had  called  from  his  retire- 
ment, and  placed  at  the  head  of  his  army,  that  great 
General  who  had  already  humbled  France  and  rivalled 
Maryborough.  But  even  the  genius  of  Eugene  could  not 
cope  with  the  superior  numbers  opposed  to  him.  He 
saw  the  French,  who  had  crossed  the  Rhine  under  Mar- 
shal Berwick,  invest  and  attack  Philipsburg  without 
being  able  to  make  an  effort  for  its  relief.  The  siege 
was  still  proceeding  when  the  French  sustained  a  loss 
which  the  gain  of  no  fortress  could  compensate,  —  their 
illustrious  commander,  Berwick,  was  killed  by  a  cannon- 
ball.  He  died  at  nearly  the  same  place,  and  in  nearly 
the  same  manner,  as  the  instructor  in  arms  of  his  father, 
Marshal  Turenne.  "I  have  seen  at  a  distance,"  says 
Montesquieu,  "  in  the  works  of  Plutarch,  what  great  men 
"  were,  in  Marshal  Berwick  I  have  seen  what  they  are!" 
He  left,  indeed,  behind  him  a  most  brilliant  military  re- 
putation ;  and  though  his  whole  career  was  passed  in  the 
service  of  France,  yet  may  England,  as  his  birthplace, 
and  as  his  father's  kingdom,  claim  some  share  of  his  glory 
as  hers,  and  while  she  deplores  the  defeat  of  her  arms  at 
Almanza,  proudly  remember  that  the  blow  was  struck  by 
an  English  hand. 

Berwick  was  sixty-four  at  the  period  of  his  death.  Of 
late  years  he  had  wholly  detached  himself  from  the  inter- 
est of  his  brother,  the  Pretender,  who,  so  early  as  1715, 
had  been  weak  enough  to  treat  him  with  coldness  and  sus- 
picion.* In  1727  he  had  even  hinted  to  the  English  am- 
bassador his  wish  to  visit  England  and  pay  his  respects 
to  George  the  First  f,  but  the  visit  was  never  paid.  He 
always  remained,  however,  the  warm  friend  and  patron 
of  the  exiled  Irishmen  who  had  entered  the  French  ser- 
vice. Once  it  is  recorded  of  him,  that  Louis  the  Four- 
teenth having  become  weary  of  his  applications  for  his 
countrymen,  and  saying,  "  I  have  more  trouble  with  that 
"  Irish  Legion  than  with  all  the  armies  of  France  ! " — 
"  Sir,"  immediately  answered  Berwick,  "  your  enemies 
"  make  the  very  same  complaint."  } 

*  Appendix,  vol.  i.  p.  xxxii. 

t  Horace  Walpole  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  April  28.  1727. 
Coxe's  Lord  Walpole  of  Wolterton. 

J  See  Wolfe  Tone's  Life,  vol.  iL  p.  574.  American  ed. 


1734.  CAMPAIGN   ON   THE   RHINE.  173 

Berwick  was  succeeded  in  his  command  by  the  Mar- 
quis d'Asfeld,  the  same  who  had  formerly  served  under 
him  in  Spain,  and  had  there  displayed  two  qualities  not 
often  found  together,  great  courage  and  great  cruelty.* 
Philipsburg  was  taken  ;  but  the  skill  of  Eugene  curbed 
any  further  progress,  and  he  ended  the  campaign  in  safety 
at  last,  if  not  in  triumph.  This  was  almost  his  last  mili- 
tary service :  he  died  at  Vienna  two  years  afterwards, 
full  of  years  and  of  honours.! 

The  state  of  foreign  affairs,  and  the  "lamentable  and 
"  calamitous  situation,"  for  so  it  was  termed,  "  of  Eng- 
"  land,"J  were  a  fruitful  theme  of  declamation  when 
Parliament  again  met  in  January,  1734.  It  was  the  last 
Session  under  the  Septennial  Act,  and  the  patriots  ac- 
cordingly strained  every  nerve  to  gain  the  popular  favour, 
and  to  heap  imputations  upon  their  adversaries.  From 
external  policy  they  passed  to  events  at  home ;  they  en- 
deavoured to  revive  the  clamours  about  the  Excise,  and 
justly  inveighed  against  the  tyrannical  dismissal  of  the 
Duke  of  Bolton  and  Lord  Cobham  from  their  regiments. 
It  was  in  allusion  to  them  that  Lord  Morpeth,  in  Com- 
mittee on  the  Mutiny  Bill,  brought  forward  a  motion 
"  For  the  better  securing  the  Constitution,  to  prevent 
"  officers,  not  above  the  rank  of  Colonels,  from  being  re- 
"  moved  unless  by  a  Court  Martial  or  by  address  of  either 
"  House  of  Parliament."  A  warm  debate  ensued,  main- 
tained with  especial  ability  by  Pulteney.  "  We  know," 
said  he,  "  that  the  late  King  William  was  once  applied  to 
"  by  some  of  his  Ministers  to  remove  an  officer  of  his 
"  army  because  of  a  vote  he  had  given  in  this  House, 
"  but  that  Prince,  like  a  great  and  wise  King,  answered : 
"  — I  suppose  the  gentleman  voted  according  to  what  ap- 
"  pcared  to  him  just  and  right  at  that  time ;  I  know  him 
"  to  be  a  brave  and  a  good  officer,  and  one  who  has  always 
"  done  his  duty  in  his  military  capacity  ;  I  have  nothing 

*  San  Phelipe  Coment.  vol.  i.  p.  266. 

f  "  When  Prince  Eugene's  servants  went  into  his  chamber  this 
"  morning,  they  found  him  extinguished  in  his  bed  like  a  taper.  He 
"  dined  yesterday  as  usual,  and  played  cards  at  night  with  his  ordinary 
"  company."  Mr.  liobinson  to  Lord  Harrington,  April  21.  1737. 
Coxe's  House  of  Austria. 

J  Pultcney's  Speech,  January  23.  1734. 


174  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVI. 

K  to  do  with  his  behaviour  in  Parliament,  and  therefore 

"  will  not  remove  him  from  his  command  in  the  army. — 

'  His  late  Majesty  was  so  sensible  of  the  necessity  of 

'  what  is  now  proposed,  that  he  approved  of  a  Bill  of 

'  this  very  nature ;  the  Bill  was  actually  drawn  up,  and 

'  was  to  have  been  brought  into  the  other  House  by  the 

'  late  Earl  Stanhope :  this  I  know  to  be  true.     I  do  not 

'  know  how  it  was  prevented,  but  I  know  that  his  late 

'  Majesty  cheerfully  gave  his  consent  for  the  bringing  it 

'  into  Parliament."*     Yet  neither  the  eloquence  of  Pul- 

teney  as  a  speaker,  nor  his  authority  as  the  late  Secretary 

at  War,  could  prevail ;  so  far  from  it  that  he  and  his  party 

thought  it  prudent  to  shrink  from  a  division. 

In  the  Lords,  a  Bill  for  the  same  object  was  brought 
in  by  Marlborough,  a  great  name  on  all  questions,  but 
especially  on  such  as  this.  The  young  Duke  of  Marl- 
borough  was  the  young  Earl  of  Sunderland,  and  had 
succeeded  to  the  former  title,  according  to  the  limitations 
of  the  patent,  in  1733,  on  the  death  of  Marlborough's 
eldest  daughter,  Lady  Godolphin.f  A  most  brilliant 
speech  for  the  Bill  was  made  by  Chesterfield,  and  "  the 
"  House,"  says  a  contemporary,  "  was  charmed  but  not 
"convinced^;  for,  on  dividing,  49  Peers  present  voted 
"  for  the  motion,  but  78  against  it."  The  Duke  of  Ar- 
gyle,  who  supported  the  Ministry,  reflected  with  much 
severity  on  the  Duke  of  Bolton's  want  of  service  ;  "  it  is 
"  true,"  said  he,  "  there  have  been  two  Lords  removed, 
"  but  only  one  soldier !" 

But  the  great  onset  of  the  patriots  was  made  for  the 
repeal  of  the  Septennial  Act,  a  question  well  fitted  to 
embarrass  the  Minister  and  please  the  mob,  and  which 
would  huve  been  urged  at  an  earlier  period  had  it  not 
threatened  a  breach  between  the  Tories  and  the  Whigs 
in  opposition.  Many  of  tlie  latter  —  Pulteney  above  all 
—  had  supported  the  Septennial  Act  in  1716,  and  were 

*  Parl.  Hist.  vol.  ix.  p.  132. 

t  Coxe's  Marlborough,  vol.  vi.  p.  390.  The  young  Duke  after- 
wards joined  the  Court  party  at  the  persuasion  of  Henry  Fox. 
"There,"  said  the  old  Duchess  Sarah,  pointing  to  him  one  day, 
"  is  the  fox  that  has  stolen  my  goose!  "  II.  Walpole's  Works,  vol.  iv. 
p.  315. 

J  Tindal's  Hist.  vol.  viii.  p.  223. 


1731.  THE    SEPTENNIAL    ACT.  175 

unwilling  to  incur  the  charge  of  inconsistency  by  now 
demanding  its  repeal.  The  skill  of  Bolingbroke,  how- 
ever, discerned  the  value  of  this  topic  as  an  engine  of 
faction,  and  surmounted  every  obstacle  to  its  immediate 
application :  he  urged  Sir  William  Wyndham  and  his 
party  to  persist ;  he  used  his  own  influence  and  theirs 
over  Pulteney,  and  at  length  prevailed.  In  fact,  though 
Bolingbroke  seldom  comes  before  the  historian  at  this 
period  —  though  his  persuasive  voice  was  hushed  in  the 
senate  —  though  his  powerful  pen  was  veiled  beneath 
another  name  —  yet  his  was  the  hand,  mighty  though 
unseen,  which  directed  all  the  secret  springs  of  Oppo- 
sition, and  moved  the  political  puppets  to  his  will.  Nor 
let  us  condemn  them.  So  eloquent  his  language,  that  it 
almost  wins  us  to  his  sentiments.  When  he  thunders 
against  "  all  standing  armies  for  whatsoever  purpose  in- 
"  stituted,  or  in  whatsoever  habit  clothed — those  casuists 
"  in  red,  who,  having  swords  by  their  sides,  are  able  at 
"  once  to  cut  those  Gordian  knots  which  others  must  untie 
"by  degrees"*  —  who  would  still  remember  the  necessity 
of  national  defence  ?  Or  who  would  suspect  the  many 
frailties  of  one  who  declares  "no  life  should  admit  the 
"  abuse  of  pleasures  ;  the  least  are  consistent  with  a  con- 
"stant  discharge  of  our  public  duty,  the  greatest  arise 
"from  it! "| 

The  attack  on  the  Septennial  Act  took  place  on  the 
13th  of  March,  being  moved  by  Mr.  Bromley,  son  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  under  Queen  Anne,  and  seconded  by 
Sir  John  St.  Aubyn.  The  Whigs,  in  general,  shrunk 
from  speaking  on  this  question,  and  even  Pulteney  was 
short  and  embarrassed.  But  the  harangue  of  Wyndham 
was  applauded,  and  not  undeservedly,  as  a  masterpiece  of 
eloquence  and  energy,  and  could  only  be  rivalled  by  the 
splendid  reply  of  Walpole  which  concluded  the  debate. 
I  shall  not  weary  the  reader  with  any  quotation  of  argu- 
ments which  he  may  still  so  often  hear  re-echoed  from 
the  hustings  or  the  House ;  I  shall  merely  observe,  that 
a  large  minority  (184  against  247)  supported  the  repeal 
of  the  Act,  and  that  Walpole,  stung  by  the  many  taunts 

*  Oldcastlc's  Remarks  on  the  History  of  England,  Letter  viii. 
f  On  the  Spirit  of  Patriotism. 


176  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVI. 

and  insinuations  thrown  out  against  him,  retorted  in  his 
speech  with  infinite  spirit  and  readiness ;  and  denounced 
Bolingbroke,  in  no  very  covert  terms,  as  the  real  head  of 
the  faction  leagued  against  him.  "  When  gentlemen 
"  talk  so  much  of  wicked  Ministers  —  domineering  Mi- 
"  nisters  —  Ministers  pluming  themselves  in  defiances 
"  —  Ministers  abandoned  by  all  sense  of  virtue  or  honour 
"  —  other  gentlemen  may  I  am  sure,  with  equal  right, 
"  and  I  think  more  justly,  speak  of  anti-Ministers  and 
"  mock-patriots,  who  never  had  either  virtue  or  honour, 
"  and  are  actuated  only  by  motives  of  envy  and  resent- 

"  ment Let  me,  too,   suppose  an  anti-Minister 

"  who  thinks  himself  a  person  of  so  great  and  extensive 
"  parts,  and  so  many  eminent  qualifications,  that  he  looks 
"upon  himself  as  the  only  person  in  the  kingdom  ca- 
pable  to   conduct    the    public    affairs,    and    therefore 
"  christening  every  other  gentleman  who  has  the  honour 
"to  be  employed  by  the  name  of  Blunderer!     Suppose 
"  this  fine  gentleman  lucky  enough  to  have  gained  over 
"  to  his  party  some  persons  really  of  fine  parts,  of  ancient 
"  families,   of  great   fortunes ;  and  others  of  desperate 
views,  arising  from  disappointed  and  malicious  hearts ; 
'  all  these  gentlemen,  with  respect  to  their  political  be- 
'  haviour,  moved  by  him,  and  by  him  solely,  all  they  say, 
'either  in  private  or  public,  being  only  a  repetition  of 
'the  words  he  has  put  into  their  mouths,  and  a  spitting 
'  out  that  venom  which  he  has  infused  into  them ;  and 
'  yet  we  may  suppose  this  leader  not  really  liked  by  any, 
'  even  of  those  who  so  blindly  follow  him,  and  hated  by 
all  the  rest  of  mankind.     We  will  suppose  this  anti- 
'  Minister  to  be  in  a  country  where  he  really  ought  not  to 
'be,  and  where  he  could  not  have  been  but  by  the  effect 
'  of  too  much  goodness  and  mercy,  yet  endeavouring  with 
'all  his  might  and  all  his  art,  to  destroy  the  fountain 
'  from  whence  that  mercy  flowed.     In  that  country,  sup- 
'  pose  him  continually  contracting  friendships  and  fami- 
liarities with  the  ambassadors  of  those  Princes  who,  at 
'  the  time,  happen  to  be  most  at  enmity  with  his  own : 
'  and  if,  at  any  time,  it  should  happen  to  be  for  the  in- 
'terest  of  any  of  those  foreign  Ministers  to  have  a  secret 
'revealed  to  them,  which  might  be  highly  prejudicial  to 
"  his  native  country,  suppose  this  foreign  Minister  apply- 


1734.  THE  GENERAL  ELECTION.  177 

"  ing  to  him,  and  he  answering,  I  will  get  it  you ;  tell 
*'  me  but  what  you  want  I  will  endeavour  to  procure 
"  it  for  you  upon  this  he  puts  a  speech  or  two  in 
''the  mouth  of  some  of  his  creatures,  or  new  converts, 

"and  what  he  wants  is  moved  for  in  Parliament 

"  Let  us  further  suppose  this  anti-Minister  to  have  tra- 
"  veiled,  and  at  every  Court  where  he  was  thinking  him- 
"self  the  greatest  Minister,  and  making  it  his  trade 
"  to  reveal  the  secrets  of  every  Court  where  he  had  be- 
"fore  been,  void  of  all  faith  or  honour,  and  betraying 
"  every  master  he  ever  served !  "  —  How  must  Pulteney 
and  Wyndham  have  quailed  before  this  terrible  invec- 
tive !  How  must  it  have  wrung  the  haughty  soul  of  St. 
John  ! 

These  Parliamentary  skirmishes  were  the  precursors 
of  the  great  Electoral  battle.  It  was  fought,  in  little 
more  than  a  month  afterwards,  with  the  utmost  acrimony 
on  both  sides.  Sir  Robert  himself  made  great  exertions, 
and  is  said,  on  very  good  authority  (his  friend  Mr. 
Etough's),  to  have  spent  no  less  than  60,000/.  from  his 
private  fortune,  which  by  this  time  had  far  outgrown  its 
original  bounds  of  2000/.  a  year.  Still  more  active,  if 
possible,  were  the  Opposition ;  they  felt  sanguine  of 
a  majority  in  their  favour,  while  Walpole,  on  the  other 
hand,  expected  his  former  numbers.  Neither  party  suc- 
ceeded altogether  to  their  wish  ;  a  majority  was  obtained 
for  the  Minister,  but  by  no  means  so  large  as  at  the  last 
election.  He  still  maintained  his  popularity  in  many 
places,  his  influence  in  many  others  ;  but  the  tide  was 
every  where  upon  the  ebb,  and  in  several  counties  flowed 
against  him.  The  Excise  scheme  still  rankled  in  many 
minds  ;  the  standing  army,  or  the  Septennial  Act,  served 
likewise  for  a  popular  cry ;  and  the  Deace  of  England, 
while  all  was  war  upon  the  Continent,  instead  of  being 
hailed  with  praise,  was  branded  as  "tame  tranquillity;'* 
as  an  infamous  dereliction  of  our  old  allies.  In  Scotland, 
Walpole's  chief  manager,  Lord  Isla,  had  become  disliked, 
and  several,  even  of  the  Whigs,  joined  in  a  complaint  of 
undue  influence  in  the  election  of  the  Sixteen  Peers. 
"  On  the  whole,"  writes  Newcastle,  "  our  Parliament  is, 
"  I  think,  a  good  one ;  but  by  no  means  such  a  one  as  the 
"  Queen  and  Sir  Robert  imagine.  It  will  require  grout 

VOL.  II.  N 


178  .HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVI. 

"  care,  attention,  and  management,  to  set  out  right,  and 
"  to  keep  people  in  good  humour."  * 

Yet  when  the  new  Parliament  met,  in  January,  1735, 
it  appeared  that  the  majority,  though  smaller,  was  quite 
as  sure  and  steady  as  before ;  and  the  Opposition,  after  a 
few  trials,  lost  hope  and  courage,  and  for  a  while  again 
flagged  in  their  exertions.  The  chief  sign  of  their  de- 
spondency, at  this  period,  was  the  resolution  of  Boling- 
broke to  withdraw  from  England  —  a  resolution  which 
Mr.  Coxe,  without  any  proof,  and,  as  I  think,  without 
any  probability,  ascribes  to  the  philippic  of  Walpole.f 
The  speech  of  the  Minister,  be  it  observed,  was  delivered 
a  year  before  the  departure  of  his  rival.  But  the  fiery 
and  restless  spirit  of  St.  John  had  long  pined  at  playing 
an  inferior  part  —  at  being  shut  out  from  the  great  Par- 
liamentary arena  —  at  merely  writing  where  he  should 
have  spoken,  and  advising  what  he  ought  to  have 
achieved.  Till  lately  he  had  been  buoyed  up  with  visions 
of  victory,  and  was  willing  to  labour  and  to  bear ;  but 
now  the  result  of  the  General  Election  dashed  his  hopes 
from  the  people,  while  the  retirement  of  Lady  Suffolk,  at 
nearly  the  same  moment,  destroyed  his  expectations  from 
the  Court.  Under  these  circumstances,  veiling  his  mor- 
tification under  the  name  of  philosophy,  he  sought  the  de- 
licious retreat  of  Chanteloup,  in  Touraine  J,  and  the 
enjoyment  of  literary  leisure.  "  My  part  is  over,"  said 
he,  "  and  he  who  remains  on  the  stage  after  his  part  is 
"  over  deserves  to  be  hissed  off.  ....  I  thought  it  my  duty 
"  not  to  decline  the  service  of  my  party  till  the  party 
"  itself  either  succeeded  or  despaired  of  success.  It  is  a 

*  Duke  of  Newcastle  to  Horace  Walpole,  May  24.  1734. 

f  Memoirs,  p.  426. 

j  Chanteloup  was  built  by  Aubigny,  the  favourite  of  Princess 
Orsini,  under  her  directions,  and  with  a  view  to  her  future  residence, 
(St.  Simon,  Mem.  vol.  x.  p.  97.  ed.  1829.)  Delille  calls  it  in  Lea 
Jardins, 

"  Chanteloup,  fier  encore  de  1'exil  de  son  maitre  ! " 

which  might  have  been  applied  to  Bolingbroke  more  justly  than  to 
Choiseul.  —  Bolingbroke  had  also  another  smaller  Chateau  near  Fon- 
tainehleau,  of  which  a  most  spirited  description  is  given  by  the  accom- 
plished and  high-minded  author  of  Tremaine.  (De  Vere,  voL  iii. 
p.  188—208.) 


1735.      BOLINGBROKE  RETIRES  TO  FRANCE.        179 

'  satisfaction  to  me,  that  I  have  fulfilled  this  duty,  and 
'  had  my  share  in  the  last  struggle  that  will  be  made, 
'  perhaps,  to  preserve  a  Constitution  which  is  almost  de- 

'  stroyed I  fear  nothing  from  those  I  have  opposed ; 

'  I  ask  nothing  from  those  I  have  served."  * 

Yet  although  the  motives  I  have  mentioned  for  Boling- 
broke's  departure  seem  fully  sufficient  to  account  for  it, 
there  is  reason  to  suspect  that  they  were  not  the  only 
ones.  We  have  vague  hints  of  some  disagreement  be- 
tween him  and  Pulteney,  who,  it  is  said,  advised  him  to 
withdraw  for  the  good  of  their  party.  It  is  not  impro- 
bable that  the  cabals  with  foreign  Ministers,  in  which 
Bolingbroke  had  engaged,  and  to  which  Walpole  had 
alluded,  may  have  been  pushed  so  far  as,  at  length,  to 
disgust  the  Whigs  in  opposition,  and  turn  them  from 
their  plotting  leader.  A  letter,  soon  afterwards,  from 
Swift  to  Pope,  might  have  thrown  great  light  on  these 
suspicions ;  but  it  has  been  suppressed  in  the  correspond- 
ence, and  is  only  known  to  us  by  Pope's  reply,  f  Boling- 
broke himself,  in  a  letter  of  1739,  alludes  to  some  persons 
in  opposition,  who  "  think  my  name,  and,  much  more,  my 
"  presence,  in  England,  when  I  am  there,  does  them  mis- 
"  chief."  J  Writing  to  the  same  person,  seven  years  later, 
he  not  very  consistently  indulges  in  an  empty  boast,  that 
he  did  not  leave  England  till  his  friends  had  some  schemes 
in  contemplation  in  which  he  would  not  join.§ 

It  may,  perhaps,  have  some  bearing  to  this  subject, 
that  we  find  Pulteney  about  the  same  time,  or  soon  after- 
wards, much  depressed  in  spirits,  and  seeming  to  make 
advances  to  the  Walpoles.  The  day  before  the  House 
rose,  some  remarkable  civilities  passed  between  him  and 
Sir  Robert ;  and  proceeding  on  a  journey  to  the  Hague, 
he  sent  a  message  to  Horace,  who,  in  consequence,  camo 

*  To  Sir  William  Wyndham,  November  29.  1735.  January  5.  and 
February  20.  1736. 

f  Pope  to  Swift,  August  17.  1786.  The  close  connection  of 
Bolingbroke  and  the  other  opposition  chiefs  at  this  time  with  Frederick 
Prince  of  Wales,  and  their  great  hopes  from  him,  seem  incompatible 
with  any  Jacobite  design. 

J  Marchmont  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  179. 

§  Ibid.  p.  350.  See  also  some  acute  observations  in  the  Quarterly 
Review,  No.  cviii.  p.  386. 

K2 


180  BISTORT  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVI. 

to  see  him,  and  was  very  cordially  received.  "  I  endea- 
"  voured,"  says  Horace,  "  to  be  easy  and  cheerful,  and  to 
"  make  him  so ;  but  his  constant  complaint  was  lowness 
"  of  spirits,  and,  in  my  opinion,  he  is  rather  dead-hearted 
"  than  sick  in  body  ;  and,  in  other  respects,  had  a  stranger 
"  come  into  the  room,  he  would  have  thought  we  had 
"  never  been  otherwise  than  good  friends."*  Be  this  as 
it  may,  the  Parliamentary  warfare  between  them  was 
certainly  waged  as  fiercely  as  ever  in  the  ensuing  Ses- 
sions. 

*  Sir  R.  Waipolc  io  Horace,  May  25.    Horace  to  Sir  Robert,  June 
10.  1736.    Coxe's  Walpole,  voL  iii. 


1735.  NEGOTIATIONS  ABROAD.  181 


CHAPTER  XVH 

WHILE  such  was  the  tranquillity  in  England,  the  hostili- 
ties abroad  were  dwindling  into  negotiations.  The  Em- 
peror, chagrined  at  his  losses,  and  foreseeing  only  fresh 
disasters  should  he  continue  to  stand  alone,  made  every 
effort  to  draw  the  Dutch  and  the  English  into  his  quarrel. 
He  alleged  positive  engagements ;  he  pleaded  for  the 
balance  of  power ;  entreaties,  remonstrances,  and  threats 
were  all  tried  in  turn ;  he  even  menaced,  unless  he  re- 
ceived some  succours,  to  withdraw  his  troops  from  the 
Netherlands,  and  cede  that  country  to  the  French.  It 
may  be  observed,  that  even  so  early  as  1714,  Prince 
Eugene  declared  to  Stanhope  that  Austria  looked  upon 
the  Netherlands  as  only  a  useless  drain,  and  accepted 
them  rather  for  the  sake  of  her  allies  than  for  her  own*, 
but,  in  fact,  during  the  whole  of  that  century,  these  pro- 
vinces were  a  constant  source  of  uneasiness,  vexation, 
and  embarrassment  to  the  Maritime  Powers.  Lord  Ches- 
terfield was,  I  believe,  the  first  statesman  who  formed  the. 
plan  to  revive,  as  he  termed  it,  the  Duchy  of  Burgundy ; 
that  is,  to  unite  Holland  and  Belgium,  so  as  to  construct 
»  powerful  and  independent  barrier  against  France.  To 
this  idea  he  alludes  in  one  of  his  private  letters,  just  after 
resigning  the  Seals.f  It  has  since  been  carried  into  ex- 
ecution, under  very  favourable  auspices,  by  the  Congress 
of  Vienna.  Yet,  above  a  century  before,  the  genius  of 
Marlborough  could  discern  and  declare  the  fatal  obstacle 
which  has  lately  marred  and  defeated  that  promising 
measure ;  and  he  writes  to  Lord  Godolphin,  from  Flan- 
ders :  "  Not  only  the  towns,  but  the  people,  of  this  coun- 
"  try  hate  the  Dutch."  J 

*  See  in  the  Appendix  to  this  volume  the  letters  of  that  year. 
To  Mr.  Dayrollcs.  September  23.  1748. 
To  Lord  Godolphin,  December  6.  1708.J 
N  3 


182  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVII. 

Another  hope  of  the  Emperor  was  founded,  as  in  1726, 
on  divisions  in  England.  He  knew  that  the  King  him- 
self, and  a  section  of  the  Cabinet,  headed  by  Harrington, 
were  inclined  to  grant  him  assistance,  though  not  desir- 
ing, or  not  daring,  to  oppose  the  ascendency  of  Walpole  ; 
he  expected  to  induce  this  party  to  join  the  Opposition, 
and  thus  to  overthrow  the  all-powerful  Prime  Minister. 
For  this  negotiation  he  availed  himself  of  one  Abbe  Strick- 
land, an  unprincipled  adventurer,  who  had  intrigued  for 
the  .Jacobites  and  against  the  Jacobites,  and  been  alter- 
nately a  spy  of  the  Pretender  and  of  the  English  Govern- 
ment. In  some  of  his  juggling  he  had  caught  for  himself 
the  Bishoprick  of  Namur ;  and  he  had  even  some  hopes 
of  attaining  a  Cardinal's  hat ;  but  in  this  new  enterprise 
he  reaped  neither  profit  nor  fame.*  Arriving  in  England 
under  a  false  name,  he  had,  indeed,  a  secret  conference 
with  Lord  Harrington,  and  a  gracious  reception  from  the 
King  and  Queen  ;  but  no  sooner  had  his  real  objects  been 
developed,  than  Walpole  stood  forth,  and  scattered  these 
cabals  with  a  word.  At  his  desire  the  intriguing  emis- 
sary was  civilly  dismissed  from  England,  and  Queen 
Caroline  wrote  to  the  Empress,  contradicting  the  erro- 
neous reports  of  Strickland,  and  positively  declaring,  that 
England  would  not  engage  in  the  war. 

Thus  disappointed  in  all  his  flattering  hopes,  the  Em- 
peror at  length,  however  reluctantly,  consented  to  treat 
of  peace  under  the  mediation  of  the  Maritime  Powers. 
A  plan  of  pacification  was  accordingly  framed  and  prof- 
fered, with  an  armistice,  to  the  several  sovereigns  at  war. 
There  being  very  skilful  diplomatists  on  both  sides,  not 
a  single  point  or  punctilio  was  omitted,  and  the  negoti- 
ation was  spun  out  to  an  almost  interminable  length  with 
forms  and  cavils.  Yet  the  principal  articles  were  early 
agreed  upon ;  and,  when  finally  matured  into  a  treaty, 
were  as  follows :  —  Naples  and  Sicily  were  to  remain  to 
Don  Carlos ;  on  the  other  hand,  he  was  to  resign  the 

*  Mr.  Robinson,  the  English  Minister  at  Vienna,  asked  Count 
Tarouca  how  the  Emperor  could  possibly  send  such  a  person  with 
his  commission,  but  the  Count  answered,  "  Que  voulez  vous  que  Ton 
"  fasse  ?  Quand  on  est  pret  a  se  noyer  on  s'attache  a  tout  !  "  Mr. 
liobinson  to  H.  Walpole,  November  13.  1734.  (Coxe's  Walpole, 
vol.  iii.) 


1735.          PRELIMINARIES  OF  PEACE.  183 

possession  of  Parma,  and  the  reversion  to  Tuscany. 
Augustus  was  acknowledged  King  of  Poland.  Stanislaus 
was  to  retain  the  Royal  title,  and  to  be  put  in  immediate 
possession  of  the  Duchy  of  Lorraine,  which,  after  his 
decease,  should  devolve  to  the  Crown  of  France.  It 
was  to  Francis,  the  young  Duke  of  Lorraine,  that  the 
Emperor  was  giving  in  marriage  his  eldest  daughter, 
Maria  Theresa,  the  heiress  of  his  states  under  the  Prag- 
matic Sanction ;  yet  it  was  not  easy  to  persuade  this 
young  Prince  to  surrender  his  paternal  dominions,  the 
equivalent  stipulated  for  them  being  only  eventual  and 
contingent,  namely,  the  succession  to  Tuscany  in  the 
place  of  Don  Carlos.  However,  the  authority  of  the 
Emperor*  and  a  pension  from  France  overcame  his  un- 
willingness, and  his  consent  became  cordial  before  the 
final  signatures  by  the  death  of  the  old  Grand  Duke  oi. 
Tuscany,  the  last  of  the  Medicis,  in  1737,  when  Francis 
was  immediately  admitted  as  his  heir.  France  and  Sar- 
dinia gave  their  guarantee  to  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  and 
the  latter  obtained  Novarra,  Tortona,  and  other  neigh- 
bouring districts.  Thus  was  the  war  concluded,  and  thus 
did  France  obtain,  from  the  pacific  Fleury,  the  province 
of  Lorraine  ;  a  richer  prize  than  had  ever  crowned  the 
aspiring  genius  of  Richelieu,  or  the  crafty  refinements  of 
Ma/arin.  England  should,  perhaps,  have  viewed  with 
jealousy  this  aggrandisement  of  her  powerful  neighbour, 
yet,  unless  she  had  herself  embarked  in  war,  could 
scarcely  have  prevented  it ;  and  so  favourable  were  the 
terms  of -the  preliminaries  generally  thought,  that  even 
Bolingbroke  is  said  to  have  exclaimed,  "  If  the  English 
"  Ministers  had  any  hand  in  it,  they  are  wiser  than  I 
"  thought  them ;  and  if  not,  they  are  luckier  than  they 
"  deserve  to  be."f 

In  another  foreign  quarrel,  at  the  same  time,  England 
was  more  actively  concerned.  The  servants  of  the  Por- 
tuguese Minister  at  Madrid  being  accused  of  having 


*  The  favourite  Minister  Bartenstein  told  the  Duke  plainly  before 
the  marriage — "  Monseigneur,  point  <lc  cession,  point  d'Archidu- 
"  chesse  !  "  (Coxe's  House  of  Austria,  vol.  iii.  p.  162.) 

f  Lord  Hervey  to  11.  Walpole,  January  3.  1736.  (Coxe's  Wai- 
pole.) 

K  4 


184  HISTORY   OP    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVII. 

rescued  a  criminal  from  justice,  were  themselves  arrested 
and  carried  to  prison.  Complaints  were  made  on  both 
sides ;  redress  was  given  on  neither.  The  diplomatists 
all  took  fire  at  this  insult  on  one  of  their  own  order, 
and  were  eager  to  prosecute  this  important  quarrel,  both 
by  memorials  and  by  armies,  to  the  last  drop  of  their  own 
ink  and  of  others'  blood.  One  of  them,  Senhor  Azevedo, 
hastened  over  to  England  to  claim  succour  for  the  King 
his  master,  under  the  Treaty  of  Alliance,  and  a  war 
seemed  fixed  and  unavoidable.  But  the  prudence  of 
Walpole  warded  off  the  blow ;  he  sent  a  fleet  of  twenty- 
five  ships  of  the  line  to  the  Tagus,  under  Sir  John  Norris, 
but  gave  him  orders  to  act  only  defensively,  and  to  urge 
moderation  and  forbearance  on  the  Cabinet  of  Lisbon. 
At  the  same  time,  the  sailing  of  "  so  terrible  a  fleet,"  as 
Cardinal  Fleury  called  it*,  produced  a  strong  effect,  both 
at  Paris  and  Madrid  ;  the  French  exerted  all  their  influ- 
ence in  Spain  to  prevent  a  collision ;  and  at  length, 
under  the  pacific  mediation  of  Fleury  and  Walpole, 
harmony  was  restored  between  the  two  Peninsular 
Courts. 

In  all  these  foreign  negotiations  the  English  Ministers 
found  in  Fleury  the  same  judicious  and  conciliatory, 
though  sometimes  a  little  timid,  temper.  They  were 
also  much  assisted  by  the  close  friendship  of  Baron 
Gedda,  the  Swedish  ambassador  at  Paris.  But  the 
case  was  far  otherwise  with  M.  de  Chauvelin,  the 
French  Secretary  of  State,  who  laboured  on  every 
occasion  to  thwart  the  English  councils,  and  to  ex- 
asperate the  Cardinal  against  them.  He  seems  to  have 
inherited  the  old  maxims  of  Louis  the  Fourteenth ;  and 
was  even  engaged  in  a  secret  correspondence  with  the 
Pretender,  as  his  own  carelessness  proved ;  for  having, 
on  one  occasion,  some  papers  to  put  into  the  hands  of  the 
English  ambassador,  he  added,  by  mistake,  one  of  James's 
letters  to  himself,  which  Lord  Waldegrave  immediately 
despatched  by  a  messenger  to  England.f  Walpole  had 
endeavoured  to  treat  him  in  what  might  then,  perhaps,  be 
termed  a  Parliamentary  manner.  He  had  instructed 

*  Earl  Waldegrave  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  June  1.  1735. 
(Coxc's  Walpole. ) 

f  Earl  Waldegrave  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  October  11.  1736. 


1736.  THE   PROTESTANT   DISSENTERS.  185 

Lord  Waldegfave  to  seize  any  favourable  opportunity  to 
offer  him  a  bribe — a  good  round  sum,  he  said, — "  a  com- 
"  pliment  on  the  new  year" — and  not  less  than  50007.  or 
10,000/.,  so  as  to  secure  his  future  friendship.*  But  it 
appears  that  Chauvelin,  though  he  showed  some  inclina- 
tion to  this  disgraceful  proposal,  did  not  finally  close  with 
it,  and  became  more  than  ever  a  declared  enemy  of  Eng- 
land. Under  these  circumstances,  Walpole  availed  him- 
self of  a  secret  correspondence  which  he  had  opened  with 
Cardinal  Fleury,  to  point  out  the  animosity  of  Chauvelin, 
and  its  bad  effects  on  the  harmony  between  the  two 
countries  ;  and  it  was  probably,  in  a  great  measure,  to 
his  remonstrances  that  we  may  ascribe  the  dismissal  of 
Chauvelin,  which  occurred  a  few  months  afterwards. 

In  England,  the  Session  of  1736  is  chiefly  remarkable 
for  an  attempt  in  behalf  of  the  Dissenters,  and  for  the 
passing  of  the  Gin  and  Mortmain  Acts. — I  have  already 
related  the  endeavours  of  Stanhope,  in  1719,  to  include 
the  Test  Act  in  his  measure  of  relief  to  the  Protestant 
Dissenters,  and  how  long  he  had  struggled  against  the 
suggestion  of  "a  more  favourable  opportunity."!  This 
more  favourable  opportunity  had  ever  since  been  held 
out  to  them  by  Walpole,  in  appealing  to  their  patience ; 
but,  like  the  horizon,  it  seemed  to  recede  as  they  ad- 
vanced. They  had  given  the  Minister  their  zealous  sup- 
port ;  in  the  elections  of  1734,  for  example,  they  had 
issued  several  Declarations,  pledging  themselves  to  vote 
for  his  candidates  J ;  and  they  had  done  so  the  more 
ostentatiously,  as  hoping  to  establish  a  claim  to  his  future 
favour.  Yet  they  still  found  Sir  Robert  immovable. 
Still  did  he  reply  to  their  deputations,  that  the  time 
was  not  yet  come.  "  You  have  so  repeatedly  returned 
"  us  this  answer,"  at  last  said  Dr.  Chandler,  "  that  I  trust 
"  you  will  give  me  leave  to  ask  you  when  the  time  will 
"  come?"  —  "  If  you  require  a  specific  answer,"  said  the 
Minister,  provoked  into  sudden  frankness,  "  I  will  give 

*  Sir  Robert  Walpole  to  Earl  Waldegrave,  January  1.  1736.  He 
shrewdly  observes,  that  5000/.  makes  a  great  number  of  French 
crowns. 

t  See  vol.  L  p.  327. 

j  Boycr's  Political  State,  vol.  xlvii.  p.  332.  and  436. 


1^6  HISTOUr   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVII. 

"  it  you  in  one  word — Never!"*  Thus  disappointed  in 
the  Government,  the  Dissenters  began  to  court  the  Oppo- 
sition, and,  in  1736,  induced  Mr.  Plumer  to  bring  forward 
a  motion  for  the  repeal  of  the  obnoxious  statute.  Sir 
Robert  was  much  embarrassed,  wishing  neither  to  forfeit 
their  support  nor  that  of  the  Church ;  but  at  length, 
after  a  wavering  and  evasive  speech,  voted  against  them, 
in  a  majority  of  251  against  123.  For  this  conduct, 
Walpole  has  been  severely  censured ;  yet  in  justice  to 
him,  we  should,  perhaps,  reflect,  whether  his  Ministerial 
power,  great  as  it  was,  really  sufficed  to  overthrow  what 
most  of  the  Churchmen  of  the  time,  however  erroneously, 
respected  as  one  of  their  principal  bulwarks  ;  whether,  if 
not,  it  could  be  his  duty  to  plunge,  at  all  hazards,  into  a 
hopeless  contest ;  and  whether  the  Dissenters  would  not 
have  acted  far  better,  both  for  themselves  and  for  their 
friends,  had  they  shunned  a  struggle  which  afforded  no 
chances  of  success,  and  which  only  retarded  the  march  of 
their  cause  in  popular  opinion. 

As  a  counterpoise  to  his  vote  on  this  occasion,  Walpole 
gave  his  support  to  a  Bill  for  the  relief  of  Quakers  in  the 
recovery  of  tithes.  The  object  was  to  render  the  pro- 
ceedings against  them  less  long  and  costly,  and  the  Bill 
passed  the  House  of  Commons ;  but  however  well  de- 
signed, it  appears  to  have  been  loosely  and  hastily  drawn. 
In  the  other  House,  both  the  Chancellor  and  Chief  Jus- 
tice (Lords  Talbot  and  Hardwicke)  pointed  out  its  defects 
and  opposed  it,  and  under  their  guidance  was  the  measure 
rejected.  Walpole  was  much  irritated  at  this  failure, 
even  on  personal  grounds,  the  Quakers  in  Norfolk  being 
very  numerous,  and  having  always  assisted  him  in  his 
elections.  His  resentment  was  levelled  especially  against 
Gibson,  Bishop  of  London,  who  had  prevailed  upon  his 
Right  Reverend  brethren  to  declare  against  the  measure, 
and  who,  in  consequence,  lost  what  he  had  hitherto  en- 
joyed—  the  chief  confidence  of  the  Minister  in  all  ecclesias- 
tical affairs.f  Gibson  was  a  prelate  of  eminent  learning 

*  See  Coxe's  Life,  p.  608.  No  date  is  assigned  to  this  anecdote ; 
but  it  must  have  happened  either  in  1736  or  1739. 

f  According  to  Mr.  Etough,  Sir  Robert  was  once  reproached  in 
conversation  with  giving  Gibson  the  authority  of  a  Pope.  "  And  a 
"  very  good  Pope  he  is  !  "  said  Walpole.  (Coxe's  Life,  p.  479.) 


1736.  THE    GIN   ACT.  187 

and  talents,  and  so  well  known  to  be  intended  for  the 
Primacy,  on  the  next  occasion,  that  Whiston  used  to  call 
him  the  heir  apparent  to  the  See  of  Canterbury.  But  on 
the  death  of  Archbishop  Wake,  the  Minister  had  not  for- 
gotten or  forgiven  the  opposition  to  the  Quakers'  Tithe 
Bill,  and  the  vacant  dignity  was  conferred  on  Bishop 
Potter. 

The  Mortmain  Act  was  a  measure  of  which  the  ne- 
cessity has  often  been  proved  in  Roman  Catholic  countries, 
and  seldom  denied  in  ours  :  yet  within  the  last  hundred 
years  we  have  seen  but  little  cause  to  dread  the  excess  of 
posthumous  charity ;  and  perhaps  it  might  be  said,  that 
whenever  the  state  of  public  feeling  allows  a  mortmain 
law  to  be  enacted,  the  same  state  of  public  feeling  renders 
it  unnecessary.* 

The  Gin  Act  was  not  a  Ministerial  measure,  but  pro- 
ceeded from  the  benevolent  views  of  Sir  Joseph  Jekyll. 
Drunkenness,  a  vice  which  seems  to  strike  deeper  root 
than  any  other  in  uneducated  minds,  had  greatly  aug- 
mented, especially  in  London,  during  the  late  years  of 
peace  and  prosperity.     In  this  Session,  the  Justices  of 
Middlesex  thought  it  their  duty  to  present  a  joint  petition 
to  the  House  of  Commons  on  this  subject,  stating  that  the 
evil  had  grown  to  an  alarming  pitch  ;  "  that  the  constant 
'  and  excessive  use  of  Geneva   had  already  destroyed 
'  thousands  of  His  Majesty's  subjects,  and  rendered  great 
numbers  of  others  unfit  for  useful  labour  and  service, 
'debauching  at  the  same  time  their  morals,  and  driving 
them  into  all  manner  of  vice  and  wickedness  ;  and  that 
'this  pernicious  liquor  was  then  sold,  not  only  by  the 
'  distillers  and  Geneva  shops,  but  by  many  other  persons 
'of  inferior  trades,  by  which  means  journeymen,  appren- 
'tices,  and  servants,  were  drawn  in  to  taste,  and  by  de- 
'grees   to   like,    approve,    and    immoderately   to   drink 
thereof."     This  petition  having  first  been  referred  to  a 
Committee,  Sir  Joseph  Jekyll  proposed  to  lay  on  gin,  and 
other  spirituous  liquors,  a  tax  so  heavy  as  to  amount,  to  a 
prohibition  for  the  lower  classes,  namely  a  duty  of  20*. 
on  each  gallon  sold  by  retail,  and  50/.  yearly  for  a  licence 
to  every  retailer.     Neither  Pulteney  nor   Walpole   ap- 

*  See  Blackstone's  Commentaries,  ToL  ii.  p.  273.  ed.  1825. 


188  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND.  C11AP.  X.Y11. 

proved  of  the  scheme ;  the  former  complained  of  the  in- 
vidious distinction  between  the  poor  and  rich :  the  latter 
foresaw  that  such  exorbitant  duties  had  a  tendency  to 
defeat  themselves,  and  to  encourage  smuggling  and  fraud. 
Sir  Robert  made,  however,  no  opposition  to  the  passing 
of  the  Bill,  merely  predicting  that  his  successors  would 
be  obliged  to  modify  it,  and  providing  that  the  Civil  List 
should  not  lose  in  consequence.  It  was  to  the  Civil  List 
that  the  small  duties  hitherto  levied  had  belonged,  to  the 
amount  of  above  70,000/.  yearly ;  and  this  sum  Sir 
Robert  proposed  should  be  granted  to  the  King  in  com- 
pensation of  the  loss  from  the  greatly  reduced  consump- 
tion of  spirituous  liquors.  This  clause,  just  and  reason- 
able as  it  seems,  was  not  carried  without  much  altercation 
and  difficulty  in  the  House,  or  great  clamour  out  of  doors. 
To  the  lower  classes  the  measure  was  already  most  un- 
welcome ;  and  it  was  now  exclaimed,  that  Walpole  was 
ready  to  sell  the  comfort  of  the  people  to  the  highest 
bidder,  and  indifferent  who  might  suffer  so  that  the 
Revenue  did  not ! 

This  busy  Session  having  closed  in  May,  the  King 
proceeded  to  visit  his  German  dominions,  as  he  had  like- 
wise done  in  the  preceding  year,  taking  with  him  Horace 
Walpole  as  a  deputy  Secretary  of  State,  and  leaving  the 
Queen  as  Regent  in  England.  During  his  absence,  the 
tranquillity  which  England  had  now  enjoyed  for  so  many 
years  was  slightly  ruffled.  A  great  number  of  poor  Irish 
having  come  over  in  the  summer,  not  merely  worked  at 
the  hay  and  corn  harvest  as  was  usual,  but  engaged  them- 
selves at  the  Spitalfields'  looms  at  two  thirds  of  the  ordi- 
dary  wages.  The  weavers,  thus  thrown  out  of  employ- 
ment, raised  riots  on  several  nights,  and  attacked  a  public 
house  where  the  Irish  resorted.*  Similar  riots  seemed 
impending  about  Michaelmas  Day,  when  the  new  Gin 
Act  was  to  come  into  operation.  Some  Jacobites  hoped 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  popular  ferment  for  their  own 
ends,  and  had  planned  that  gin  and  strong  waters  should 
for  two  evenings  be  given  without  payment  to  the  mob, 
and  the  latter  thus  spurred  to  any  violence  which  their 
leaders  might  direct.  Circular  letters  had  been  sent,  and 

*  Sir  Eobert  Walpole  to  Horace  Walpole,  July  29.  1736. 


1736.  ESCAPE    FROM   THE   TOLBOOTH.  189 

the  watchword  fixed  —  "  Sir  Robert  and  Sir  Joseph."  * 
But  the  prudence  of  Walpole  on  both  these  occasions 
happily  checked  these  riots  without  bloodshed  or  injury 
or  danger. 

A  riot  at  Edinburgh  (the  celebrated  Porteous  Mob) 
was  both  more  singular  in  its  origin  and  more  serious  in 
its  consequences.  Some  years  back,  the  real  events  might 
have  excited  interest ;  but  the  wand  of  an  Enchanter  is 
now  waved  over  us  ;  we  feel  the  spell  of  the  greatest 
writer  that  the  world  has  yet  seen  in  one  department,  or 
Scotland  yet  produced  in  any.  How  dull  and  lifeless  will 
not  the  true  facts  appear  when  no  longer  embellished  by 
the  touching  sorrows  of  Effie  or  the  heroic  virtue  of 
Jeanie  Deans  !  But  let  me  proceed  with  the  cold  reality. 
Two  noted  smugglers  from  Fife,  named  Wilson  and 
Robertson,  being  condemned  to  death  for  a  robbery,  were 
imprisoned  together  in  the  Tolbooth  at  Edinburgh,  when 
they  devised  a  plan  of  escape.  They  procured  a  file, 
with  which  they  rid  themselves  of  their  irons  and  cut 
through  the  window  bar  ;  but  Wilson  insisted  on  making 
the  first  attempt,  and  being  a  man  of  unwieldy  size, 
though  of  powerful  strength,  he  stuck  fast  in  the  gap,  and 
could  neither  advance  nor  retire.  Next  morning  the  pri- 
soners were,  of  course,  discovered  and  secured.  Wilson, 
in  whom  an  irregular  life  had  not  extinguished  a  noble 
nature,  now  lamented  not  so  much  his  own  fate  as  his 
comrade's.  He  felt,  with  bitter  self-reproach,  that  had 
he  allowed  Robertson  to  go  first,  the  other  being  slender 
and  active  would  certainly  have  pressed  through  ;  and  he 
resolved  at  all  hazards  to  atone  for  the  injury  he  had 
done  him.  It  was  then  usual,  it  seems,  for  the  prisoners 
at  Edinburgh  to  be  led  out  with  a  strong  guard  to  attend 
Divine  Service  in  a  church  adjoining  to  the  gaol.  There, 
accordingly,  Wilson  and  Robertson  were  brought  in  the 
ensuing  week  under  the  custody  of  four  soldiers.  The 
service  having  concluded,  Wilson  suddenly  sprang  for- 
ward, and  seized  a  soldier  with  each  hand,  and,  calling  to 
Robertson  to  run  for  his  life,  secured  a  third  by  grappling 
his  collar  with  his  teeth.  Robertson  easily  shook  off  the 
remaining  soldier,  and,  leaping  over  the  pews,  made  his 
escape,  and  was  never  again  seen  in  Edinburgh. 

*  Sir  Robert  Walpole  to  H.  Walpole,  September  30.  1736. 


190  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVII. 

A  feat  so  daring  in  its  design  and  so  generous  in  its 
motive,  attracted,  of  course,  no  small  degree  of  public  in- 
terest. Wilson  was  universally  praised  and  pitied  ;  and 
this  very  pity,  perhaps,  gave  rise  to  a  vague  rumour  that 
an  attempt  would  be  made  for  his  own  rescue,  on  the  day 
fixed  for  his  execution,  the  14th  of  April.  The  magis- 
trates, thus  forewarned,  took  every  precaution  for  security, 
stationing  a  large  detachment  of  the  City  Guard  under 
the  command  of  their  Captain,  John  Porteous,  a  man  of 
great  activity  as  a  police  officer,  but  accused  of  being  not 
only  strict  but  harsh  and  brutal  in  his  official  duties,  and 
certainly  most  unpopular  with  the  lower  orders.  The 
execution  took  place  without  any  interruption  or  disturb- 
ance*, and  it  was  not  till  the  body  had  been  cut  down 
that  some  rabble  began  to  attack  the  hangman,  pelting 
him  and  also  the  soldiers  with  very  large  stones.  Out- 
rages of  the  same  kind,  though  of  less  degree,  were  not 
uncommon  on  these  occasions,  and  had  usually  been  borne 
with  patience  ;  nor  ought  Porteous  to  have  forgotten  that 
the  sentence  was  already  fully  executed,  and  that  he 
should  now  attempt  to  withdraw  his  men :  but  on  the 
contrary,  losing  all  command  of  temper,  he  snatched  a 
musket  from  one  of  the  soldiers,  and  fired  at  the  crowd ; 
the  soldiers  followed  his  example,  and  another  similar 
discharge  took  place  as  the  detachment  retired  to  the 
guard-house. 

For  this  violence  was  Porteous  brought  to  trial  before 
the  High  Court  of  Justiciary,  found  guilty  of  murder  by 
an  exasperated  jury  of  citizens,  and  condemned  to  death. 
But  his  sentence  being  referred  to  the  Government  in 
London,  and  considered  by  Queen  Caroline,  as  head  of 
the  Regency  during  the  King's  absence,  seemed  to  her 
and  her  advisers  to  admit  of  mitigation.  He  had  given 
no  original  provocation  ;  he  had  been  wantonly  assailed 

*  "  That  deluded  man  (Wilson)  died  with  great  tranquillity,  and 
"  maintained  to  the  hour  of  his  death  that  he  was  most  unjustly  con- 
*'  demned:  he  maintained  this  in  a  debate  with  one  of  the  reverend 
•"  ministers  of  Edinburgh.  ....  He  admitted  that  he  had  taken 
"  money  from  a  collector  of  the  revenue  by  violence,  but  that  the 
*'  officers  of  the  revenue  had,  by  their  practice,  taught  him  this 
"  was  lawful,  for  they  had  often  seized  and  carried  off  his  goods, 
4<  &c."  (Speech  of  Mr.  Lindsay,  May  16.  1737.  Parl.  Hist.  vol.  x. 
p.  254.) 


1736.  CAPTAIN  PORTEOUS.  191 

and  had  a  right  to  defend  himself;  and  though  his  de- 
fence was  carried  to  a  fierce  and  most  unwarrantable 
pitch,  and  became  itself  an  aggression,  yet  still  his  real 
crime  appeared  to  fall  short  of  murder,  and  his  fit  punish- 
ment, of  death.  From  these  considerations  a  reprieve 
for  Porteous  was  sent  down  to  Edinburgh.  There,  how- 
ever, it  was  received  by  the  public  with  one  universal 
roar  of  indignation.  The  persons  who  had  fallen  were 
not  all  of  them  rioters,  and  the  very  humanity  of  the  sol- 
diers had  turned  against  them  ;  for  many  of  them  desiring 
merely  to  intimidate  and  not  to  hurt,  had  fired  over  the 
heads  of  the  crowd,  and  in  so  doing  had  struck  several 
persons  of  good  condition,  looking  out  of  the  neighbouring 
windows.  This  circumstance,  if  rightly  considered,  was 
an  alleviation  of  their  guilt,  but  in  the  popular  estimation 
served  rather  to  heighten  it,  from  the  natural  compassion 
at  the  fate  of  entirely  innocent  and  much  respected  indi- 
viduals. On  the  whole,  then,  the  ferment  had  risen  high 
among  the  citizens ;  and  dark  and  ominous  threats  were 
heard,  that  even  the  Royal  reprieve  should  not  shelter 
Porteous  from  their  vengeance. 

It  was  now  the  7th  of  September,  the  day  previous  to 
that  which  had  been  appointed  for  the  execution.  Por- 
teous himself,  unconscious  of  his  doom,  and  rejoicing  in 
his  approaching  deliverance,  had  that  very  evening  given 
an  entertainment  in  the  Tolbooth  to  a  party  of  friends. 
But  that  festal  evening  was  not  to  close  without  blood. 
A  little  before  ten  o'clock,  a  disorderly  multitude  began 
to  gather  in  the  low  suburb  of  Portsburgh,  evidently, 
from  the  first,  under  the  guidance  of  cool  and  wary  lead- 
ers. They  beat  a  drum,  and  attracted  fresh  numbers  ; 
until,  finding  themselves  strong  enough  for  their  purpose, 
they  seized  on  the  Westport,  closed  and  barricaded  it, 
and  secured,  in  like  manner,  the  ports  of  Canongate  and 
Netherbow ;  thus  cutting  off  the  city  from  a  regiment  of 
infantry  which  was  quartered  in  the  suburbs.  Their 
next  step  was  to  disarm  the  City  Guard  at  their  house, 
and  thus  obtain  weapons  for  themselves.  None  of  these 
pacific  soldiers  offered  any  resistance  ;  their  guns,  hal- 
berts,  and  Lochaber  axes  were  quietly  relinquished  by 
them,  and  eagerly  assumed  by  the  foremost  of  the  rioters. 
It  is  remarkable  that,  though  these  City  Guardsmen  had 


192  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAXD.  CHAP.  XVII. 

been  the  instruments,  at  least,  of  the  very  slaughter  which 
it  was  now  intended  to  avenge,  they  were  now  permitted 
to  slink  away  without  the  slightest  injury  or  ill-treat- 
ment ;  so  intent  were  the  mob-leaders  on  one  great  object, 
and  so  well  able,  says  Andrew  Fletcher  the  younger,  to 
restrain  the  multitude  from  every  wickedness  but  that 
which  they  had  determined  to  perpetrate.* 

It  was  not  till  these  preliminary  measures  had  been 
achieved,  that  the  real  object  was  disclosed  in  a  fierce 
and  general  cry — "Porteous!  Porteous!  To  the  Tol- 
"  booth !  to  the  Tolbooth ! "  and  in  a  few  minutes  more 
they  were  thundering  at  the  gates  of  the  gaol,  and  de- 
manding that  the  prisoner  should  be  given  out  to  them. 
On  receiving  no  answer,  they  prepared  to  burst  open  the 
doors  ;  but  the  outer  door  was  of  such  solidity  and  strength 
as  for  a  long  while  to  defy  their  utmost  efforts  :  sledge- 
hammers and  iron  crows  were  wrought  against  it  in  vain, 
even  by  those  who  might  have,  perhaps,  most  valuable  ex- 
perience in  housebreaking.  So  much  time  was  consumed, 
and  so  little  progress  made,  that  there  seemed  reason  to 
hope  that  this  obstacle  alone  might  be  sufficient  to  arrest 
the  conspirators,  and  prove  more  effectual  than  the  "  sheep 
"in  wolves'  clothing"  of  the  City  Guard. 

When  the  tumult  first  began,  the  magistrates,  it  is  said, 
were  drinking  together  at  a  tavern  of  the  Parliament 
Close  f;  although  it  was  afterwards  given  out,  as  more 
decorous  to  these  great  men,  that  they  had  assembled 
there  to  concert  measures  against  the  rioters.  Mr.  Lind- 
say, member  of  Parliament  for  the  city,  who  was  with 
them,  undertook  the  perilous  task  to  carry  a  message 
from  the  Lord  Provost  to  General  Moyle,  who  commanded 
the  troops  quartered  in  the  suburb,  and  who  was  now  re- 
quired to  force  the  Netherbow  Port,  and  march  into  the 
city  to  quell  the  tumult.  But  Moyle,  who  had  the  recent 
example  of  Porteous  before  his  eyes,  refused  to  move 

*  To  the  Duke  of  Newcastle.  Sept.  16.  1736.  (Coxe's  Walpole.) 
Fletcher  was  then  Lord  Chief  Justice  Clerk ;  and  afterwards  Lord 
Milton.  He  had  eminent  talents ;  but  it  might  perhaps  be  said  of  him 
as  of  the  elder  Fletcher  (of  Saltoun)  that  "  his  schemes  had  but  very 
"  little  credit,  because  he  himself  was  often  for  changing  them."  (Sir 
J.  Clerk's  MSS.  on  Lockhart,  ap.  Somerville's  Queen  Anne,  p.  204.) 

f  General  Moyle  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  Sept.  9.  1736. 


173G.  RIOT   AT   EDINBURGH.  193 

against  the  people  unless  authorised  by  a  written  war- 
rant from  the  magistrates ;  and  Lindsay,  on  his  part,  was 
unwilling  to  convey  any  paper  which,  if  found  upon  him, 
might  probably  cost  him  his  life.  There  was  afterwards, 
in  discussing  the  transaction,  much  altercation  between 
them  as  to  what  had  really  passed  ;  the  General  declared 
that  Lindsay  had  come  to  him  drunk,  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  Lindsay  inveighed  against  his  lack  of  alacrity  * : 
but,  be  this  as  it  may,  no  assistance  was  afforded  by  the 
King's  troops.  A  similar  message  had  also  been  sent  up 
to  the  Governor  of  the  Castle,  but  with  a  similar  result. 

The  magistrates,  thus  left  to  their  own  resources,  sal- 
lied forth  from  their  tavern,  and  marched  to  the  scene  of 
riot  with  such  force  as  they  could  muster.  But  they 
found  the  outer  line  firm  and  impassable,  and  their  own 
halberts  and  Lochaber  axes,  now  no  longer  in  civic  hands, 
were  brandished  against  them  ;  yet  no  further  violence 
was  used  than  seemed  requisite  to  make  them  quietly 
return  as  they  came.  In  like  manner,  the  sedan  chairs 
of  ladies,  hastening,  even  amidst  this  confusion,  to  their 
indispensable  tea  and  cards,  were  stopped,  turned  back, 
and  escorted  home  for  their  safety,  with  most  remarkable 
civility  and  consideration  for  their  feelings,  f  All  these 
are  additional  proofs  that  the  riot  was  no  sudden  ebulli- 
tion of  rage,  but  a  settled  plan  of  leaders  above  the  com- 
mon rank,  well  concerted  and  implicitly  obeyed.  Per- 
haps the  strongest  proof  of  all  yet  remains  to  tell.  Is 
there  any  other  instance  of  a  riot,  either  in  England  or 
Scotland,  in  which  the  rioters  willingly  refrained  from 
drunkenness  ? 

The  battering  of  the  Tolbooth  door  had  at  length  ex- 
hausted the  strength,  not  the  animosity,  of  the  assailants ; 

*  Earl  of  Isla  to  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  October  1 6. 1 736.  He  adds, 
"  I  have  had  great  difficulty  to  prevent  mischief  between  General 
"  Moyle  and  Mr.  Lindsay." 

f  !Sir  Walter  Scott  says,  "  A  near  relation  of  mine  used  to  tell  of 
"  having  been  stopped  by  the  rioters  and  escorted  home  in  this  man- 
"  ner.  On  reaching  her  own  home,  one  of  her  attendants,  in  appear- 
"  ance  a  baxter,  or  baker's  lad,  handed  her  out  of  her  chair,  and  took 
"leave  with  a  bow,  which,  in  the  lady's  opinion,  argued  breeding 
"  that  could  hardly  be  learned  beside  the  oven."  Note  to  the  Heart 
of  .Mid- Lothian,  ch.  vi.  See  also  his  excellent  narrative,  Tales  of  a 
Grandfather,  Third  Series,  vol.  ii.  p.  156 — 180. 

VOL    II.  O 


194  HISTORT  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVH. 

when  a  voice  among  them  exclaimed,  "  Try  fire  !  "  Tar 
barrels,  and  other  such  combustibles,  were  immediately 
applied ;  a  large  bonfire  speedily  arose,  and  a  hole  was 
burnt  in  the  door,  through  which  the  terrified  gaoler 
flung  the  keys.  The  mob  now  poured  in,  leaving  the 
doors  open  for  the  advantage  of  the  other  prisoners,  who, 
of  course,  did  not  neglect  this  opportunity  to  escape. 
But  the  ringleaders  steadily  pursued  their  course  to  the 
apartment  of  Porteous,  and  broke  through  its  locks  and 
bars.  What  was  their  rage  and  disappointment  to  find 
it  empty !  The  unhappy  man,  hearing  the  tumult  and 
the  shouts  for  his  life,  had  endeavoured  to  save  it  by  as- 
cending the  chimney,  but  his  progress  was  arrested  by 
an  iron  grating,  which,  as  usual  in  prisons,  was  fixed 
across  the  vent.  His  place  of  concealment  was  too  ob- 
vious for  security  ;  he  was  soon  discovered,  dragged  down, 
and  told  to  prepare  for  the  death  he  had  deserved  ;  nor 
was  the  slightest  attention  shown  either  to  his  prayers 
for  mercy,  or  to  the  offers  of  large  sums  of  money  with 
which  he  attempted  to  redeem  his  life.  Yet  with  all  this 
sternness  of  the  rioters,  there  was,  as  before,  a  strange 
mixture  of  forbearance  :  Porteous  was  allowed  to  intrust. 
his  money  and  papers  to  a  friend  (a  prisoner  confined  for 
debt)  in  behalf  of  his  family  ;  and  one  of  the  conspirators, 
a  man  of  grave  and  reverend  aspect,  undertook  the  part 
of  clergyman,  and  offered  such  spiritual  exhortations  as 
are  proper  to  a  dying  man.  They  then  led  their  victim 
towards  the  Grass  Market,  the  usual  scene  of  public  ex- 
ecutions, and  which,  being  the  place  of  his  offence,  they 
determined  should  be  also  the  place  of  his  punishment. 
He  refused  to  walk  ;  but  they  mounted  him  on  the  hands 
of  two  of  the  rioters  clasped  together,  and  forming  what 
in  Scotland  is  termed,  I  suppose  from  irony,  "  the  King's 
"  cushion."  Such  was  their  coolness,  that,  when  Porteous 
dropped  one  of  his  slippers,  they  halted  until  it  was  picked 
up  and  replaced  on  his  foot.* 

Having  reached  the  Grass  Market,  the  rioters  obtained 
a  coil  of  ropes  by  breaking  open  a  dealer's  booth,  and  at 

*  This  slight  but  characteristic  incident  was  told  Sir  Walter  Scott 
by  the  daughter  of  a  lady  who  saw  it  from  her  window.  Kote  to 
the  Heart  of  Mid-Lothian,  ch.  vii 


1736,  RIOT   AT   EDINBURGH.  195 

the  same  time  left  a  guinea  in  payment  for  it ;  another 
circumstance  denoting  that  the  ringleaders  were  by  no 
means  of  the  lowest  class.  Their  next  search  was  for 
the  gallows  ;  but  these  being  removed  to  a  distance,  they 
seized  a  dyer's  pole,  and  proceeded  to  the  execution  of 
their  victim.  His  dying  struggles  were  long,  but  una- 
vailing ;  the  rioters  calmly  watched  till  life  was  wholly 
extinct,  and  then,  quietly  drawing  in  their  outposts,  dis- 
persed without  noise.  The  arms  which  they  had  taken 
from  the  City  Guards  they  now  flung  away  :  the  streets 
were  left  perfectly  quiet ;  and  at  daybreak  the  scattered 
weapons  and  the  suspended  body  formed  the  only  tokens 
of  the  dreadful  deed  of  that  night. 

The  news  of  this  outrage,  being  sent  by  express  to  the 
Government  in  London,  was  received  with  no  small  asto- 
nishment and  indignation.  A  riot  so  deliberate,  orderly, 
and  well-conducted,  as  almost  to  mock  the  formalities  of 
a  judicial  sentence,  seemed  so  high  a  pitch  of  insolence, 
that,  as  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  Clerk  declared,  "  there 
"  is  an  end  of  Government  if  such  practices  are  suffered 
"  to  escape  punishment."*  Queen  Caroline,  above  all,  was 
greatly  irritated,  looking  upon  the  murder  of  Porteous  a» 
a  direct  insult  to  her  person  and  authority.  There  is 
still  a  tradition  in  Scotland,  that  Her  Majesty,  in  the  first 
burst  of  her  resentment,  exclaimed  to  the  Duke  of  Argyle, 
that,  sooner  than  submit  to  such  things,  she  would  make 
Scotland  a  hunting  field.  "  In  that  case,  Madam,"  an- 
swered Argyle,  with  a  profound  bow,  but  with  no  courtly 
spirit,  "  I  will  take  leave  of  your  Majesty,  and  go  down 
"  to  my  own  country  to  get  my  hounds  ready ! " 

It  was,  however,  Argyle's  brother,  the  Earl  of  Isla, 
whom  the  Government  immediately  despatched  to  Edin- 
burgh, with  strict  orders  and  full  powers  to  detect,  con- 
vict, and  punish  the  offenders.  But  neither  the  rewards 
offered,  nor  the  threats  denounced,  produced  any  disclo- 
sure. All  the  exertions  of  Isla  ended  only  in  collecting 
some  vague  rumours,  which  he  could  never  trace  to  any 
authority,  nor  lead  to  any  result.  The  popular  feeling 
was  evidently  not  for  the  murdered  but  for  the  mur- 
derers. I  find  in  I  -Li'-  report  to  Walpole,  "  The  most 

*  To  the  Duke  of  NewcastK  September  16.  1736. 
o  2 


195  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVII. 

'  shocking  circumstance  is,  that  it  plainly  appears  the 
'  highflyers  of  our  Scotch  Church  have  made  this  in- 
'  famous  murder  a  point  of  conscience.  One  of  the 
'  actors  went  straight  away  to  a  country  church,  where 
'  the  Sacrament  was  given  to  a  vast  crowd  of  people,  a? 
'  the  fashion  is  here,  and  there  boasted  what  he  had 
'  done.  All  the  lower  rank  of  the  people  who  had  dis- 
'  tinguished  themselves  by  pretences  to  a  superior  sanc- 
'  tity  talk  of  this  murder  as  the  hand  of  God  doing 
'justice;  and  my  endeavours  to  punish  murderers  are 
4  called  grievous  persecutions.  I  have  conversed  with 

'  several  of  the  parsons ;  and,  indeed,  I  could 

'  hardly  have  given  credit  to  the  public  reports  of  the 
'  temper  of  these  saints  if  I  had  not  myself  been  witness 
'  to  it."*  Thus  was  all  search  impeded,  nor  was  any  dis- 
covery made.  Even  at  the  present  time,  the  origin  of 
this  singular  conspiracy  remains  as  much  a  mystery  as 
ever.  We  can  only  conjecture  that  the  ringleaders,  who- 
ever they  might  be,  took  care  to  leave  Edinburgh,  and 
even  Scotland,  as  soon  as  their  crime  was  perpetrated, 
and  did  not  venture  to  return  for  some  years  ;  and  we 
learn  from  Sir  Walter  Scott,  that,  in  his  younger  days, 
the  voice  of  common  rumour  pointed  out  certain  indi- 
viduals, though  without  any  proof,  who  had  returned 
from  the  East  and  West  Indies  in  improved  circum- 
stances, as  having  fled  abroad  on  account  of  the  Porteous 
Mob.t 

But  though  there  had  been  no  discovery,  who  could 
tolerate  that  there  should  be  no  punishment?  In  the 
next  Session,  a  Bill  was  brought  in  for  this  object,  framed 
in  a  violent  and  vindictive  spirit,  far  unlike  the  usual 
moderation  of  the  Minister,  and  probably  the  effect  of  the 
Queen's  resentment.  Having  found  no  other  victims  to 
strike,  it  aimed  its  blow  at  the  whole  City  of  Edinburgh, 
It  proposed  to  abolish  the  City  Charter,  rase  the  City 
gates,  disband  the  City  Guard,  and  declare  the  Provost, 
Mr.  Wilson,  incapable  of  again  holding  any  public  office. 
To  support  these  angry  enactments,  witnesses  were  ex- 
amined at  the  Bar  of  both  Houses  ;  but  no  new  fact  of 

*  To  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  October  16.  1736. 

f  Talcs  of  a  Grandfather,  Third  Series,  vol.  ii.  p.  177. 


1737.  BILL   OF   PENALTIES.  197 

importance  appeared.  Some  carelessness  was  certainly 
proved  against  the  Provost,  who  had  slighted  previous- 
warnings  of  the  riots  :  but  how  unjust  to  condemn,  how 
unwise  to  insult,  the  citizens  at  large!  The  Scottish 
Peers,  however,  and  Members  of  Parliament,  with  that 
high  national  spirit  which  has  ever  so  nobly  marked  the 
character  of  the  Scottish  people,  combined  almost  as  one 
man  on  this  occasion.  In  the  House  of  Lords,  the  Duke 
of  Argyle  made  an  eloquent  speech,  in  which,  after  his 
usual  panegyric  on  himself,  he  denounced  the  measure  as 
contrary  both  to  law  and  justice.  In  the  Commons,  the 
Lord  Advocate  (the  celebrated  Duncan  Forbes)  was  not 
withheld  by  the  trammels  of  office  or  the  attachments  of 
party  from  declaring  similar  sentiments.  He  was  ear- 
nestly supported  by  Mr.  Lindsay,  member  for  Edinburgh, 
and  by  Lord  Polwarth,  son  of  the  Scottish  Earl  of  March- 
mont,  a  young  nobleman  beginning  to  shine  in  the  foremost 
ranks  of  Opposition  ;  nor  was  the  more  experienced  skill 
of  Barnard  and  of  Wyndham  wanting.  The  measure 
speedily  grew,  as  it  deserved,  unpopular,  and  on  one  oc- 
casion, in  Committee,  was  carried  only  by  the  casting 
vote  of  the  Chairman.  Under  these  circumstances,  Wai- 
pole,  who,  we  may  presume,  had  never  heartily  approved 
of  the  most  obnoxious  clauses,  wisely  consented  to  recede 
from  them:  one  by  one  they  were  plucked  out  of  the 
Bill ;  and  it  dwindled,  at  length,  into  an  Act  disabling 
Mr.  Wilson  from  holding  any  future  office,  and  imposing 
on  the  city  a  fine  of  2,000/.  for  the  benefit  of  Captain 
Porteons's  widow.  And  thus,  it  was  remarked  at  the 
time,  all  these  fierce  debates  ended  only  in  making  the 
fortune  of  an  old  cook  maid  —  such  having  been  the 
original  calling  of  the  worthy  lady. 

A  clause,  however,  was  added  to  the  Bill,  compelling 
the  ministers  of  the  Scottish  Church  to  read  a  proclama- 
tion from  the  pulpit,  once  every  month  for  the  ensuing 
twelve,  calling  on  their  congregations  to  exert  themselves 
to  bring  to  justice  the  murderers  of  Porteous.  This  order 
was  greatly  resented  by  many  of  the  clergy,  who  com- 
plained that  their  pulpits  were  thus  indecorously  made 
the  scene  of  a  hue  and  cry ;  while  others,  again,  finding 
the*  proclamation  mention  "the  Lords  Temporal  and 
"  Spiritual  in  Parliament  assembled,"  feared  that  they 
o  3 


198  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CRAP. 

might  thus  seem  to  acknowledge  the  legality  of  Bishops ; 
an  order  of  men  they  would  seldom  mention  without  in- 
sult and  invective. 

Another  remarkable  proceeding  of  this  Session,  was  a 
plan  to  lower  the  interest  of  the  National  Debt  by  Sir 
John  Barnard.     From  no  one  could  it  have  come  with 
greater  weight.     Were  I  called  upon  to  name  the  man 
who  in  that  century  most  honourably  filled,  and   most 
highly  adorned,  the  character  of  a  British  merchant,  I 
should,  without  hesitation,  answer,  Sir  John   Barnard. 
Industrious,  not  grasping  in  his  gains  —  liberal,  not  la- 
vish, in  his  expenses  —  religious  without  austerity,  and 
charitable  without  ostentation  —  neither  unduly  claiming 
kindred   with   the  great  nor  yet  veiling  a  secret  envy 
under  an  apparent  disdain,  —  he  always  maintained  that 
calmness  and  self-command  which  is  the  essence  of  true 
dignity.*     His  speeches  were,  like  himself,  full  of  ster- 
ling  worth :  if  his  language  was  not  always  the   most 
eloquent,    his   arguments   never   failed  to   be   the  most 
weighty.      "In   all    matters   of    trade,"   says    Speaker 
Onslow,  "he  had  more  sagacity,  acuteness,    force,    and 
'  closeness  of  reasoning,  better  and  more  practicable  no- 
'tions,  than  almost  any  man  I  ever  knew,  with  a  dis- 
'  interestedness  as  to  himself  that  no  temptation  of  the 
'  greatest  profit,  or  very  high  stations  (for  such  he  might 
'  have  had),  would  have  drawn  him  from  the  very  retired 
'  and  humble  life  he  generally  chose  to  lead,  not  only  for 
4  the  sake  of  his  health,  but  the  content  of  his  mind,  in 
'  a   moderate   habitation   in   a   neighbouring  village  to 
'London,  from  whence  he  only  came  as  he  was  occa- 
'  sionally  called  to   any  business  of  importance  in  the 
'  City  or  in  Parliament ;  in  the  first  of  which  he  was  a 
'  great  magistrate,  and  in  the  other  of  true  weight  and 
'influence."!     As  to  the  latter,  indeed,  another  remark- 
able  testimony  was   once  borne   by  the  very  Minister 
whom  he  so  keenly  and  steadily  opposed.     We  are  told 
that,    as  Sir  Robert  Walpole  was  one  day  riding  with 

*  Benjamin  Constant,  in  his  remarkable  production,  "  Adolphe." 
most  truly  describes:  —  "je  ne  sais  qu'elle  fougue  destructive  de  la 
"consideration  qui  ne  se  compose  que  du  calme."  (p.  173.) 

f  Speaker  Onslow's  Remarks.     (Coxe's  Walpole,  vol.  ii.  p.  565.) 


1737.  SIR   JOHN   BARNARD.  199 

some  friends  in  a  narrow  lane,  persons  were  overheard 
talking  on  the  other  side  of  the  hedge.  "  Whose  voice  is 
"  that  ?  "asked  one  of  the  party.  "  Do  not  you  know  ?  " 
replied  Sir  Robert.  "  It  is  one  which  I  never  shall 
"  forget.  I  have  often  felt  its  power ! "  It  was  Sir 
John  Barnard's. 

The  project  of  Sir  John  Barnard  was,  briefly,  to  borrow 
money  at  three  per  cent.,  and  redeem  some  of  the  an- 
nuities for  which  a  higher  rate  was  yearly  paid.  But 
several  solid  and  many  specious  arguments  against  it 
were  urged  by  Walpole.  "If  we  advert,"  said  he,  "to 
the  time  and  manner  in  which  these  debts  were  cre- 
'  ated,  every  argument  against  the  reduction  of  interest 
'acquires  a  great  additional  force.  At  that  disastrous 
'period  (1720),  the  creditors  of  the  South  Sea  and  East 
'  India  Companies  had  a  power  to  demand  the  whole 
amount  of  their  bonds.  Their  forbearance  was  essen- 
'  tially  necessary  to  the  defence  and  well-being  of  the 
'  community ;  for,  had  they  persisted  in  claiming  their 
"principal,  the  whole  must  have  fallen  on  the  landed  in- 
"  terest,  or  the  result  must  have  been  such  as  I  dare  not 
"mention,  or  hardly  think  of.  And  is  the  service  then 
"  rendered  to  the  country  to  be  now  repaid  by  a  com- 
"  pulsory  reduction  of  their  dividends  ?  I  call  it 
"  compulsory,  for  any  reduction  by  terror  can  only  be 
"  described  by  that  name." —  The  country  gentlemen 
were  in  general  eager  for  Barnard's  plan  ;  and  it  was  not 
without  much  adroitness  and  several  Parliamentary  ma- 
noeuvres, on  the  part  of  the  Minister,  that  it  was  at 
length  rejected  by  a  large  majority. 

But  the  principal  hopes  of  the  Opposition  in  this  year 
rested  on  Frederick  Prince  of  Wales,  whose  secret  encou- 
ragement had  now  ripened  into  open  support.  His  dis- 
agreements with  his  father  were  by  no  means  of  recent 
date.  Even  whilst  he  remained  at  Hanover,  and  whilst 
his  father,  as  Prince  of  Wales,  had  gone  to  England,  they 
were  near  enough  to  bicker.  His  own  wishes  were 
strongly  fixed  on  an  alliance  with  the  Princess  Royal  of 
Prussia,  the  same  who  afterwards  became  Margravine  of 
Bareith,  and  who,  in  her  Memoirs,  has  left  us  a  strange, 
and  probably  exaggerated,  portrait  of  all  her  own  rela- 
tions. The  marriage  was  earnestly  desired  by  the  Queen 
o  4 


200  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CIIAP.  XVII. 

of  Prussia,  and,  indeed,  by  the  chief  members  of  both 
families ;  but  the  brutal  temper  of  the  King,  who  used 
to  beat  his  daughter,  and  who  wished  to  behead  his  son*, 
and  the  personal  antipathy  between  him  and  his  cousin 
George  the  Second,  finally  broke  oif  the  negotiations. 
Prince  Frederick,  in  as  much  despair  as  a  lover  can  be 
who  has  never  seen  his  mistress,  sent  from  Hanover  one 
La  Motte  as  his  agent,  to  assure  the  Queen  of  Prussia 
that  he  was  determined,  in  spite  of  his  father,  still  to  con- 
clude the  marriage,  and  that  he  would  set  off  in  disguise 
for  Berlin  to  execute  his  purpose.  But  the  Queen,  in  an 
overflowing  transport  of  delight,  could  not  refrain  from 
imparting  the  good  news  to  the  English  envoy  at  her 
Court.  He,  as  was  his  duty,  gave  trmely  notice  to  his 
own  ;  the  rash  project  was  prevented  f ;  and  the  head- 
strong Prince  was  summoned  to  England,  where,  as  I 
have  already  noticed,  he  arrived,  to  the  great  joy  of  the 
nation,  in  1728. 

For  some  years  after  his  arrival,  the  Prince  remained 
tranquil ;  but,  as  he  became  familiar  with  the  English 
language  and  customs,  and  conscious  of  his  own  import- 
ance, he  entered  more  and  more  into  cabals  against  his 
parents.  His  character  was  weak,  yet  stubborn ;  with 
generous  impulses,  and  not  without  accomplishments ; 
but  vain,  fond  of  flattery,  and  easily  led  by  flatterers. 
Even  after  his  marriage,  and  whilst  devoted  to  his  wife, 
he  thought  it  incumbent  upon  him  to  affect  the  character 
of  a  man  of  intrigue  :  this  reputation,  and  not  beauty, 
appears  to  have  been  his  aim  ;  and  his  principal  favourite, 
Lady  Middlesex,  is  described  as  "  very  short,  very  plain, 
"  and  very  yellow,  and  full  of  Greek  and  Latin !  "  J  He 
professed  a  love  of  literature,  and  a  patronage  of  men  of 

*  Besides  the  Memoires  de  Bareith,  passim,  see  Lord  Chesterfield's 
despatch  to  the  Plenipotentiaries,  September  15.  1730.     Appendix, 
f  Mom.  de  Bareith,  vol.  i.  p.  1 54. 

j  Horace  Walpole's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  65.  In  his  Appendix 
(p.  500.)  are  printed  some  French  and  English  songs  of  the 
Prince  on  the  Princess,  whom  he  calls  his  Sylvia.  One  stanza  ends 
thus :  — 

"  Peu  d'amis,  reste  d'un  naufrage, 
"  Je  rassemble  autour  de  moi, 
"  Et  me  ris  de  1'etalage 
"  Qu'a  chez  lui  toujours  un  Roi!  " 


1737.  FREDERICK   PRINCE   OF   WALES.  201 

talents ;  partly,  I  believe,  from  opposition  to  his  father, 
who  had  always  despised  the  first,  and  neglected  the 
latter.  Thus  it  had  happened,  at  last,  that  nearly  all  the 
wit  and  genius  were  ranged  on  the  side  of  Opposition. 
To  these  the  Prince's  house  was  always  open  :  Pulteney, 
Chesterfield,  Wyndham,  Carteret,  and  Cobham  became 
his  familiar  friends,  and  the  "  all  accomplished  St.  John," 
the  Mentor  of  his  political  course.  It  was  with  a  view  to 
his  future  reign,  and  as  an  oblique  satire  on  his  father's, 
that  the  fine  essay  of  Bolingbroke,  the  "  Patriot  King," 
was  composed.  The  rising  men  of  talent,  also  (Pitt  and 
Lyttleton  especially),  were  taken  into  his  confidence,  and 
afterwards  into  his  household. 

The  marriage  of  Frederick,  in  April,  1736,  to  Augusta 
of  Saxe  Gotha,  a  Princess  of  beauty  and  excellent  judg- 
ment, did  not,  as  was  hoped,  restore  union  to  the  Royal 
Family.  It  is  remarkable,  that  the  Address  to  the  King 
on  this  occasion  was  moved  by  Pulteney,  and  that  the 
principal  speakers  rose  from  the  ranks  of  the  Opnogitioa^. 
Pitt  and.  Lyttleton  both  made  their  first  speeches  that 
evening ;  and  the  performance  of  the  former  is  highly 
praised  by  a  contemporary ;  yet  the  subject  seems  to 
admit  of  little  eloquence  and  less  variety ;  and  the  com- 
parison with  Demosthenes  and  Cicero  is  evidently  an  an- 
ticipation.* So  much  are  men  mistaken  at  their  outset, 
that  Lyttleton  appears  to  have  been  considered  the  greater 
of  the  two  ;  and  Pope  calls  him  "  the  rising  genius  of  this 

«age."t 

Immediately  after  the  Prince's  marriage,  his  narrow 
income  became  the  constant  theme  of  his  complaints. 
His  father,  as  Prince  of  Wales,  had  been  allowed  100,000/. 
from  a  Civil  List  of  700,000/.  a  year ;  how  unjust,  there- 
fore, that  he  should  receive  only  50,000/.  from  a  Civil 
List  of  800,000 J. !  It  might  have  been  observed  that 
George  the  Second,  when  Prince,  had  to  maintain  a  large 
family  in  suitable  splendour ;  but  all  such  considerations 
are  usually  leapt  over  by  self-interest.  The  Prince's 
mind  continually  reverted  to  a  scheme  which  Bolingbroke 

*  Tindal's  Hist.  voL  viii.  p.  301. 

t  I  gather  this  expression  from  Swift's  answer  to  Pope,  May  10. 
1739. 


202  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVII. 

had  first  suggested  two  years  before,  and  which,  on  leav- 
ing England,  had  been  his  parting  advice  —  to  set  the 
King  at  defiance,  and  apply  to  Parliament  for  a  perma- 
nent income  of  100,000/.  a  year.  Some  of  his  best  friends 
remonstrated  warmly  against  this  violent  measure ; 
amongst  others,  Dodington,  afterwards  Lord  Melcombe, 
a  man  of  some  talent,  and,  as  patron  of  two  boroughs,  of 
considerable  influence,  who  has  left  a  curious  and  minute 
account  of  this  transaction.*  He  earnestly  endeavoured 
to  dissuade  Frederick  from  thus  dragging  his  private 
differences  into  public  view,  and  forcing  every  one  to 
declare  either  against  the  King  or  against  the  Prince ; 
but  His  Eoyal  Highness  remained  immovable,  and  used 
only  what  an  acute  traveller  has  called  the  Italian  mode 
of  argument ;  that  is,  repeating  again  and  again  the  same 
original  assertion !  f 

In  general,  however,  the  Opposition  were  far  from 
displeased  at  the  prospect  thus  afforded  of  perplexing 
the  Monarch  and  defeating  the  Minister.  Pulteney  con- 
sented to  bring  the  question  forward ;  Sir  John  Barnard 
promised  his  support ;  and  Sir  William  Wyndham  an- 
swered for  the  Tories,  declaring  that  they  had  long  de- 
sired an  opportunity  of  showing  their  attachment  to  the 
Prince,  and  proving  that  they  were  not,  as  falsely  repre- 
sented, Jacobites.  The  question  derived  still  more  inte- 
rest from  the  ill  health  of  the  King,  who  was  at  this 
time  suffering  under  a  low  fever,  and  by  many  persons 
not  expected  to  survive.}:  This  circumstance,  while  it 
aggravated  the  undutiful  conduct  of  the  Prince,  induced 
many  more  politicians  to  approve  it. 

The  King,  on  his  part,  at  last  hearing  of  his  son's  de- 
sign, was  persuaded  by  Walpole  to  send  him  a  message, 

*  Appendix  to  Dodington's  Diary.  His  first  name  had  been  Bubb; 
and  he  has  already  been  mentioned  as  Minister  at  Madrid  in  1715. 
See  voL  i.  p.  282. 

f  H  re  pond  aux  objections  a  la  manic1  re  Italienne;  c'est  de  repeter 
"  en  criant  un  peu  plus  la  phrase  a  laquelle  on  vient  de  repondre." 
(Stendhal,  Rome  et  Naples,  p.  99.) 

J  I  heard  this  day,  from  a  pretty  good  hand,  that  His  Majesty  has 

M  been  worse  than  they  cared  to  own The  physicians  say 

"  that  if  he  does  get  over  his  illness,  he  cannot  live  a  twelvemonth." 
Opinions  of  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough,  February  6.  1737.  See 
also  Dodington's  Narrative. 


1737.  MOTION  OF  PULTENEY.  203 

promising  to  settle  a  jointure  upon  the  Princess,  and, 
though  not  augmenting  the  Prince's  income,  to  make  it 
independent,  and  out  of  His  Majesty's  control.  This 
message  was  delivered  by  several  great  officers  of  state, 
especially  Lord  Hardwicke,  who  had  just  succeeded  Lord 
Talbot  as  Chancellor;  but  it  produced  only  some  civil 
expressions  from  Frederick,  without  any  change  of  pur- 
pose.* On  the  very  next  day,  the  22d  of  February, 
1737,  Pulteney  made  his  motion  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, in  the  form  of  an  Address,  beseeching  the  King  to 
settle  upon  the  Prince  100,0001.  a  year,  and  promising 
that  the  House  would  enable  him  effectually  to  perform 
the  same.  He  was  seconded  by  Sir  John  Barnard. 
Their  arguments,  couched  in  very  moderate  and  cautious 
terms,  turned  chiefly  on  historical  precedents  of  heirs 
apparent  and  presumptive,  who,  it  was  maintained,  had 
a  right  to  a  sufficient  and  settled  income.  Walpole  began 
his  reply  by  declaring  that  he  had  never  risen  to  speak 
with  more  pain  and  reluctance ;  but  that,  from  his  per- 
sonal knowledge  of  the  two  great  characters  concerned, 
he  was  convinced  that  neither  of  them  would  think  him- 
self injured  because  any  gentleman  gave  his  opinion  or 
vote  freely  in  Parliament.  He  said  that  he  had  the 
King's  commands  to  acquaint  them  with  the  particulars 
of  the  message  delivered  to  the  Prince  on  the  preceding 
day,  and  of  His  Royal  Highness's  answer ;  that  50,000/. 
a  year,  with  the  revenues  of  the  Duchy  of  Cornwall, 
amounting  to  about  10,000/.  more,  formed  a  competent 
allowance  for  the  heir  apparent ;  and  that  the  King  could 
afford  no  more  from  the  Civil  List;  that  to  interfere 
between  father  and  son  would  be  highly  indecorous ;  and 
that  no  real  precedent  for  it  could  be  adduced,  except 
under  Henry  the  Sixth,  a  prince  so  weak,  that  the  Par- 
liament found  it  necessary  to  assume  several  rights  and 
privileges  to  which  they  were  not  properly  entitled. 

The  King's  ill  health,  however,  made  more  impression 
than  the  Minister's  arguments,  and  greatly  reduced  the 
usual  majority  of  the  latter:  nay,  he  would  even  have 
been  left  in  a  minority,  had  "Wyndham  been  able  to  fulfil 
his  promise  when  he  answered  for  his  friends.  But  tho 

*  Lord  Hardwicke's  Narrative.    Hardwicke  Papers. 


204  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVII. 

more  ardent  Tories  were  umvilling  to  give  any  vote  in 
favour  of  the  heir  of  Hanover,  or  against  the  authority 
of  the  Crown,  and  they  left  the  House  in  a  body,  to  the 
number  of  forty-five ;  a  secession  which,  as  it  appears  to 
me,  exactly  measures  the  strength  of  the  decided  Ja- 
cobites in  that  House  of  Commons.  It  is  remarkable, 
that  in  the  preceding  Parliament  the  Jacobite  numbers 
were  said  to  be  almost  the  very  same,  being  computed, 
in  1728,  at  fifty.*  Wyndham  himself,  to  maintain  his 
influence  over  his  party,  though  he  spoke,  found  it  expe- 
dient to  refrain  from  voting.f  Thus  on  the  division,  the 
Opposition  was  reduced  to  204,  while  the  Minister,  who 
could  still  muster  234,  prevailed.  On  the  25th,  the  same 
motion  was  made  in  the  House  of  Lords  by  Carteret,  but 
rejected  by  a  very  large  majority ;  and  a  protest,  on  this 
occasion,  was  signed  by  only  fourteen  Peers. 

The  step  which  the  Prince  had  taken  on  this  occasion, 
though  rash  and  violent,  is  not  incapable  of  much  de- 
fence :  his  next  admits  of  none.  Stung  by  his  recent 
disappointment,  and  anxious  at  all  hazards  to  show  some 
public  insult  to  his  father  and  mother,  he  took  the  op- 
portunity of  the  ensuing  31st  of  July,  when  the  Princess 
was  seized  with  the  pains  of  childbirth.  It  was  not  till 
less  than  a  month  before  that  he  had  deigned  to  send  the 
King  and  Queen  any  announcement  of  the  approaching 
event.  The  whole  Royal  Family  were  then  at  Hampton 
Court,  and  all  proper  attendance  for  Her  Royal  Highness 
was  awaiting  her  first  summons.  Nevertheless,  no  sooner 
did  her  pains  begin,  than  the  Prince,  to  the  imminent 
danger  of  her  life,  hurried  her  in  the  middle  of  the  night 
to  London,  to  the  unaired  palace  of  St.  James's,  without 
the  slightest  intimation  to  the  King  and  Queen,  or  to 
any  of  the  great  officers  of  state  whom  custom  required 
to  be  present  on  such  occasions.  The  King,  however, 
hearing  of  this  abrupt  departure,  immediately  despatched 
Sir  Robert  Walpole  and  Lord  Harrington  to  attend  the 
birth ;  but  they  did  not  arrive  till  after  the  Princess  was 
delivered  of  a  daughter.  The  behaviour  of  Frederick  to 
the  Queen  (for,  on  the  first  notice  of  her  son's  exploit, 

*  See  Hallam's  Constit.  Hist.  voL  iii.  p.  338. 
f  Dodington's  Narrative. 


1737.         THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  PRINCE.          205 

she  too  had  hastened  to  St.  James's,  and  was  with  the 
Princess  at  seven  in  the  morning,)  is  recorded  by  no 
better  authority  than  Ho'race  Walpole's,  but  seems  highly 
probable,  and  well  according  with  the  rest  of  his  conduct. 
"  The  gracious  Prince,  so  far  from  attempting  an  apo- 
"  logy,  spoke  not  a  word  to  his  mother ;  but,  on  her  re- 
"  treat,  gave  her  his  hand,  led  her  into  the  street  to  her 
"coach — still  dumb;  but  a  crowd  being  assembled  at 
"  the  gate,  he  kneeled  down  in  the  dirt,  and  humbly 
"  kissed  Her  Majesty's  hand !  Her  indignation  must 
"  have  shrunk  into  contempt!"* 

Such  feelings  might,  indeed,  be  justified  by  such  actions. 
What  can  we  think  of  him  who  runs  the  risk  to  lose  his 
wife,  rather  than  not  insult  his  father ;  and  who  contrives 
to  prove  himself  by  one  act  a  careless  husband,  a  froward 
son,  and  a  foolish  politician  ?  Frederick  very  soon  found 
it  requisite,  for  the  sake  of  public  opinion,  to  offer  his 
parents  many  humble  submissions  and  apologies.  He  had 
no  better  excuse  to  make,  than  that  the  Princess  was 
taken  ill  sooner  than  had  been  expected ;  that  he  thought 
it  prudent  to  remove  her  towards  the  best  assistance, 
rather  than  await  its  coming ;  and  that,  in  his  hurry,  he 
had  forgotten  to  apprise  their  Majesties.  No  one  gave 
the  slightest  credit  to  these  pretexts :  it  was  evidently  a 
settled  and  concerted  design — the  fruit  of  that  sort  of 
stupid  cunning  by  which  men  so  often  overreach  them- 
selves. We  may  conjecture  what  was  the  language  of 
his  enemies  on  this  transaction,  when  we  find  the  strong 
disapprobation  even  of  his  friends.  Thus  Bolingbroke 
writes  to  Wyndham  from  France :  — "  I  am  at  a  loss  to 
"  find  the  plausibility  or  the  popularity  of  the  present 
"  occasion  of  rupture.  He  hurries  his  wife  from  Court 
"  when  she  is  upon  the  point  of  being  delivered  of  her 
'  first  child.  His  father  swells,  struts,  and  storms.  He 
"  confesses  his  rashness,  and  asks  pardon  in  the  terms  of 
"  one  who  owns  himself  in  the  wrong.  Besides  that  all 
"  this  appears  to  me  boyish,  it  is  purely  domestic,  and 

*  Reminiscences,  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  309.  He  repeats  the  same 
story  in  his  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  64. ;  and  it  is  confirmed  since  the  ear- 
lier editions  of  my  History  by  Lord  Hervey  s  Memoirs,  as  published  in 
1848  ;  with  only  this  correction,  that  the  scene  took  place,  not  on  the 
Queen's  first  visit,  but  on  her  sccoii J,  eight  days  later  (vol.  ii.  p.  409.). 


206  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAJ».  XVIL 

"  there  is  nothing,  as  far  as  I  can  discern,  to  interest  the 
"  public  in  thr  cause  of  His  Royal  Highness."* 

The  Prince's  apologies  were  now  so  humble  and  so 
numerous,  that  they  should  perhaps  have  made  some  im- 
pression upon  the  King ;  at  least,  have  induced  him  to 
leave  things  as  they  were,  and  avoid  a  total  and  public 
separation ;  but,  as  the  son  had  been  disrespectful  and 
untoward,  so  was  the  father  harsh.  Lord  Hardwicke 
earnestly  endeavoured  still  to  reconcile  them ;  while 
Walpole,  very  little  to  his  honour,  took  the  contrary 
course.  It  is  admitted  that,  far  from  striving  to  close, 
he  wished  to  keep  open  the  breach,  fearing  lest  his  own 
removal  might  be  among  the  terms  of  a  reconciliation.")" 
He  urged,  that  the  King  had  now  an  advantage,  by  the 
Prince  having  put  himself  so  much  in  the  wrong  ;  which 
advantage  ought  not  to  be  parted  with.  Thus  preventing 
(it  was  an  easy  task)  the  King's  passion  from  cooling,  he 
drew  up  in  his  name,  and  by  his  order,  a  message  to  the 
Prince  in  very  violent  terms,  it  being  better,  said  Wal- 
pole, "  to  take  it  short  at  first."  The  language  was  after- 
wards greatly  softened  at  Lord  Hardwicke's  interposition  ; 
but  it  still  remained  sufficiently  strong  :  it  drew  an  angry 
picture  of  the  Prince's  conduct ;  declared  that  the  King 
would  receive  no  reply ;  and  informed  him,  "  It  is  my 
"  pleasure  that  you  leave  St.  James's,  with  all  your 
"  family."  This  message,  signed  by  the  King,  was  deli- 
'vered  to  the  Prince  on  the  10th  of  September.  It  being 
peremptory,  Frederick  retired  from  the  palace,  and  took 
up  his  residence  at  Norfolk  House,  St.  James's  Square, 
which  immediately  became  the  centre  of  all  opposition 
and  political  intrigue.  The  King  issued  an  order,  that 
no  persons  who  paid  their  court  to  the  Prince  and  Prin- 
cess should  be  admitted  to  his  presence ;  and  an  official 
circular  was  sent  to  each  of  the  foreign  Ministers,  con- 
taining the  whole  correspondence  that  had  passed  in  this 
unfortunate  transaction. 

Such  was  the  public  estrangement  between  George  the 
Second  and  his  son,  nearly  resembling  in  its  particulars 
the  estrangement,  twenty  years  before,  between  the  same 
monarch  and  his  fat  her  4  A  christening  was  the  occasion 
of  the  first — a  childbirth  of  the  latter.  In  both  cases 

*  Letter,  October  13.  1737.  t  Coxc's  Life,  p.  539. 

|  See  vol.  I  p.  294. 


1737.  DIVISION   IN   THE   ROYAL   FAMILY.  207 

was  the  heir  apparent  commanded  to  quit  the  Royal 
palace  ;  in  both  was  the  scandal  trumpeted  to  all  Europe 
through  the  foreign  Ministers.  Yet,  amidst  all  this  libe- 
rality of  disclosures,  it  appears  that,  as  in  most  domestic 
quarrels,  there  still  remained  some  secrets  untold.  "  Sir 
Robert  Walpole  informed  me,"  writes  Lord  Hardwicke, 
'  of  certain  passages  between  the  King  and  himself,  and 
'  between  the  Queen  and  the  Prince,  of  too  high  and 
'  secret  a  nature  even  to  be  trusted  to  this  narrative ; 
'  but  from  thence  I  found  great  reason  to  think,  that  this 
'  unhappy  difference  between  the  King  and  Queen  and 
'  His  Royal  Highness  turned  upon  some  points  of  a  more 
'  interesting  and  important  nature  than  have  hitherto 
'  appeared." 

There  was  one  point  on  which  at  the  time  all  parties 
held  the  same  language, — that  union  in  the  Royal  Family 
was  most  essential  to  its  own  interest  and  preservation. 
This  we  find  assumed  on  all  sides  as  an  indisputable  ax- 
iom. Yet,  strange  as  it  seems,  this  quarrel,  so  unani- 
mously deplored  by  the  friends  to  the  dynasty,  as  a  heavy 
blow  to  it,  tended,  in  fact,  in  no  small  degree,  to  its  secu- 
rity. The  Tories,  who  had  hitherto  considered  their 
party  as  under  a  perpetual  exclusion  from  office  and 
power,  who  saw  no  glimmering  of  light  for  themselves, 
except  through  the  restoration  of  the  Stuarts,  had  been 
ready  to  join  the  Jacobites  in  their  most  desperate  designs. 
They  would  have  given  secret  encouragement  to  any 
conspiracy,  and  perhaps  public  support  to  any  rebellion. 
Very  many  amongst  them  indeed  were  attached  to  the 
Pretender,  not  as  a  cause  of  hope,  but  as  a  cause  of  prin- 
ciple ;  because  they  believed,  however  mistakenly,  in  his 
right, — because  the  spirit  of  the  gallant  and  noble-minded 
and  much  enduring  Cavaliers  was  yet  alive  within  them ; 
—  and  these  men  were  not  to  be  won  over.  But  there 
were  also  not  a  few  who  saw  with  pleasure  a  far  easier 
and  safer  avenue  to  power  open  in  the  favour  of  Frede- 
rick, who  detached  themselves  from  their  dangerous 
foreign  connection,  became  reconciled  to  the  dynasty, 
and  began  to  await  the  death  of  George  instead  of  his 
dethronement. 

The  separation  in  the  Royal  Family  was  followed,  in 
only  a  few  weeks,  by  the  unexpected  death  of  the  ami- 


208  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAT.  XVII. 

able  and  excellent  Queen.  Her  complaint  was  a  rupture, 
which  false  delicacy  had  always  induced  her  to  conceal 
from  her  attendants.  Lady  Sundon  alone  had  some  years 
before  surprised  the  secret,  and  thereby  risen  to  great 
influence  over  her  Royal  mistress.  Her  real  situation 
being  thus  unknown  to  her  physicians,  they  treated  it  as 
gout  in  the  stomach,  and  prescribed  remedies  which 
heightened  the  malady.  When  it  was  at  length  disclosed 
to  them,  it  was  already  beyond  their  skill.  One  of  the 
surgeons  declared,  that  if  he  had  known  it  two  days 
sooner,  Her  Majesty  should  have  been  walking  about  the 
next  day.  She  died  on  the  20th  of  November,  to  the 
deep  and  lasting  grief,  not  only  of  the  King,  but  of  the 
nation.  Her  last  days,  though  racked  with  pain,  were 
courageously  and  patiently  borne,  and  set  forth,  in  the 
highest  degree,  temper,  magnanimity,  affection  for  her 
family,  and  resignation  to  God.  Once,  we  are  told,  after 
a  most  painful  operation,  she  became  apprehensive  that 
the  agony  had  wrung  from  her  some  peevish  expressions, 
and  reproached  herself  with  them.  She  took  a  tender 
leave  of  the  King,  and  recommended  her  servants  to  his 
future  favour,  extending  her  concern  even  to  the  lowest. 
To  Walpole  she  is  reported  to  have  said, — "  I  hope  you 
"  will  never  desert  the  King,  but  continue  to  serve  him 
"  with  your  usual  fidelity  ;"  and,  pointing  to  her  husband, 
she  added,  "  I  recommend  His  Majesty  to  you." 

Yet  the  death-bed  of  this  high-minded  Princess  was 
not  wholly  free  from  blame,  still  less  from  the  malignant 
exaggerations  of  party.  She  was  censured  as  implacable 
in  hatred  even  to  her  dying  moments :  as  refusing  her 
pardon  to  her  son,  who,  it  was  added,  had  sent  humbly  to 
beseech  her  blessing.  "And  unforgiving,  unforgiven 
dies!"  cries  Chesterfield  in  some  powerful  lines  which 
were  circulated  at  the  time,  but  which  I  have  not  been 
able  to  recover.  With  still  more  bitterness,  Pope  veils 
his  satire  beneath  pretended  praise.*  The  real  truth 
seems  to  be,  as  we  find  it  stated  in  a  letter  only  two 
days  afterwards,  that  "  she  absolutely  refused  to  see  the 

*  "  Hang  the  sad  verse  on  Carolina's  urn, 
"  And  hail  her  passage  to  the  realms  of  rest, 
"  All  parts  perform'd,  and  all  her  children  bless d!" 

Epilogue  to  Satires. 


1737.         DEATH  OF  QUEEN  CAROLINE.  209 

"  Prince  of  Wales,  nor  could  the  Archbishop  of  Can- 
"  terbury,  when  he  gave  her  the  Sacrament,  prevail  on 
"  her,  though  she  said  she  heartily  forgave  the  Prince."* 
In  justice,  however,  to  her  memory,  we  should  not  forget 
how  recent  were  the  Prince's  insults,  and  how  zealously 
he  had  seized  every  occasion  to  treat  her  with  studied 
slight  and  disrespect. 

If,  indeed,  we  could  trust  the  assurances  of  Horace 
Walpole,  Lord  Orford,  to  Mr.  Coxe,  we  might  assert,  that 
the  Queen  had  sent  both  her  forgiveness  and  her  blessing 
to  her  son,  and  said  that  she  would  have  seen  him  with 
pleasure  had  she  not  feared  to  irritate  the  King.f  But 
the  authority  of  Horace  Walpole  will  seldom  weigh  with 
a  dispassionate  historian,  unless  when  confirmed,  or,  at 
least,  not  opposed,  by  others.  As  is  well  observed  by  Mr. 
Hallam  on  another  occasion,  "  his  want  of  accuracy  or 
"  veracity,  or  both,  is  so  palpable  (above  all  in  his  verbal 
"  communications),  that  no  great  stress  can  be  laid  upon 
"  his  testimony. "J 

During  the  ten  years  (from  1727  till  1737)  in  which 
Queen  Caroline  wielded  so  great  an  influence  over  public 
business,  it  continued  to  flow  in  a  smooth  and  uniform 
current,  seldom  broken  by  obstacles,  and  bearing  along 
comparatively  few  materials  for  history.  Yet  the  periods 
which  seem  the  most  barren  of  striking  incidents  are 
sometimes  the  most  fruitful  of  great  results ;  and  I  shall 
here  pause  in  my  narrative  to  trace,  first,  the  progress 
of  LITERATURE,  and  next  the  origin  and  growth  of 
METHODISM. 


*  Mr.  Charles  Ford  to  Swift,  November  22.  1737. 

•f  Coxe's  Life,  p.  550. 

j  Constit.  Hist.  vol.  iii.  p.  383. — I  may  add  that  I  see  at  least  equal 
reasons  for  mistrusting  some  of  the  strange  stories  told  of  this  death- 
bed in  the  second  volume  of  Lord  Hervey's  Memoirs.  See  especi- 
ally p.  514.,  where  we  find  the  Queen  advise  the  King  to  marry 
again — the  King  answer,  amidst  tears  and  sobs,  Non,faurai  des  mai» 
tresses — and  the  Queen  rejoin,  Ah  man  Dieu,  cela  n'empeche  pas  — 
Lord  Hervcy  adds,  "  I  know  this  episode  will  hardly  be  credited  ;" 
and  he  admits  that  he  was  not  present. 


VOL.  n. 


210  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XYIH. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

LITERATURE. 

THROUGHOUT  all  the  states  of  Europe,  the  literature  of 
the  Middle  Ages  was  nearly  the  same.  The  usual  fault 
of  a  barbarous  period  is  not  so  much  the  absence  as  the 
false  direction  of  learning  and  research,  which  waste 
themselves  on  subjects  either  beneath  the  notice,  or 
above  the  comprehension,  of  man.  In  Spain  and  in 
Italy,  as  in  France  and  England,  the  learned  few,  five 
centuries  ago,  equally  lost  themselves  in  the  mazes  of 
Thomas  Aquinas,  and  trot  in  the  beaten  track  of  Aris- 
totle ;  while  their  lighter  hours  were  amused  with  Latin 
quibbles  and  Leonine  verses.  But  when,  towards  the 
year  1500,  the  human  mind  burst  forth  from  its  trammels, 
and  the  human  intellect  was  stirred  to  its  inmost  depths 
—  when,  at  nearly  one  and  the  same  period,  printing  was 
diffused,  America  discovered,  and  the  errors  of  the 
Church  of  Rome  reformed,  —  then  was  a  new  and 
original  impulse  every  where  given  to  genius.  And 
thus,  in  the  next  generation,  almost  every  people  began 
to  possess  a  separate  and  distinctive  literature  of  its  own. 
No  where  did  there  gather  a  brighter  galaxy  of  genius 
than  in  England  during  the  era  of  Elizabeth :  it  is  by 
those  great  old  writers  that  our  language  was  raised  and 
dignified;  it  is  from  that  "pure  well  of  English  un- 
"  defiled"  that  all  successive  generations  will  draw  with 
a  quenchless  thirst  and  in  inexhaustible  profusion. 

In  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century,  most  of 
our  writers,  trusting  less,  and  having  less  reason  to  trust, 
their  own  inspirations,  began  to  look  abroad  for  models. 
The  literature  of  Spain  was  then  eagerly  sought  and 
studied,  and  by  its  faults  infected  ours.  Had  it  been 
studied  in  a  more  discriminating  spirit,  our  writers  might 


LITERATURE.       ERA    OF   CHARLES    THE   SECOND.  211 

have  advantageously  borrowed  that  remarkable  nobility 
and  loftiness  of  sentiment  which  pervades  it,  or  those 
romantic  traces  of  Eastern  poetry  which  yet  linger  in  the 
land  of  the  Moors.  Thus  that  beautiful  fable  of  the 
Loves  of  the  Rose  and  Nightingale,  first  made  known  to 
us,  I  think,  by  Lady  Mary  Montagu,  in  a  translation  of  a 
Turkish  ode*,  and  since  so  often  sung  and  so  highly 
adorned  by  the  muse  of  Byronf,  might  have  been  found, 
two  centuries  ago,  in  the  Spanish  verse  of  Calderon.J 
But  the  English  imitators  rather  preferred  to  fix  on  the 
fanciful  conceits  and  forced  allegories  —  the  AGTJDEZAS 
(to  use  their  own  expression)  of  the  Spaniards  ;  as  when 
the  same  Calderon  compares  the  sun  setting  beneath 
light  clouds  to  a  golden  corpse  entombed  in  a  silver 
monument !  §  Such  wild  shoots  of  fancy,  which  had 
also  struck  deep  root  in  Italy,  the  wits  of  Charles  the 
First  laboured,  and  not  without  effect,  to  transplant 
among  us. 

As  under  Charles  the  First  the  national  taste  was  cor- 
rupted by  the  example  of  Spain,  so  was  it  under  Charles 
the  Second  by  the  example  of  France.  The  King's  youth 
had  been  passed  in  that  country :  its  literature,  and  his 
inclinations,  equally  pointed  to  gallantry  ;  and  the  gay 
wit  of  St.  Evremond  and  Grammont  sparkled  at  his 
Court.  Nor  was  the  nation  ill  prepared,  to  receive  them. 
The  gloomy  thraldom  of  the  Puritans  had  weighed  espe- 
cially upon  our  stage  ;  and  the  pressure  once  removed,  it 
flew  too  high  by  the  rebound.  Thus  it  happened  that  a 
general  licentiousness  began  to  prevail  amongst  authors, 
and  that  even  the  genius  of  Dryden  cannot  shield  his 


*  See  her  letter  to  Pope,  April  1.  1717. 
t  The  Giaour,  v.  21.    The  Bride  of  Abydos,  conclusion,  &c. 
J  "  Campo,  sol,  arroyo,  rosa, 

"  Ave  que  canto  aino  rosa." 

CALMJBON,  El  Magico  Prodigioso; 

a  most  remarkable  performance  ;  I  think,  in  some  respects,  superior 
to  Faust, 

"  Quando  el  Sol  cayendo  vaya 

"  A  sepultarse  en  las  cndas, 

"  Que  entre  obscuras  nubes  pardas 

"  Al  gran  cadaver  de  oro 

"  Sou  niouuinentos  de  plata! " 
P2 


212  HISTORY  OP   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVIII. 

plays  from  just  reproach.  Nay,  it  may  be  said  of  him, 
that  he  went  far  beyond  his  models.  It  is  not  so  much 
any  rapturous  descriptions,  or  overflowings  of  ardent 
passion,  that  we  find  to  condemn ;  but  his  favourite  he- 
roes, his  Woodalls  and  his  Wildbloods,  display  a  low, 
hard,  ruffianly  coarseness  —  a  taste  for  almost  every  thing 
base,  which  there  is  seldom  any  touch  of  generosity  or 
kindness  to  redeem.  A  legion  of  other  writers  could 
emulate  the  coarseness,  though  not  the  wit,  of  a  Dryden  ; 
and  as  Liberty  had  just  run  riot,  so  did  Gaiety  then. 

The  great  writers  of  Queen  Anne's  reign,  and  of  the 
succeeding,  happily  shunned  these  faults  of  the  last  cen- 
tury, whether  derived  from  Spain  or  from  France.  We 
may  still,  indeed,  here  and  there  detect  some  conceits  like 
Cowley's,  some  license  like  Rochester's ;  but  these  are  few 
and  rare :  the  current  ran  in  the  opposite  direction,  and 
was  no  more  to  be  turned  by  some  exceptions,  than,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  sublime  genius  of  Milton  could  guide  or 
reform  the  taste  of  the  preceding  generation.  Wit  was 
now  refined  from  its  alloy.  Poetry  was  cleared  of  its 
redundancies.  The  rules  both  of  prose  and  of  the  drama 
became  better  understood,  and  more  strictly  followed.  It 
was  sought  to  form,  and  not  merely  to  flatter,  the  public 
taste :  nor  did  genius,  when  well  directed  in  its  flights, 
soar  less  high.  In  English  prose,  it  would  be  difficult  to 
equal,  in  their  various  departments,  "  from  lively  to 
severe,"  the  manner  of  Bolingbroke,  Addison,  Atterbury, 
and  Chesterfield.  Or  who  has  ever  exceeded  in  their 
different  styles  and  subjects  the  poetry  of  Pope,  Swift, 
Gay,  and  Prior?  By  these,  and  such  as  these,  was  our 
literature  enriched  and  refined,  and  our  language  almost 
finally  formed.  It  was  immediately  after  them  that  a 
genius  not  inferior  to  theirs  compiled  that  celebrated 
Dictionary,  which,  first  published  in  1755,  has  ever  since 
been  esteemed  as  the  standard  of  the  English  tongue. 
Since  that  time  new  words  or  phrases  have  been  but 
seldom  attempted,  and  still  more  seldom  received  and 
acknowledged.  Yet,  notwithstanding  the  advantages  that 
attend  a  fixed  and  final  standard,  I  still  hope  that  the 
door  is  not  wholly  closed  against  foreign  words,  as  aliens, 
but  that  some  of  real  value  may  be  received  as  denizens, 
and  allowed  to  rank  with  the  King's  English.  How  ad- 


LITERATURE.     ERA  OF  QUEEN  ANNE.  2 13 

vantageously  might  not  several  be  chosen,  especially  from 
the  parent  German  stock !  Who  would  not  wish,  for  ex- 
ample, that  some  writers  of  sufficient  authority  would 
adopt  and  make  our  own  the  Teutonic  term  FATHERLAND, 
which  not  only  expresses  in  one  word  a  NATIVE  COUNTRY, 
but  comprises  the  reason  why  we  love  it !  —  But  let  me 
return  from  this  short  digression. 

If  then  we  compare  as  a  body  the  literary  men  under 
Queen  Anne  and  George  the  First,  with  those  under  the 
two  Charleses,  we  shall  find  a  great  and  manifest  im- 
provement. If  we  compare  them  with  the  older  writers 
of  the  era  of  Elizabeth,  we  shall  I  think  pronounce  them 
to  have  less  loftiness  and  genius,  but  far  more  Correctness. 
This  judgment  was  once  so  universally  received,  that  it 
might  almost  be  considered  a  truism,  and  was  first  called 
in  question  by  that  great  and  good  man  to  whom  I  have 
just  referred.  Dr.  Johnson,  in  his  preface  to  Shakspeare, 
denies  the  superior  correctness  of  later  times,  taking  issue 
especially  upon  the  unities  of  time  and  place  in  dramatic 
composition.  The  want  of  these  unities,  he  argues,  is  no 
defect,  nor  their  attainment  of  any  value  ;  they  are  rules 
that  "  arise  evidently  from  false  assumptions."  When 
Johnson  wrote,  those  rules  were  so  universally  honoured, 
and  sanctioned  by  such  high  authorities,  that  he  declares 
himself  "almost  frightened  at  his  own  temerity,  and  ready 
"to  sink  down  in  reverential  silence."  So  completely  has 
the  public  judgment  veered  round  since  his  times,  and  so 
much  has  his  own  been  adopted,  that  perhaps  the  same 
expressions  might  now  be  as  appropriate  in  venturing  to 
allege  some  reasons  for  the  opposite  opinion. 

In  the  first  place,  I  would  endeavour  to  clear  away  the 
objection  so  often  urged,  that  a  respect  for  these  unities 
implies  a  coldness  or  distaste  for  Shakspeare  and  our 
great  old  dramatists.  Surely  no  such  consequence  can 
be  fairly  deduced.  To  maintain  the  general  rule  is  quite 
compatible  with  the  highest  admiration  for  particular  ex- 
ceptions. Let  us  admit  that  Shakspeare  was  most  great, 
not  only  in  spite  of  his  irregularity,  but  even,  sometimes, 
if  you  will,  by  and  through  his  irregularity — should  we 
therefore  proclaim  irregularity  as  our  future  rule?  Thus, 
in  Dryden,  we  may  admit  that  such  incorrect  rhymes  as 

P  3 


214  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.-  CHAP.  XVIII.- 

FORM  and  MAN  —  GONE  and  SOON*,  are  combined  in  such 
beautiful  couplets  as  to  make  us  forget  their  incorrectness 
—  nay,  that  without  the  incorrectness  we  might  have 
lost  the  beauty.  But  does  it  follow  that  these  rhymes 
should  be  allowed  in  all  succeeding  poets  ?  In  like  man- 
ner, who  that  has  beheld  the  Alhambra  in  all  its  glories 
of  gold  and  azure  —  with  its  forests  of  slender  marble 
pillars,  and  its  fretwork  of  high  emblazoned  walls  —  has 
not  stood  entranced  before  that  happy  deviation  from  all 
architectural  rules  ?  But  does  it  follow  that  we  should 
burn  Vitruvius  ? 

The  argument  of  Dr.  Johnson  is,  that  no  dramatic  re- 
presentation is  ever  mistaken  for  truth,  and  that,  there- 
fore, as  the  spectator  does  not  really  imagine  himself  at 
Alexandria  in  the  first  act,  there  is  nothing  to  startle  him 
at  finding  the  second  act  transferred  to  Rome.  For  the 
same  reason,  he  maintains  that  the  second  act  may  repre- 
sent events  that  happened  several  years  after  the  first. 
"  The  spectators,"  says  Johnson,  "  are  always  in  their 
"  senses,  and  know  from  first  to  last  that  the  stage  is  only 
"  a  stage,  and  that  the  players  are  only  players."  But 
does  not  this  argument,  in  fact,  amount  to  this  —  that  art 
is  not  perfect,  and  that  therefore  there  should  be  no  art 
at  all  ?  Johnson  himself,  on  another  subject,  has  told  us 
that  "perfection  is  unattainable,  but  nearer  and  nearer 
"approaches  may  be  made."f  So,  likewise,  in  the  stage, 
the  object  is  complete  illusion  —  to  draw  the  spectator 
as  nearly  as  possible  into  the  idea  that  those  are  no 
feigned  sorrows  which  he  sees  —  that  a  real  Iphigenia 
stands  weeping  before  him  —  that  a  real  Cato  has  pierced 
his  heroic  breast.  The  success,  it  is  true,  always  falls 
short  of  this  perfection,  but  the  nearer  it  is  attained  the, 
more  do  we  applaud.  The  more  tears  are  drawn  from 
the  audience  —  the  more  they  are  induced,  either  by  the 
genius  of  the  poet  or  the  skill  of  the  player,  to  identify 


*  "  Our  thoughtless  sex  is  caught  by  outward  form, 
"  And  empty  noise,  and  loves  itself  in  wan," 

"  Each  has  his  share  of  good,  and  when  'tis  gone, 
"  The  guest,  though  hungry,  cannot  rise  too  soon." 
f  Advertisement  to  the  fourth  edition  of  the  Euglish  Dictionary. 


LITERATURE;  THE    DRAMATIC   UNITIES.  215 

themselves  with  the  characters  upon  the  stage,  and  to 
feel  for  them  as  they  would  for  real  sufferers  —  the  closer 
we  attain  this  point,  the  closer  do  we  come  to  the  aim 
which  is  set  before  us.  Follow  out  the  principle  of  Dr. 
Johnson,  and  you  will  find  no  reason  left  why  costume 
should  be  rightly  observed,  why  Iphigenia  might  not 
appear  in  a  hoop  and  Cato  in  a  frock  coat !  If  you  are 
not  to  strive  at  illusion  —  we  might  argue  on  his  own 
maxims  —  you  need  care  only  for  the  beauty  of  the  poem 
and  the  merit  of  the  recitation,  and  every  thing  tending 
only  to  the  illusion,  like  dress,  may  be  discarded.  Or, 
how  would  the  argument  of  Dr.  Johnson  hold,  if  applied 
to  any  other  of  the  fine  arts  ?  A  painter,  in  like  manner, 
knows  that  the  landscape  or  the  portrait  on  his  easel  will 
never  be  mistaken  for  the  real  country  or  the  real  man, 
but  he  knows,  also,  that  it  is  his  business  to  make  them 
as  like  as  possible — to  bring  us  as  nearly  as  he  can  to  mis- 
take them  for  the  reality.  Nor  does  any  critic  attempt 
to  excuse  glaring  faults  of  proportion  and  perspective  by 
saying,  that  it  would,  at  all  events,  be  impossible  to  mis- 
take the  painting  for  the  object,  and  that  therefore  it  was 
superfluous  to  labour  for  illusion. 

Nay,  more,  Johnson  himself  seems  scarcely  persuaded 
by  his  own  arguments,  for,  in  his  life  of  Rowe,  he  con- 
demns that  poet  for  the  breach  of  a  rule  that  can  only  be 
defended  on  the  same  principle  as  the  unities.  "  To 
"  change  the  scene,  as  is  done  by  Rowe  in  the  middle  of 
"  an  act,  is  to  add  more  acts  to  the  play,  since  an  act  is 
"  so  much  of  the  business  as  is  transacted  without  inter- 
"  mission."  But  why  seek  the  illusion,  in  this  single 
point,  when  you  disclaim  it  in  others  ?  —  So  shifting  and 
uncertain  appears  the  ground,  which  this  great  critic,  so 
seldom  erroneous  in  his  judgments,  has  on  this  subject 
ii-Mi  uied ! 

If,  however,  such  a  question  were  to  be  decided  by  au- 
thorities, instead  of  arguments,  I  might  put  into  the 
scale  against  Johnson's  opinion,  and  since  his  time,  the 
three  great  names  of  Alfieri,  Schiller,  and  Byron.  None 
•of  thc.se,  so  far  as  we  can  learn  from  their  lives,  had  any 
peculiar  fondness  for  rules  and  restraints.  Yet  of  the 
rules  of  unity  they  saw  the  advantage  so  clearly,  as  to 
•adhere  to  them. most  carefully.  Schiller,  indeed,  in  hi,s 

P  4 


216  HISTORY   OP    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVm. 

earlier  pieces  (Die  Rauber  especially),  gave  himself  moro 
license,  but  as  his  judgment  matured,  his  regularity  of 
design  increased. 

But  it  is  asked,  why,  if  you  can  avoid  it,  impose  any 
restraints,  any  barriers  on  genius?  —  It  is  not  considered 
that  a  great  part  of  the  beauty  may  arise  from  these 
very  barriers.  Like  the  embankments  of  a  stream,  they 
contract  the  channel  only  to  give  greater  depth  and 
strength  to  the  current.  Thus,  in  like  manner,  rhymes 
are  shackles  on  the  poet.  Nevertheless  it  is  not  pre- 
tended, that  on  all  subjects,  and  in  all  cases,  blank  verse 
is  therefore  preferable  to  rhyme.  Nay,  even  in  blank 
verse  the  metre  itself  is  a  restraint.  Those  sons  of  free- 
dom, however,  who,  instead  of  rhyme,  have  written  blank 
verse  or  blanker  prose,  have  not  always  proved  the 
greatest  favourites  with  posterity.  In  all  these  cases  we 
are  to  consider  not  the  degree  of  trouble  to  him  who 
writes,  but  the  degree  of  pleasure  to  those  who  read. 

It  should  also  be  remembered,  that  any  large  breach 
of  the  unities  is  usually  attended  by  some  clumsiness  in 
the  announcement  of  it.  This  does  not  apply  so  much,  if 
at  all,  to  slight  deviations.  Where  the  scene  is  trans- 
ferred to  a  neighbouring  spot,  or  to  the  next  day,  we 
seldom  need  any  explanation.  But  when  the  poet  changes 
the  scene  from  Alexandria  to  Rome,  he  must  make  his 
characters  tell  us  that  we  are  at  Rome.  When  he  leaps 
over  some  years,  his  characters  must  in  like  manner  be- 
come chronologists.  Such  news  seldom  comes  naturally 
into  the  dialogue  :  it  appears  forced  and  constrained,  and 
too  often  reminds  us  of  that  scene  in  the  Critic,  where 
the  two  officers  at  Tilbury  Fort  inform  one  another  that 
Queen  Elizabeth  is  their  sovereign,  and  that  the  English 
hold  the  Protestant  faith. 

It  is  said,  however,  and  with  great  truth,  that  some 
cases  will  occur  in  which  you  must  relinquish  beauties, 
unless  you  will  break  these  rules.  Here,  however,  as  in 
all  similar  cases,  we  must  weigh  one  advantage  against 
the  other ;  and  whenever  the  beauties  to  be  attained  by 
a  sacrifice  of  the  unities  are  really  sufficient  to  warrant 
that  sacrifice,  let  no  one  doubt  or  hesitate  to  make  it. 
Thus,  in  Joan  of  Arc,  the  nature  of  the  story  seems  ut- 
terly to  preclude  the  unities  of  either  time  or  place- 


LITERATURE.  THE    DRAMATIC   UNITIES.  217 

This  was  felt  by  Schiller ;  and  who  that  reads  the  noble 
tragedy  will  not  rejoice  that  he  has  ventured  to  "  snatch 
"  a  grace  beyond  the  reach  of  art !  "  Thus  again  in  Ma- 
rino Faliero,  the  unity  of  place  might  have  been  still 
more  strictly  observed,  had  the  Doge  in  the  third  act 
convened  the  conspirators  in  his  palace,  instead  of  going 
forth  to  meet  them.  But  this  would  have  lost  us  a 
splendid  scene, ;  and  the  latter  course  was  therefore 
wisely  preferred  by  Lord  Byron,  as  is  told  us  by  himself 
in  his  preface.  In  fact,  as  it  appears  to  me,  a  small 
temptation  may  be  sufficient  to  justify  a  writer  for 
changing  the  scene  to  a  short  distance  either  of  time  or 
space.  Then  the  illusion  is  but  slightly  disturbed,  and 
soon  restored;  and  the  audience  not  shocked  by  any 
breach  of  probability.  In  the  Siege  of  Calais,  for  ex- 
ample, we  not  only  forgive,  but  even  expect,  that  the 
scene  should  pass  sometimes  without  and  sometimes 
within  the  walls.  But  where  the  action  is  made  to  ex- 
tend over  several  years  or  several  hundred  miles,  — 
when,  as  in  the  Winter's  Tale,  we  find  a  child  not  born 
in  the  first  act,  married  in  the  fifth,  —  then  I  certainly 
think  that  the  mind  of  the  spectator  recoils  from  the 
supposition,  and  that  none  but  the  very  highest  beauties 
of  composition  can  redeem  such  an  error  of  design. 

I  think  also,  that  the  cases  are  by  no  means  numerous, 
where  any  large  departure  from  the  unities  is  essential 
to  the  beauty  of  the  play.  Take  the  instance  of  Othello. 
Had  it  been  attempted  to  make  that  play  regular,  the 
first  act  must  have  been  laid  like  the  four  others  at 
Cyprus,  and  the  events  at  Venice  left  to  Othello  or  Des- 
dcmona  to  relate.  But  would  this  necessarily  have  been 
a  blemish  ?  In  epic  poems  it  is  admitted  as  a  beauty, 
that  part  of  the  story  should  be  told  by  the  hero,  while 
the  rest  is  left  to  the  narration  of  the  poet.  The  same 
variety  is  not  without  its  charm  in  tragedy.  If  we  ima- 
gine, not  what  we  ourselves  could  do,  but  what  the  ge- 
nius of  a  Shakspeare  could  achieve,  we  shall  perhaps  in 
this,  and  in  like  cases,  form  to  ourselves  an  idea  of  what 
might  have  been,  not  below  the  works  which  actually 
exist. 

On  the  whole  then,  I  would  not  forego  any  beauty  of 
description,  or  developement  of  character  for  the  sake  of 


218  .  BISTORT   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVIIT. 

the  unities.  But  where,  without  loss  or  detriment,  it  is 
possible  to  maintain  them,  I  certainly  think  them  an  ad- 
ditional charm  to  the  public,  an  additional  merit  in  the 
poet.  I  would  advise  a  writer  to  seek  them,  not  to  sacri- 
fice to  them.  It  is  on  the  same  principle,  that  in  versify- 
ing he  should  make  every  attempt  to  find  a  perfect  rhyme 
before  he  uses  a  defective  one.  But  if  he  cannot  find  any 
of  the  former,  I  would  rather  bear  a  faulty  rhyme  than 
lose  a  noble  thought. 

In  our  own  times,  not  merely  has  the  depreciation  of 
the  unities  gained  ground,  but  the  poets  of  the  age  of 
Anne  have  been  censured  as  carrying  too  far  the  smooth- 
ness and  correctness  of  versification.  Pope  especially,  as 
the  foremost  of  this  class,  has  been  nibbled  at  by  men 
whom,  when  alive,  a  single  brandish  of  his  pen  would 
have  silenced  and  struck  down.  lie  has  been  denied 
imagination,  variety,  true  poetic  genius,  and  allowed 
scarce  any  thing  beyond  the  talent  of  harmonious  num- 
bers !  But  his  defence  has  been  promptly  undertaken  by 
gifted  hands,  and  conducted  in  a  manner  worthy  of  him- 
self and  of  them.  Mr.  Thomas  Campbell  has,  with  gene- 
rous spirit  and  admirable  sense,  vindicated  our  British 
Horace.*  Lord  Byron  pointedly  observes,  that  Pope  is 
the  only  poet  whose  very  faultlessness  has  been  urged  as 
his  reproach,  and  that  he  is  only  blamed  as  Aristides  was 
banished,  because  the  world  are  weary  of  hearing  him 
called  the  Just.  Nay,  so  eager  was  Byron  to  do  justice 
to  his  predecessor,  that  he  became  unjust  to  himself:  he 
compares  the  poetry  of  the  last  century  to  the  Parthenon, 
and  that  of  his  own  times  to  a  Turkish  mosque,  and 
boasts,  that  though  he  had  assisted  in  rearing  the  gaudy 
and  fantastic  edifice,  he  had  ever  refrained  from  defacing 
and  despoiling  the  monuments  of  a  purer  taste.f 

The  real  truth  seems  to  be,  that  Pope's  was  not  the 
highest  class  of  poetry,  but  that  in  the  second  class  he 
deserves  to  hold  the  very  highest  rank.  It  may  also  be 
observed,  that  this  class,  though  inferior  in  the  scale  of 
merit,  is  perhaps  more  generally  and  permanently  pleas- 
ing than  any  other.  Milton  was  undoubtedly  a  far  greater 

*  Essay  on  English  Poetrr,  pp.  260—268.  ed.  1819. 
f  Letter  on  the  liev.  W.  JJ  jwks. 


LITERATURE.  POETRY   OF   POPE.  219 

poet  than  Pope;  yet  Paradise  Lost  too  often  remains 
praised  but  unread  upon  the  shelf,  while  the  Moral  Es- 
says are  turned  over  by  a  thousand  eager  hands.  I  am 
far  from  saying  that  this  is  a  right  taste ;  but  I  do  say 
that  it  is,  and  I  believe  ever  will  be,  the  taste  of  the 
larger  number  of  readers.  When  Pope  is  blamed  for 
wanting  the  highest  poetic  flights,  we  should  remember 
that  such  flights  did  not  accord  with  the  subjects  he  had 
chosen,  and  that  sublimity  misplaced  would  only  become 
ridiculous.  Still  less  should  he  be  condemned,  as  appears 
his  frequent  fate,  only  because  his  imitators,  for  the  fol- 
lowing fifty  years,  were  for  the  most  part  tasteless  and 
insipid  copyists  of  his  harmony  without  his  sense  ;  or,  to 
adopt  his  own  expression,  "  word-catchers  that  live  on 
"  syllables" — who  wrote,  in  very  even-balanced  numbers, 
very  chilling  love-verses  and  very  innocent  satires  !  All 
this  is  true,  yet  all  this  reflects  no  discredit  upon  Pope. 
It  is  the  fate  of  all  great  writers  to  produce  many  wretched 
imitations,  and  to  become  the  model  of  all  the  aspiring 
dunces  of  their  day.  How  many  ponderous  epics  have 
come  forth  still-born  from  the  press  in  imitation  of  Mil- 
ton !  In  our  own  time,  what  fooleries  have  been  perpe- 
trated, with  Byron  for  their  model !  What  shoals  of 
would-be  Laras  and  Harolds !  How  many  an  accom- 
plished young  lady,  with  a  richly  bound  album,  has 
thought  it  fashionable  to  describe  herself  in  it  as  plunged 
in  the  lowest  depths  of  despair  and  hatred  to  mankind ; 
as  one  "  who  dreads  the  darkness,  and  yet  loathes  the 
"  light" — who  claims  the  "  brotherhood  of  Cain" — whose 
hours  are  "all  tortured  into  ages!"  But  do  all  these 
mincing  dainty  miseries  recoil  against  the  illustrious 
source  of  them,  and  tarnish  his  great  poetic  name  ?  And 
why  then  is  Pope  alone  to  be  held  responsible  for  the 
faults  and  follies  of  his  copyists  ? 

The  writers  of  the  age  of  Anne,  by  descending  from 
the  highest  but  less  popular  flights  of  poetry,  and  by  re- 
fining the  licentiousness  which  had  heretofore  prevailed, 
greatly  extended  and  enlarged  the  field  of  literature. 
The  number  of  readers  grew  more  and  more  considerable. 
Books  were  no  longer  confined  either  to  the  studious  or 
to  the  dissolute.  Education  and  reflection  spread  by 
degrees  throughout  all  classes  ;  and  though  several  othec 


220  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVIII. 

causes  concurred  to  this  end,  the  new  style  in  literature 
was,  perhaps,  the  foremost.  To  women,  especially,  the 
change  was  of  importance ;  there  had  hitherto  been  few 
books  for  their  suitable  amusement,  and  scarcely  any 
medium  between  pedantry  and  ignorance.  Amongst  the 
ladies  who  lived  in  the  time  of  Pope,  nay  even  in  his  so- 
ciety, we  find  a  want  of  that  common  information,  which 
is  seldom  acquired  but  in  youth,  and  which,  beyond  doubt, 
their  daughters  afterwards  possessed.  Thus,  to  give  one 
instance,  Mrs.  Csesar,  whose  husband  was  member  of 
Parliament  for  Hertford,  and  had  filled  offices  under 
Harley,  and  who  was  herself  a  correspondent  of  Swift, 
could  not  spell  English  ;  and  was  so  far  from  considering 
this  deficiency  as  a  matter  of  shame,  that  she  treats  it  as 
a  subject  of  jest.  She  admits  that  her  spelling  is  bad, 
but  boasts  that  her  style  is  terse ;  and  quotes  a  saying  of 
Pope,  that  he  sometimes  finds  too  many  letters  in  her 
words,  but  never  too  many  words  in  her  letters !  *  In 
the  next  generation,  I  apprehend,  many  might  have  mis- 
spelt, but  would  have  blushed  at  it ;  in  the  next  again, 
nearly  all  would  have  spelt  rightly.  At  the  present  time, 
perhaps,  some  persons  might  fear  that  we  are  passing 
over  into  the  opposite  extreme,  and  that,  so  far  from  mis- 
spelling, a  young  lady  would  now  be  more  likely  to  indite 
a  learned  Essay  on  Orthography. 

There  is  another  praise  to  which  the  age  of  Anne  seems 
justly  entitled ;  it  awakened  public  attention  to  the  age 
of  Elizabeth.  Our  noble  English  ballads  had  remained 
forgotten  until  Addison  quoted  and  applauded  Chevy 
Chace.'t  Thus  also  the  Fairy  Queen  was  proclaimed, 
and  at  length  acknowledged  as  "  a  great  land-mark  of 
"  our  poetry."|  Thus  the  great  old  dramatists  once 
more  resumed  their  reign,  having  in  this  century  first 
excited  praise  from  eminent  men  as  readers,  and  next 
again  attracted  applauding  thousands  on  the  stage. 


*  Mrs.  Caesar  to  Swift,  August  6.  1732. 

f  Spectator,  Nos.  70.  and  74. 

j  This  was  the  expression  of  Pope.  (Spence,  p.  171.)  Re  said, 
on  another  occasion :  —  "  There  is  something  in  Spenser  that  pleases 
**  one  as  strongly  in  one's  old  age  as  it  did  in  one's  youth.  I  read  the 
"  Fairy  Queen  when  I  was  about  twelve,  with  infinite  delight,  and  I 


LITERATURE.  LITERARY  PATRONAGE,  221 

During  the  reigns  of  William,  of  Anne,  and  of  George 
the  First,  till  1721,  when  Walpole  became  Prime  Minis- 
ter, the  Whigs  and  Tories  vied  with  each  other  in  the 
encouragement  of  learned  and  literary  men.  Whenever 
a  writer  showed  signs  of  genius,  either  party  to  which 
his  principles  might  incline  him  was  eager  to  hail  him  as 
a  friend.  The  most  distinguished  society,  and  the  most 
favourable  opportunities,  were  thrown  open  to  him.  Places 
and  pensions  were  showered  down  in  lavish  profusion ; 
those  who  wished  only  to  pursue  their  studies  had  the 
means  afforded  them  for  learned  leisure,  while  more  am- 
bitious spirits  were  pushed  forward  in  Parliament  or  in 
diplomacy.  In  short,  though  the  Sovereign  was  never 
an  Augustus,  almost  every  Minister  was  a  Maecenas. 
Newton  became  Master  of  the  Mint ;  Locke  was  a  Com- 
missioner of  Appeals  ;  Steele  was  a  Commissioner  of 
Stamps ;  Stepney,  Prior,  and  Gay,  were  employed  in 
lucrative  and  important  embassies.  It  was  a  slight  piece 
of  humour  at  his  outset  and  as  his  introduction  —  the 
"  City  and  Country  Mouse" — that  brought  forth  a  moun- 
tain of  honours  to  Montagu,  afterwards  Earl  of  Halifax, 
and  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury.  When  Parnell  first 
came  to  Court,  Lord  Treasurer  Oxford  passed  through 
the  crowd  of  nobles,  leaving  them  all  unnoticed,  to  greet 
and  welcome  the  poet.  "  I  value  myself,"  says  Swift, 
"  upon  making  the  Ministry  desire  to  be  acquainted  with 
"Parnell,  and  not  Parnell  with  the  Ministry."*  Swift 
himself  became  Dean  of  St.  Patrick's,  and  but  for  the 
Queen's  dislike  would  have  been  Bishop  of  Hereford. 
Pope,  as  a  Roman  Catholic,  was  debarred  from  all  places 
of  honour  or  emolument,  yet  Secretary  Craggs  offered 
him  a  pension  of  300/.  a  year  not  to  be  known  by  the 
public,  and  to  be  paid  from  the  Secret  Service  Money.'}' 
In  1714  General  Stanhope  carried  a  Bill,  providing  a 
most  liberal  reward  for  the  discovery  of  the  longitude.^ 
Addison  became  Secretary  of  State.  Tickell  was  Secre- 


;  think  it  pave  me  as  much  when  I  read  it  over  about  a  year  or  two 
'  ago."     (Spence,  p.  296.) 

*  Journal  to  Stella,  January  31.  1713. 

T  Spenoe's  Anecdotes,  p.  307. 

j  Commons'  Journals,  vol.  xvii.  p.  686,  &c. 


222  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  xvm. 

tary  in  Ireland.  Several  rich  sinecures  were  bestowed 
on  Congreve  and  Rowe,  on  Hughes  and  Ambrose  Philips.* 
Looking  to  those  times,  and  comparing  them  with 
ours,  we  shall  find  that  this  system  of  munificent  pa- 
tronage has  never  been  revived.  Its  place  has,  however, 
in  some  degree,  been  supplied  by  the  large  increase  of 
readers,  and  the  higher  price  of  books,  and  consequently 
the  far  superior  value  of  literary  labour.  A  popular 
writer  may  now  receive  a  liberal  income  from  the  sale  of 
his  works,  and,  according  to  the  common  phrase,  needs 
no  other  patron  than  the  public.  It  is  often  boasted, 
that  the  latter  state  of  things  far  exceeds  the  former  in 
independence ;  yet,  however  plausible  this  assertion,  it  is 
not  altogether  confirmed  by  a  closer  survey.  I  cannot 
find  that  the  objects  of  such  splendid  patronage  were  at 
all  humbled  by  receiving  it,  or  considered  themselves  in 
the  slightest  degree  as  political  or  private  bondsmen.  I 
cannot  find  that  Swift  or  Prior,  for  example,  mixed  with 
the  great  on  any  other  footing  than  that  of  equal  fami- 
liarity and  friendship,  or  paid  any  submissive  homage  to 
Lord  Treasurer  Oxford  or  Secretary  St.  John.  In  Bo- 
lingbroke's  Correspondence  we  may  still  read  the  private 
notes  of  MATT  to  HARUT  and  of  HARRY  to  MATT  ;  and 
could  not  easily  distinguish  from  them  which  was  the 
Minister  and  which  the  poet.  The  old  system  of  pa- 
tronage in  literature  was,  I  conceive,  like  the  old  system 
of  patronage  in  Parliament.  Some  powerful  nobleman, 
with  large  burgage  tenures  in  his  hands,  was  enabled  to 
place  in  the  House  of  Commons  any  young  man  of  like 
principles  and  of  promising  abilities.  That  system, 
whether  for  good  or  for  evil,  endured  till  the  Reform 
Bill  of  1832.  But  whatever  difference  of  opinion  may 
exist  concerning  it,  there  is  one  point  which  will  be  ad- 
mitted by  all  those  who  have  observed  its  inward  work- 
ings—  although  we  often  hear  the  contrary  roared  forth 
by  those  who  never  saw  it  nearer  than  from  the  Strangers' 
Gallery  —  that  a  man  brought  into  Parliament  from  his 
talents  felt  no  humiliating  dependence  on  him  by  whose 
interest  he  was  elected  —  no  such  dependence,  for  ex- 

*  See  a  similar  enumeration,  and  some  excellent  observations 
(V  ilr.  Macaulay),  Edin.  Keview,  No.  cvii.  p.  21. 


LITERATURE.     -  LITERARY  PROFITS.  223 

ample,  as  would  be  imposed  among  gentlemen  by  what 
seems  a  far  less  favour,  a  gift  of  fifty  pounds.  The  two- 
parties  met  on  equal  terms  of  friendship.  It  was  thought 
as  desirable  for  the  one  that  his  principles  should  be 
ably  supported,  as  for  the  other  that  he  should  sit  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  Thus,  likewise,  in  literary  pa- 
tronage, when  Oxford  made  Swift  a  Dean,  or  Bolingbrflke 
made  Prior  an  Ambassador,  it  was  considered  no  badge 
of  dependence  or  painful  inferiority.  It  was,  of  course, 
desirable  for  Swift  to  rise  in  the  Church,  and  for  Prior 
to  rise  in  the  State ;  but  it  was  also  desirable  for  the 
administration  to  secure  the  assistance  of  an  eloquent 
writer,  and  of  a  skilful  diplomatist. 

It  may,  moreover,  be  observed  that  literary  profits  do 
not  in  all  respects  supply  the  place  of  literary  patronage. 
First,  there  are  several  studies — such  as  many  branches 
of  science  or  antiquities  —  which  are  highly  deserving  of 
encouragement,  but  not  generally  popular,  and  therefore 
not  productive  of  emolument.  In  these  cases  the  libe- 
rality of  the  Government  might  sometimes  usefully  atone 
for  the  indifference  of  the  public.  But  even  with  the 
most  popular  authors,  the  necessity  of  looking  to  their 
literary  labours  for  their  daily  bread,  has  not  unfre- 
quently  an  unfavourable  effect  upon  the  former.  It  may 
compel,  or  at  least  induce,  them  to  over-write  them- 
selves ;  to  pour  forth  hasty  and  immature  productions ; 
to  keep  at  all  hazards  their  names  before  the  public. 
How  seldom  can  they  admit  intervals  of  leisure,  or  allow 
their  minds  to  lie  fallow  for  a  season,  in  order  to  bear 
hereafter  a  larger  and  a  better  harvest !  In  like  manner, 
they  must  minister  to  the  taste  of  the  public,  whatever 
that  taste  may  be,  and  sometimes  have  to  sacrifice  their 
own  ideas  of  beauty,  and  aspirations  of  fame.  These  are 
undoubted  evils,  not  merely  to  them,  but  to  us ;  and  as 
undoubtedly  are  they  guarded  against  whenever  a  fixed 
and  competent  provision  can  be  granted  to  genius.  I 
am  therefore  clearly  of  opinion,  that  any  Minister  who 
might  have  the  noble  ambition  to  become  the  patron  of 
literary  men,  would  still  find  a  large  field  open  to  his 
munificence ;  that  his  intercourse  with  them  on  the  foot- 
ing of  equal  friendship  would  be  a  deserved  distinction 
to  them,  and  a  liberal  recreation  to  himself;  that  his 


224  HISTORY  OP   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVITL 

favours  might  be  employed  with  great  advantage,  and 
received  with  perfect  independence. 

In   1721,  however,  there  were  no  resources  in  the 
public.     The  number  of  readers  was  so  limited,  that  the 
most  incessant  labour  was  seldom  sufficient  to  gain  a 
decent  maintenance  for  writers.     It  was  therefore  with  a 
bitter  pang  that  they  saw  Sir  Robert  Walpole  suddenly 
turn  aside  from  the  example  of  his  predecessors,  and  re- 
solutely shut  the  door  of  patronage  in  the  face  of  genius. 
The  twenty  years  of  his  administration  were  to  them  a 
bleak  and  barren  winter.    Looking  as  he  did  solely  to 
the  House  of  Commons  and  to  the  Court,  and  measuring 
the  value   of   every  thing    by  Parliamentary  votes   or 
Royal  smiles,  he  despised  a  literature  which  the  King 
despised,  and  which  had  no  influence  upon  the  Legis- 
lature.    Books,  he  seems  to  have  thought,  were  fit  only 
for  idle  and  useless  men.     The  writers  of  books,  there- 
fore, he  left  to  dig,  to  beg,   or  to  starve.     It  is  truly 
painful  to  read  of  the  wretched  privations,  and   still 
more  wretched  shifts,  to  which  men  of  such  abilities  as 
Savage  were  exposed.     Their  books,  their  linen,  were 
most  frequently  in  pawn.     To  obtain  a  good  meal  was  a 
rare  and  difficult  achievement.      They  were  sometimes 
reduced,  for  want  of  house-room,  to  wander  all  night 
about  the  streets.     They  had  to  sleep  on  a  bulk  in  sum- 
mer, and  in  winter  amidst  the  ashes  of  a  glass-house. 
"  In  this  manner,"  says  Johnson,  "  were  passed  those 
'  days  and  those  nights  which  nature  had  enabled  them 
'  to   have    employed    in    elevated    speculations,    useful 
'  studies,  or   pleasing  conversation.     On  a  bulk,  in   a 
'  cellar,  or  in  a  glass-house,  among  thieves  and  beggars, 
'  was  to  be  found  the  author  of  '  The  Wanderer ; '  the 
'  man  of  exalted  sentiments,  extensive  views,  and  cu- 
'  rious  observations ;   the  man  whose  remarks  on  life 
'  might  have  assisted  the  statesman,  and  whose  ideas  of 
'  virtue  might  have  enlightened  the  moralist."*  Johnson, 
who   has   commemorated   these   calamities,   himself  for 
many  years   had  shared   them.     With   Savage  he  had 
rambled  houseless  in  the  streets,  with  Savage  he  had 
struggled  against  the  pangs  of  cold  and  hunger.     Nor 

*  Johnson's  Life  of  Savage.    See  also  Chalmers'  Life  of  Boyse. 


LITERATURE.]  SAVAGE   AND   BOYSE.  225 

was  tjiis  suffering  all.  Whenever  it  was  relieved  by  a 
sudden  supply  of  money,  there  commonly  ensued  a  scene 
of  the  wildest  riot  and  profusion.  There  was  a  constant 
alternation  between  beggary  and  extravagance.  The 
half-starved  poet  rushed  with  his  only  guinea  to  the 
tavern,  to  enjoy  one  night  of  splendid  luxury,  while  his 
shirt  was  still  in  pawn,  and  his  cravat  of  paper ;  thus 
the  subsistence  for  a  thrifty  week  was  lavished  at  a 
single  revel ;  and  as  poverty  had  first  produced  dissipa- 
tion, so  did  dissipation  prolong  and  perpetuate  poverty. 
Such,  according  to  the  testimony  even  of  their  friends, 
was  the  life  of  Savage  and  of  Boyse. 

It  may  easily  be  supposed  that  the  Minister  who  dried 
up  the  stream  of  patronage  would  be  no  favourite  with 
its  former  objects.  Nearly  all  the  writers  of  any  name, 
either  from  principle  or  resentment,  joined  the  ranks  of 
Opposition,  and  were  marshalled  to  the  onset  by  the 
superior  genius  of  Bolingbroke  and  Pulteney.  The 
motives  and  measures  of  Sir  Robert  were  attacked 
without  moderation,'  and  misrepresented  Avithout  shame ; 
and,  in  estimating  the  character  of  that  Minister,  we 
should,  therefore,  never  fail  to  allow  largely  for  calumni- 
ous falsehoods.  Nay  more,  it  is  remarkable,  and  highly 
to  the  honour  of  Walpole,  that  those  very  measures 
against  which  the  loudest  clamours  were  raised,  and 
which  were  selected  by  his  adversaries  as  the  special 
ground  of  their  invective — such  as  Wood's  Halfpence  in 
Ireland,  the  Malt  Tax  in  Scotland,  and  the  Excise  Bill 
in  England, — when  rightly  and  calmly  examined,  appear 
not  only  free  from  blame,  but  worthy  of  praise.  But, 
even  in  making  such  great  deductions  from  the  exaggera- 
tions of  a  party  press,  we  must  condemn  Walpole  for 
neglecting  and  slighting  its  power.  He  did  not  see  the 
danger  in  time,  nor  provide  his  remedy  with  skill.  "  No 
'  man,"  says  a  contemporary,  "  ever  set  the  press  to  work 
'  with  so  little  judgment  as  he  did.  He  looked  upon 
'  writing  to  be  a  mechanical  kind  of  business ;  and  he 
'  took  up  with  the  first  pen  that  he  could  find  in  public 
'tbffices,  or  whom  he  could  oblige  by  private  liberality."* 
He  hired  his  authors  as  he  would  his  ditchers,  holding 

*  Tindal's  Hist,  vol.  viii.  p.  15. 
VOL.  n.  Q 


226  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVTIT. 

no  personal  communication  with  them,  but  placing,  thorn, 
in  general,  under  the  guidance  of  Paxton,  solicitor  to  the 
Treasury,  or  of  other  Ministerial  subalterns  ;  persons 
who  in  general  may  be  observed  to  have  more  ignorance 
of  and  contempt  for  literature,  than  any  other  class  of 
gentlemen.  How  could  Walpole  have  expected  much 
popular  effect  from  such  mercenary  drudges  as  his  party 
writers  ?  Were  these  the  men  to  stem  the  eloquence  of 
Bolingbroke,  or  retort  the  irony  of  Swift  ?  Some  pam- 
phlets of  considerable  power  were,  indeed,  contributed  in 
defence  of  the  administration  by  Lord  Hervcy  and  Sir 
William  Yonge ;  but,  with  a  few  exceptions,  it  may  be 
said  that  all  the  talent  and  ingenuity  were  with  the  Op- 
position writers,  and  that  the  public  mind  was  gradually 
and  imperceptibly  won  over  to  their  sentiments.  The 
change  was  slow,  but  complete  and  universal ;  and  thus 
Sir  Robert  Walpole's  neglect  of  the  public  press  may 
be  classed  amongst  the  foremost  causes  of  his  unpopu- 
larity and  fall. 

Queen  Caroline,  on  the  contrary,  often  wished  to  be- 
friend learned  and  literary  men  ;  but  being  thwarted  in 
that  respect  both  by  the  King  and  by  the  Minister,  her 
wishes  were  seldom  effectual,  except  in  cases  of  church 
patronage.  However,  as  her  natural  sweetness  of  tem- 
per made  her  unwilling  to  send  any  one  discontented 
from  her  presence,  she  appears  sometimes  to  have  given 
promises,  or  at  least  raised  expectations,  that  were  not 
afterwards  fulfilled.  Swift,  especially,  conceived  that  he 
had  the  strongest  reason  to  complain  of  her  and  Lady 
Suffolk ;  but  his  accusations  are,  as  usual,  clouded  with 
spleen  and  satire.  He  was  pining  in  his  Irish  Deanery, 
to  which  neither  the  dignity  of  his  station,  nor  the 
flattery  of  his  dependants,  could  ever  reconcile  him. 
Every  letter  from  his  friends  in  England  recalled  a 
brighter  scene,  and  kindled  his  dormant  regret.  "  After 
all,"  he  writes  to  Gay,  "this  hum-drum  way  of  life 
'  might  be  passable  enough,  if  you  would  let  me  alone. 
'  I  shall  not  be  able  to  relish  my  wine,  my  parsons,  my 
'  horses,  nor  my  gardens  for  three  months,  until  the 
'  spirit  you  have  raised  shall  be  dispossessed."  *  In 

*  Letter  of  Januaiy  8.  1723. 


LITERATURE.]  DEAN   SWIFT.  227 

1726,  he,  for  the  first  time  since  the  death  of  Queen 
Anne,  made  a  visit  to  England,  apparently  not  unwilling 
to  tender  or  accept  overtures  of  reconciliation  with  the 
Court.  He  found  Pope  and  Gay  intimate  with  Lady 
Suffolk  ;  he  speedily  became  the  friend  of  their  friend ; 
and  this  was  a  channel  of  communication  with  her 
mistress,  then  Princess  of  Wales.  Yet  Swift  declares 
that,  when  the  Princess  wished  to  see  him,  she  sent 
"  at  least  nine  times "  before  he  would  obey  her  sum- 
mons. When  at  length  he  did  come,  she  received  him 
very  graciously.  He  began  the  conversation  by  telling 
her,  that  he  was  informed  Her  Royal  Highness  loved  to 
see  odd  persons ;  and  that,  having  sent  for  a  wild  boy 
from  Germany,  she  had  a  curiosity  to  see  a  wild  Dean 
from  Ireland.*  His  powers  of  wit  fully  atoned  for  his 
want  of  courtly  manners  ;  and,  during  the  few  months  of 
his.  stay,  he  became  no  unfrequent  visitor  at  Leicester 
House. 

With  Walpole  also,  the  Dean,  by  means  of  Lord  Pe- 
terborough, obtained  an  interview,  on  the  plea  of  laying 
before  him  the  real  state  of  Ireland.f  The  Minister  re- 
ceived him  with  civility,  heard  him  with  attention,  and 
asked  him  to  dinner  at  Chelsea.  But,  if  Swift  expected 
any  offers  to  be  made  for  his  advancement,  or  even  any 
wish  to  be  expressed  for  his  support,  he  was  wholly  dis- 
appointed. Walpole,  with  his  usual  disregard  of  literary 
eminence,  took  no  pains  to  conciliate  this  most  powerful 
writer,  and  appears  to  have  treated  him  exactly  as  he 
would  any  other  Dean  from  Ireland.  No  wonder  that 
Swift  thought  his  great  abilities  misunderstood  and 
slighted.  He  writes  to  Lady  Suffolk,  "Pray  tell  Sir 
"  Robert  Walpole  that,  if  he  does  not  use  me  better  next 
<4  summer  than  he  did  last,  I  will  study  revenge,  and  it 
"  shnll  be  VENGEANCE  ECCLESIASTIQUE  ; "  J  —  and  he  kept 
his  word! 


*  Swift  to  Lady  E.  Germaine,  January  8.  1733.  The  "wild  boy 
"from  Germany  "  was  found  in  the  woods  of  Hanover,  in  1725,  and 
considered  a  great  phenomenon.  See  a  note  to  Swift's  Works,  voL 
xiii.  p.  197. 

f  Swift  to  Lord  Peterborough,  April  28.  1726. 

J  Letter  of  February  1.  1727. 

Q  2 


228  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XV11I. 

His  second,  and,  as  it  proved,  his  last  journey  to  Eng- 
land, early  next  year,  was  heralded  by  the  publication  of 
his  Gulliver's  Travels ;  the  most  admirable  satire  ever 
conveyed  in  a  narrative,  and  the  most  plausible  disguise 
that  fiction  ever  bore.  So  well  is  the  style  of  the  old 
English  navigators  copied  —  so  much  does  there  seem  of 
their  honest  simplicity  and  plain  common  sense  —  so 
consistent  is  every  part  of  the  story  —  so  natural  all  the 
events  after  the  first  improbability,  —  that  the  fable, 
even  in  its  wildest  flights,  never  loses  an  air  of  real  truth. 
"  I  lent  the  book,"  says  Arbuthnot,  "  to  an  old  gentleman, 
"  who  went  immediately  to  his  map  to  search  for  Lilli- 
"  put."  *  In  Ireland,  one  Bishop  sagely  observed,  that 
for  his  part  he  hardly  believed  a  word  of  it !  f 

We  may  also  observe  in  these  Travels,  as  the  especial 
talent  of  Swift,  his  manner  of  applying  or  assuming  as 
certain  the  charge  he  wishes  to  convey.  To  give  only 
one  instance  :  —  "In  Lilliput  the  style  of  writing  is  very 
'  peculiar,  being  neither  from  the  left  to  the  right,  like 
•  the  Europeans  ;  nor  from  the  right  to  the  left,  like  the 
'  Arabians  ;  nor  from  up  to  down,  like  the  Chinese  ;  but 
'  aslant  from  one  corner  of  the  paper  to  the  other,  like 
'  ladies  in  England ! " 

At  the  time  of  the  publication,  also,  many  strokes  of 
satire,  now  no  longer  applicable,  and  therefore  scarcely 
perceived,  gave  infinite  delight.  In  the  following  pas- 
sage, for  example,  he  doubtless  had  in  view  the  proceed- 
ings against  Atterbury  and  Layer,  and  some  of  the 
Royal  Speeches  at  that  period :  —  "  It  was  a  custom  in 
'  Lilliput,  that,  after  the  Court  had  decreed  any  cruel 
'  execution,  the  Emperor  always  made  a  speech  to  his 
'  whole  Council,  expressing  his  great  lenity  and  tender- 
'ness,  as  qualities  known  and  expressed  by  all  the 
'  world.  This  speech  was  immediately  published  through- 
'  out  the  kingdom ;  nor  did  any  thing  terrify  the  people 
'so  much  as  these  encomiums  on  His  Majesty's  mercy; 
'  because  it  was  observed,  that  the  more  these  praises 
'  were  enlarged  and  insisted  on,  the  more  inhuman  was 
'  the  punishment,  and  the  sufferer  more  innocent ! " 

*  Letter  to  Swift,  November  8.  1726. 
f  Swift  to  Pope,  November  17.  1726. 


LITERATURE.]  GULLIVER'S   TRAVELS.  229 

Yet,  though  Gulliver  thus  abounds  with  satire  upon 
Courts,  he  became  a  great  favourite  at  the  little  Court  of 
the  Princess  of  Wales.  Lady  Suffolk  and  the  Princess 
herself  eagerly  read  the  book,  and  warmly  welcomed  the 
author.  Her  Royal  Highness  graciously  accepted  from 
him  a  present  of  some  Irish  silks  for  herself  and  the  young 
Princesses,  and  promised  him  in  return  some  medals, 
which,  however,  were  at  first  delayed,  and  afterwards 
forgotten.  Such  little  neglect  is  not  very  uncommon  in 
private  life,  and  does  not  seem  to  call  for  any  very  ex- 
traordinary indignation.  But  by  Swift  it  was  most  bit- 
terly resented :  he  has  recorded  it  again  and  again  both 
in  prose  and  verse ;  and  almost  to  the  close  of  his  life  we 
find  him  complaining  of  the  forgotten  medals  and  un- 
requited silks!  He  might  have  known  that  in  those 
times  few  things  were  less  remembered  than  presents  to 
Princes.  A  popular  German  writer  tells  us  that,  having 
once  offered  a  costly  picture  to  his  sovereign,  he  was  ho- 
noured with  a  warm  embrace,  and  his  picture  with  one 
of  the  best  places  in  the  gallery.  But  only  a  year  af- 
terwards he  stood  by,  when  his  Highness  showed  the 
picture  to  a  foreign  Minister,  and  said,  "  It  is  really  a  fine 
"  piece,  and  I  rather  think  that  I  bought  it  cheap  ! "  * 

From  the  manner  in  which  Swift  always  harps  upon 
his  petty  grievance  of  the  medals,  we  may  conclude  that 
he  had  no  greater  to  urge  against  the  Court.  On  the 
death  of  George  the  First,  he  kissed  their  new  Majesties' 
hands,  and  for  some  time  buoyed  himself  with  expect- 
ations f ;  but  finding,  to  his  mortification,  Walpole  con- 
firmed in  power,  and  more  hostile  than  ever,  he  returned 
to  Ireland ;  yet  he  did  not,  for  some  years,  relinquish  his 
friendly  correspondence  with  Lady  Suffolk ;  until  at 
length  losing  all  hope,  and  with  hope  all  patience,  he  re- 
nounced her  as  false  and  faithless  ;  declaring  that  "  Bob, 
"the  poet's  foe,"  possessed  her  ear;  and  from  that  time 
also  he  began  to  make  the  Queen  the  object  of  some  of 
his  sharpest  satirical  attacks. 


*  See  Knigge,  Umgang  mit  Mcnschen,  vol.  iii.  p.  10.  ed.  1813. 
f  To  Dr.  Sheridan,  June  24.  1727. 

j  See  especially  the  Directions  for  writing  a  Birth-day  Ode,  and 
the  Poem  on  his  own  death. 

Q3 


230  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVIII. 

The  resentment  of  Gay  against  the  Queen  had  still  less 
foundation.  He  had  paid  her  assiduous  court  as  Prin- 
cess ;  and,  a  few  weeks  after  coming  to  the  throne,  she 
said  to  Lady  Suffolk,  in  allusion  to  one  of  Gay's  Fables, 
that  she  would  now  take  up  the  Hare  with  many  Friends.* 
Accordingly  she  obtained  for  him  the  appointment  of 
Gentleman  Usher  to  one  of  the  Princesses,  a  child  about 
two  years  old.  It  was,  in  fact,  an  honourable  sinecure, 
affording  a  provision  for  his  wants,  at  the  same  time 
with  leisure  for  his  pen.  An  easy  place  of  200/.  a  year 
was  surely  no  contemptible  offer  to  one  who  had  begun 
life  as  apprentice  to  a  silk  mercer,  and  who  was  now  a 
thoughtless  man  of  genius,  without  any  knowledge  of  af- 
fairs. Yet  Gay  was  persuaded  by  some  officious  friends, 
not  merely  to  decline  the  offer,  but  to  resent  it  as  an 
insult.  Soon  afterwards  he  joined  the  Opposition,  and 
declared  his  quarrel  by  the  production  of  the  Beggar's 
Opera,  teeming  with  satirical  strokes  against  the  Court 
and  Government.  The  name  of  Bob  Booty,  for  example, 
always  raised  a  laugh,  being  understood  as  levelled  at 
Sir  Robert  Walpole.  The  first  idea  of  this  play  appears 
to  have  sprung  from  a  suggestion  of  Swift  f ;  but  the 
praise  of  its  execution  belongs  entirely  to  Gay.  Its 
brilliant  success  (it  was  acted  for  sixty-three  nights 
without  intermission)  may  be  ascribed,  in  some  degree, 
like  that  of  Cato  under  Queen  Anne,  to  party  zeal :  yet 
the  pleasure  with  which  it  is  still  seen  upon  the  stage  is 
a  proof  of  its  real  merit. 

It  must  be  owned,  however,  that  the  attacks  of  Gay 
and  other  dramatic  authors  at  this  time  far  outstepped 
the  bounds  that  any  Government  could  sanction.  Not 
only  did  the  measures  of  Walpole  stand  exposed  to  every 
kind  of  misrepresentation  and  malignity,  but  his  person 
was  brought  on  the  stage,  and  his  character  made  the 
sport  of  the  players.  The  sequel  which  Gay  wrote  to  the 
Beggar's  Opera,  under  the  name  of  Polly,  went  as  far 
beyond  it  in  violence  as  it  fell  short  of  it  in  talent ;  and 
the  Lord  Chamberlain  exerted  his  almost  dormant  privi- 


*  Swift  to  Lady  E.  Germaine,  January  8.  1733. 
f  Spence's  Anecdotes,  p.  159. 


LITERATURE.]  THE   PLAYHOUSE    BILL.  231 

lege  to  forbid  it.*  Gay  was  more  than  recompensed  for 
this  disappointment,  through  a  subscription  so  liberally 
filled  by  the  Opposition  as  to  gain  him  nearly  1200/., 
while  the  Beggar's  Opera  had  only  brought  4001. ;  so  that, 
as  Johnson  observes,  "  what  he  called  oppression  ended 
"  in  profit."  f  Other  writers,  having  no  such  reputation 
as  his  to  hazard,  were  restrained  by  no  regard  to  it. 
Scurrilous  personalities,  low  buffoonery,  and  undisguised 
sedition  took  possession  of  the  stage,  and  the  licentious- 
ness of  morals  under  Charles  the  Second  was  now  ex- 
changed for  the  licentiousness  of  liberty.  The  necessity 
of  some  curb  to  these  excesses  became  evident  to  all 
parties.  In  1735,  Sir  John  Barnard  brought  in  a  Bill  to 
restrain  the  number  of  playhouses,  and  regulate  the  stage ; 
nor  did  there  appear  at  first  a  single  dissenting  voice ;  but 
on  Walpole  attempting  to  introduce  a  clause  to  enlarge 
the  power  of  the  Lord  Chamberlain,  Barnard  declared 
that  he  thought  that  power  too  great  already,  and  the 
Bill  was  dropped. 

In  1737,  however,  another  occasion  offered  for  Walpole 
to  effect  his  object.  A  farce,  called  the  Golden  Rump, 
abounding  in  sedition  and  blasphemy,  was  brought 
to  him  in  manuscript,  with  the  hope  that  he  might 
give  a  considerable  sum  to  purchase  and  suppress  it. 
Walpole  paid  the  money,  but  immediately  proceeded  to 
extract  the  most  objectionable  passages,  which  he  laid 
before  several  members  of  both  parties,  asking  them 
whether  such  a  system  should  be  suffered  to  continue. 
Being  promised  their  support,  he  brought  in  his  famous 
Playhouse  Bill,  under  the  form  of  an  Amendment  to  the 
Vagrant  Act.  It  declared,  that  any  actor,  without  a 
legal  settlement,  or  a  license  from  the  Lord  Chamberlain, 
should  be  deemed  a  rogue  and  vagabond.  To  the  Lord 
Chamberlain  it  gave  legal  power,  instead  of  customary 
privilege ;  authorising  him  to  prohibit  the  representation 
of  any  drama  at  his  discretion,  and  compelling  all  authors 
to  send  copies  of  their  plays  fourteen  days  before  they 
were  acted,  under  forfeiture  of  50/.  and  of  the  license  of 

*  The  Beggar's  Opera  first  appeared  in  1728,  and  Polly  in  1729. 
Baker's  Biographia  Uramatica,  vol.  i.  p.  86. 

f  Life  of  (jay.    See  also  Spence's  Ane 'dotes,  p.  214. 


232  HISTORY  OP  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVIH. 

the  House.  Moreover,  it  restrained  the  number  of  play- 
houses, by  enjoining  that  no  person  should  have  authority 
to  act,  except  within  the  liberties  of  Westminster,  and 
where  the  King  should  reside.  This  last  clause  appears 
to  have  been  Sir  John  Barnard's  first  proposal.* 

The  Bill  passed  rapidly,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  without 
any  division,  through  both  Houses,  but  not  without  some 
very  strong  opposition,  especially  a  celebrated  speech  from 
Lord  Chesterfield.  All  parties  agree  in  representing  this 
effort  of  his  oratory  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant  ever  yet 
heard  in  Parliament.  It  contains  many  eloquent  predic- 
tions, that,  should  the  Bill  be  enacted,  the  ruin  of  liberty 
and  the  introduction  of  despotism  must  inevitably  follow. 
Yet  even  Chesterfield  owns  that  he  has  "  observed  of  late 
'•a  remarkable  licentiousness  in  the  stage.  In  one  play, 
'  very  lately  acted  (Pasquin),  the  author  thought  fit  to 
'  represent  the  three  great  professions,  religion,  physic, 
'  and  law,  as  inconsistent  with  common  sense  ;  in  another 
'(King  Charles  the  First),  a  most  tragical  story  was 
"  brought  upon  the  stage,  —  a  catastrophe  too  recent,  too 
"  melancholy,  and  of  too  solemn  a  nature,  to  be  heard  of 
"  any  where  but  from  the  pulpit.  How  these  pieces  came 
"to  pass  unpunished,  I  do  not  know  ;  if  I  am  rightly  in- 
"  formed,  it  was  not  for  want  of  law,  but  for  want  of  pro- 
"  secution,  without  which  no  law  can  be  made  effectual. 
"  But,  if  there  was  any  neglect  in  this  case,  I  am  con- 
"  vinced  it  was  not  with  a  design  to  prepare  the  minds  of 
"  the  people,  and  to  make  them  think  a  new  law  neces- 
"  sary ! " 

Such  an  insinuation  could  not  fail  to  have  weight  out 
of  doors ;  and  still  more  adapted  to  popular  effect  was 
the  name  he  gives  the  proposed  licensing  department,  as 
"  a  new  Excise  Office ! "  But  the  following  plausible 
arguments  might  have  misled  superior  understandings : 
—  "  The  Bill,  my  Lords,  at  first  view,  may  seem  to  be 
"  designed  only  against  the  stage  ;  but  to  me  it  plainly 
"  appears  to  point  somewhere  else.  It  is  an  arrow  that 
"  does  but  glance  upon  the  stage :  the  mortal  wound 
"seems  designed  against  the  liberty  of  the  press.  By 

*  See  Coxe's  Walpole,  vol.  i.  p.  516.  Tindnl's  Hist.  vol.  viii.  p. 
350.;  and  Baker's  Biographia  Dramatica,  Introduction,  p.  xlii 


LITERATURE.]      LORD   CHESTERFIELD'S   SPEECH.  233 

"  this  Bill  you  prevent  a  play's  being  acted,  but  you  do 

"  not,  prevent  its  being  printed.     Therefore  if  a  license 

"  should  be  refused  for  its  being  acted,  we  may  depend 

"  upon  it  the  play  will  be  printed.     It  will  be  printed  and 

"  published,  my  Lords,  with  the  refusal,  in  capital  letters, 

'  upon  the  titlepage.     People  are  always  fond  of  what  is 

forbidden.     LIBRI  PROHIBITI  are,  in  all  countries,  dili- 

'  gently  and  generally  sought   after.     It  will  be  much 

'  easier  to  procure  a  refusal  than  it  ever  was  to  procure  a 

'  good  house  or  a  good  sale ;  therefore  we  may  expect 

'  that  plays  will  be  wrote  on  purpose  to  have  a  refusal : 

"  this  will  certainly  procure  a  good  house  or  a  good  sale. 

"  Thus  will  satires  be  spread  and  dispersed  through  the 

'  whole  nation ;  and  thus  every  man  in  the  kingdom  may, 

'  and  probably  will,  read  for  sixpence  what  a  few  only 

'could   have    seen   acted,  and  that  not  under  the  ex- 

'  pense  of  half-a-crown.     We  shall  then  be  told,  What ! 

'  will  you  allow  an  infamous  libel  to  be  printed  and  dis- 

'  persed,  which  you  would  not  allow  to  be  acted  ?  ....  If 

'  we  agree  to  the  Bill  now  before  us,  we  must,  perhaps, 

'  next  Session  agree  to  a  Bill  for  preventing  any  plays 

"  being  printed  without  a  license.     Then  satires  will  be 

"  wrote  by  way  of  novels,  secret  histories,  dialogues,  or 

"  under  some  such  title  ;  and  thereupon  we  shall  be  told, 

"  What !  will  you  allow  an  infamous  libel  to  be  printed 

"  and  dispersed,  only  because  it  does  not  bear  the  title  of 

"  a  play  ?     Thus,  my  Lords,  from  the  precedent  now  be- 

"  fore  us,  we  shall  be  induced,  nay,  we  can  find  no  reason 

"  for  refusing,  to  lay  the  press  under  a  general  license, 

"  and  then  we  may  bid  adieu  to  the  liberties  of  Great 

"  Britain." 

Yet,  however  ingenious  this  reasoning,  it  has  been 
refuted  by  that  greatest  of  all  controversialists — Time. 
The  Bill  has  passed,  and  a  hundred  years  have  rolled 
away ;  yet  still  we  are  not  a  people  of  slaves.  The  liberty 
of  the  press  stands  more  firmly  than  ever.  The  stage 
has  lost  its  disgraceful  personalities,  not  its  salutary  satire. 
No  genius  has  been  checked,  no  freedom  violated,  and 
the  powers  of  the  Lord  Chamberlain's  department  have 
been  exercised  with  less  reference  to  party  than  almost 
any  other  in  the  State.  It  sounds  well,  to  say  that  an 
honest  Government  need  not  fear  invective,  and  that  a 


234  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XVUI. 

wicked  Government  ought  not  to  be  screened  from  it ; 
yet  experience  shows  that  no  merit  can  escape  detraction  ; 
that  scoffs,  not  arguments,  are  the  weapons  of  the  stage  ; 
that  a  lower  and  less  reflecting  class  is  there  addressed 
than  through  the  press ;  and  that,  even  without  reference 
to  Ministers,  some  precaution  is  required  to  guard  religion 
from  profaneness,  and  Royalty  from  insult.  It  is  pro- 
bable, therefore,  that  no  future  Legislature  will  be  induced 
to  forego  this  necessary  control,  and  that,  although  any 
abuse  or  mal-administration  of  the  power  should  be  jea- 
lously watched,  the  power  itself  should  be  as  eagerly 
protected. 


METHODISM.]  JOHN   WESLEY.  235 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

METHODISM. 

A  HISTORY  of  England  in  the  times  of  George  the  Seeend 
would  be  strangely  incomplete  were  it  to  leave  untouched 
that  religious  revolution  which,  despised  at  its  commence- 
ment, but  powerful  in  its  effects,  is  known  by  the  name 
of  Methodism.  With  less  immediate  importance  than 
wars  or  political  changes,  it  endures  long  after  not  only 
the  result  but  the  memory  of  these  has  passed  away,  and 
thousands  who  never  heard  of  Fontenoy  or  Walpole  con- 
tinue to  follow  the  precepts  and  venerate  the  name  of 
John  Wesley.* 

This  remarkable  man  was  born  in  1703  at  Epworth, 
in  Lincolnshire.  His  father  was  rector  of  that  parish,  a 
divine  of  great  piety  and  learning,  but  of  passionate  and 
violent  temper.  On  one  occasion,  finding  that  Mrs.  Wes- 
ley was  not  so  firmly  persuaded  as  himself  of  the  right  of 
King  William,  and  thinking,  no  doubt,  that  a  just  view 
of  the  Royal  succession  is  indispensable  to  the  duties  of 
a  wife,  he  made  a  vow  that  he  would  never  cohabit  with 
her  till  she  changed  her  opinion,  and  immediately  left 
the  house ;  nor  did  she  ever  hear  from  him  again,  before 
the  death  of  the  King,  which  fortunately  happened  a 
twelvemonth  afterwards.  John  was  their  first  child  after 
their  reunion  ;  but  they  had  also  several  others,  and  the 
exertions  of  John  in  after  life  were  most  ably  and  faith- 
fully seconded  by  his  brother  Charles. 

*  My  authorities  in  this  chapter  are  mainly  Wesley's  Works,  16 
vols.  ed.  1809,  especially  his  Journals  in  the  six  first  volumes  ;  White- 
field's  Journals,  part  i.  and  ii.  ed.  1756  ;  Mr.  W.  Myles's  Chronology 
of  Methodism,  ed.  1813,  and  his  Life  of  the  Rev.  W.  Grimshaw,  ed. 
1806  ;  and  the  Minutes  of  the  Methodist  Conferences  from  1744  to 
Wesley's  death.  From  these  I  can  venture  to  bear  my  testimony  to 
the  accuracy  of  Mr.  Southey's  eloquent  narrative,  and  I  have  derived 
great  advantage  from  it  ;  but  I  have  also  consulted  the  observations 
of  his  critic,  Mr.  Richard  Watson. 


236  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIX. 

From  an  early  age  John  Wesley  plunged  into  religious 
studies  with  an  unwearied  diligence,  with  a  piercing  in- 
tellect, with  an  ardent,  but  sometimes  ascetic,  piety.  He 
was  educated  at  Oxford,  ordained  by  Bishop  Potter,  and 
afterwards  appointed  curate  to  his  father.  During  this 
time  Charles  Wesley  had  also  gone  to  Oxford,  and  like- 
wise adopted  an  enthusiastic  and  austere  view  of  religious 
duty,  which,  while  it  alienated  the  greater  number,  closely 
attached  to  him  a  few  kindred  spirits.  Among  these  was 
Harvey,  afterwards  author  of  the  well-known  Medita- 
tions, and  Whitefield,  at  first  a  waiter  in  a  country  inn. 
These  zealous  young  men  used  to  meet  together  for  spi- 
ritual improvement,  but  shunned  all  other  intercourse  ; 
and  they  received  various  nicknames  in  derision,  such  as 
Sacramentarians,  from  their  taking  the  Eucharist  weekly  ; 
Bible  Moths,  from  their  constant  reading  of  the  Scrip- 
tures ;  and  finally,  from  their  living  by  rule  and  method, 
Methodists ;  a  by-word  which  was  afterwards  adopted  by 
themselves.  When  John  Wesley  returned  to  Oxford,  they 
all  readily  followed  his  guidance ;  but  in  spite  of  their 
peculiarities,  no  idea  of  separation  from  the  Church  was 
entertained,  and  several  of  this  little  society  soon  left  it 
to  go  forth  into  the  world. 

The  two  Wesleys,  full  of  zeal  for  the  conversion  of  the 
heathen,  embarked  for  the  new  settlement  of  Georgia. 
But  the  dissolute  habits  of  the  Colonists  were  a  strong 
bar  to  the  propagation  of  the  pure  faith  which  they  pro- 
fessed. When  the  Missionaries  pressed  Tomo-Chichi, 
an  Indian  chief,  to  become  a  Christian,  the  poor  savage 
exclaimed  : — "  Why  these  are  Christians  at  Savannah ! 
"  Christian  much  drunk  !  Christian  beat  men  !  Christian 
"tell  lies!" — It  is  very  strange,  however,  that  Wesley 
never  appears  to  have  taken  any  step  to  acquire  the  lan- 
guage of  these  Indians  ;  a  neglect  which,  in  a  man  who 
never  spared  himself,  cannot  possibly  be  imputed  to  any 
want  of  ardour  or  activity,  but  which  may  perhaps  be 
explained  by  some  unfavourable  omen  ;  for  we  find  that, 
when  doubtful  on  any  resolution,  he  used  to  try  drawing 
lots,  and  call  the  result  "  the  answer  of  God  ; "  a  super- 
stition precisely  similar  to  those  of  sortilege  and  ordeal 
in  the  darkest  ages.  In  the  spirit  of  those  ages  also  were 
his  monkish  austerities ;  at  one  time  he  entirely  left  off 


METHODISM.]  JOHN   WESLEY.  237 

meat  and  wine  ;  lie  attempted  to  sustain  life  by  bread 
only;  he  thought  it  meritorious  to  sleep  on  the  floor 
rather  than  in  a  bed.*  Yet  let  me  observe,  that  these 
errors  cannot  fairly  be  imputed  to  Wesley's  own  maturer 
years,  or,  still  less,  to  the  great  body  of  his  followers  at 
that  time. 

In  1738,  Wesley  returned  to  England  after  an  absence 
of  above  two  years.  Meanwhile,  the  little  society  he 
had  left  at  Oxford  had  continued  to  grow  and  thrive. 
It  had  even  struck  root  in  London,  and  an  association, 
formed  on  its  principles,  used  to  meet  in  Fetter  Lane. 
Whitefield,  having  been  ordained  by  Bishop  Benson, 
soon  attracted  much  notice  by  the  eloquence,  the  en- 
thusiasm, and  the  indiscretion  of  his  sermons ;  and  the 
same  path  was  followed  by  Wesley  with  equal  zeal  and 
superior  abilities.  The  first  instance  of  field-preaching 
was  by  Whitefield  to  the  colliers  at  Kingswood,  near 
Bristol.  These  poor  men  had  been  left  without  any 
place  or  means  of  religious  worship,  so  that  to  address 
them  from  the  summit  of  a  green  knoll  instead  of  a 
pulpit  was  scarcely  a  matter  of  choice.  Well  might  the 
preacher's  heart  exult  when  he  found,  in  a  few  weeks, 
twenty  thousand  people  gather  round  him  from  their 
coal-pits  f,  and  saw,  as  he  says,  the  white  gutters  made 
by  the  tears  which  plentifully  fell  down  their  black 
cheeks !  Negligent  indeed  must  have  been  the  reapers, 
where  there  was  left  so  much  to  glean  I 

The  practice  thus  begun  from  the  want  of  a  Church 
was  soon  continued  from  a  different  necessity ;  when  the 
extravagancies  of  the  new  preachers  caused  most  of  the 
regular  pulpits  to  be  closed  against  them.  "  I  could 
"  scarce,"  says  Wesley,  "  reconcile  myself  at  first  to  this 
"  strange  way."  J  He  still  earnestly  wished  to  adhere  to 
the  Church ;  in  fact,  both  he  and  his  brother  Charles 
had  at  this  time  so  much  horror  of  schism  as  to  form  a 
project  (most  properly  checked  by  the  Bishops)  for  the 
rebaptizing  of  Dissenters.  But  the  fever  of  fanaticism 

*  Wesley's  Journal,  October  20.  1735,  January  30.  1736,  &c. 

f  Whitefield's  Journal,  March  25.  1 739. 

j  Journal,  March  29.  1739.  But  on  the  1st  of  next  April  he 
observes,  that  "  our  Lord's  Sermon  on  the  Mount  is  &  pretty  remark- 
"able  precedent  of  field-preaching." 


238  HISTORY  OP   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIX. 

was  now  upon  him,  and  transported  him  to  many  things 
of  which  his  calmer  reason  disapproved.  Like  all  en- 
thusiasts, he  began  to  consider  the  most  ordinary  and 
trifling  occurrences  as  miraculous  manifestations  of  a 
special  providence.  Thus,  for  example,  on  one  of  his 
journeys,  dining  at  Birmingham,  he  omitted,  as  was  his 
wont,  to  instruct  the  servants  who  had  attended  him, 
and  a  violent  hailstorm  having  ensued  when  he  left  the 
town,  he  believed  it  a  divine  reproof  for  his  neglect!* 
When,  on  the  contrary,  a  shower  passes  by  him,  Wesley 
repeatedly  interprets  it  as  a  special  Providence  in  his 
behalf.  Any  thing  seemed  to  him  more  probable  than 
that  the  elements  should  roll  on  their  appointed  course 
for  the  regulation  of  seasons,  and  the  sustenance  of  mil- 
lions !  Any  thing  seemed  more  probable  than  that  there 
should  not  be  a  miracle ! 

At  this  period,  also,  Wesley  lent  his  ear  to  certain 
convulsions  and  ravings  that  began  to  seize  some  of  his 
hearers,  especially  the  female  portion  of  them.  They 
used  to  fall  prostrate  to  the  ground,  to  gnash  their  teeth, 
to  rave  and  struggle,  and  in  some  cases  to  declare  them- 
selves possessed  by  evil  spirits  ;  and  Wesley  believed  it ! 
Many  instances  of  this  kind  are  recorded  in  his  Journals. 
On  another  occasion,  whilst  he  was  preaching,  great 
laughter  prevailed  amongst  the  congregation.  This  he 
thought  clearly  supernatural.  "  Most  of  our  brethren 
and  sisters  were  convinced,  that  those  who  were  under 
this  strange  temptation  could  not  help  it.  Only  Edith 
B.  and  Anne  H.  were  of  another  mind,  being  still  sure 
any  one  might  help  laughing  if  she  would.  This  they 
declared  to  many  on  Thursday,  but  on  Friday  God 
suffered  Satan  to  teach  them  better.  Both  of  them 
were  suddenly 'seized  in  the  same  manner  as  the  rest, 
and  laughed  whether  they  would  or  not,  almost  with- 
out ceasing.  Thus  they  continued  for  two  days,  a 
spectacle  to  all,  and  were  then,  upon  prayer  made  for 
them,  delivered  in  a  moment."! 
Charles  Wesley,  however,  was  less  credulous ;  and 
sometimes  detected  an  imposition,  where  his  brother 
could  only  see  a  miracle.  Once,  when  he  was  preaching 

*  Wesley's  Journal,  l^Iarch  16.  1738. 
t  Ibid.,  June  21.  1740. 


METHODISM.]  WHITEFIELD.  239 

at  Kingswood,  he  saw  a  woman  distorting  herself,  and 
calling  out  as  if  in  agony ;  he  quietly  told  her  that  he  did 
not  think  the  better  of  her  for  it,  and  she  immediately 
became  quite  calm.  Another  woman,  at  Bristol,  when 
he  questioned  her  in  private,  respecting  her  frequent  fits, 
at  length  owned  that  they  were  for  the  purpose  of 
making  Mr.  Wesley  take  notice  of  her.  In  many  other 
cases,  the  convulsions  were  no  doubt  real  and  unfeigned ; 
the  effect  of  austere  fasting  or  of  ignorant  fanaticism ;  of 
an  empty  stomach  or  an  empty  brain. 

Moreover,  almost  from  its  birth,  the  new  society  was 
rent  asunder  by  a  violent  schism.  It  had  hitherto  acted 
in  communion  with  the  Moravians,  a  sect  recently  founded 
in  Germany,  but  whose  English  followers  had  engrafted 
fresh  singularities  on  the  parent  stock.  From  an  ex- 
tremity of  religious  zeal,  these  Moravians  had  come 
round  to  the  same  point  as  those  who  lack  it  altogether. 
They  made  a  jest  of  religious  observances,  such  as  going 
to  church  or  to  the  Sacrament ;  for  they  argued,  he  who 
has  not  faith  ought  not  to  use  these  things,  and  he  who 
has  faith  does  not  want  them.  One  Moravian  even 
went  so  far  as  to  say,  while  discoursing  in  public,  that 
as  many  go  to  hell  by  praying  as  by  thieving.*  Wesley 
naturally  protested  against  these  fanatics;  they  were 
also  condemned  by  the  chief  of  the  sect  in  Germany,  and 
the  union  between  the  Methodists  and  the  better  Mora- 
vians might  perhaps  still  have  been  preserved.  But 
Wesley,  according  to  his  usual  system  of  drawing  lots, 
under  the  idea  of  consulting  Providence,  had  fallen  upon 
the  text,  "  What  is  that  to  thee  ?  Follow  thou  me  ; "  and 
from  that  moment  thought  himself  bound  to  oppose  all 
reconciliation. 

A  still  more  important  breach  for  the  Methodists  next 
arose,  when  their  own  house  became  divided  against 
itself.  Whitefield,  a  man  younger  in  years,  and  inferior 
both  in  learning  and  talents  to  Wesley,  had  hitherto 
treated  him  with  almost  the  deference  of  a  pupil,  and  in 
their  correspondence  at  this  time  calls  himself  "  a  child 
"  who  is  willing  to  wash  your  feet."  They  differed,  how- 
ever, on  the  Calvinistic  doctrine  of  Predestination. 

*  See  Wesley's  Works,  voL  ii.  p.  100.  ed.  1809. 


240  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIX. 

"  What  is  there  in  reprobation  so  horrid  ?  "  asks  White- 
field.  "  How,"  exclaims  Wesley,  "  the  elect  shall  be 
"  saved,  do  what  they  will !  The  rest  shall  be  damned, 
"  do  what  they  can ! "  An  ample  discussion  on  this  mys- 
terious subject  failed  to  reconcile  them ;  but  seeing  the 
evil  of  fresh  divisions,  and  anxious  to  afford  no  triumph 
to  their  common  adversaries,  they  wished  to  refrain  from 
preaching  upon  it,  or  assailing  each  other  in  public. 
But  enthusiasts,  who  would  brave  any  other  suffering, 
can  never  long  endure  the  agony  of  moderation.  Wes- 
ley soon  again  cast  a  lot  for  his  guidance  :  his  lot,  which 
seems  generally  to  have  followed  his  preceding  inclina- 
tion, was,  this  time,  "  Preach  and  Print ; "  and  he  ac- 
cordingly not  only  preached,  but  printed  a  sermon 
against  the  doctrine  of  election.  Whitefield,  on  his  part, 
took  fire  at  this  aggression,  and  the  more  so  as  his  ex- 
pressions at  this  time  show  the  growing  ascendency  over 
him  of  spiritual  pride.  "  I  have  a  garden  near  at  hand, 
'  where  I  go  particularly  to  me  t  and  talk  with  my  God 

'  at  the  cool  of  every  day Our  dear  Lord  sweetly 

'  fills  me  with  his  presence.  My  heaven  is  begun  indeed. 
'  I  feast  on  the  fatted  calf.  The  Lord  strengthens  me 
'  mightily  in  the  inner  man."  A  man  who  could  write 
and  feel  thus,  was  not  likely  to  brook  any  opposition  to 
any  internal  impulse :  he  wrote  an  acrimonious  letter 
against  Wesley,  which  his  indiscreet  friends  sent  to  the 
press  in  London.  Well  might  Wesley  complain  of  the 
intemperate  style  and  surreptitious  publication ;  well 
might  he  tear  a  copy  to  pieces  before  his  congregation, 
saying,  that  he  believed  he  did  just  what  Mr.  Whitefield 
would,  were  he  there  himself! 

The  superstitions  and  excesses  of  the  first  Methodists 
cannot  be  concealed,  with  due  regard  to  truth.  But  it 
is  no  less  due  to  truth  to  acknowledge  their  high  and 
eminent  qualities.  If  to  sacrifice  every  advantage,  and 
to  suffer  every  hardship  —  if  to  labour  for  the  good,  real 
or  supposed,  of  their  fellow  creatures  with  all  their  heart, 
with  all  their  soul,  and  with  all  their  strength,  —  if  the 
most  fervent  devotion  —  if  the  most  unconquerable 
energy,  be  deserving  of  respect,  let  us  not  speak  slight- 
ingly of  those  spiritual  leaders,  who,  mighty  even  in 
their  errors,  and  honest  even  in  their  contradictions,  have 


METHODISM.]  THE    FIRST    METHODISTS.  241 

stamped  their  character  on  their  own  and  on  the  present 
times.  It  is  proper  to  record,  it  is  easy  to  deride  their 
frailties  ;  but  let  us,  ere  we  contemn  them,  seriously  ask 
ourselves  whether  we  should  be  equally  ready  to  do  and 
bear  every  thing  in  the  cause  of  conscience,  —  whetherv 
like  them,  we  could  fling  away  all  thought  of  personal 
ease  and  personal  advantage.  It  has  often  been  said, 
that  there  is  no  virtue  without  sacrifices ;  but,  surely,  it 
is  equally  true,  that  there  are  no  sacrifices  without  virtue. 
Generous  actions  often  spring  from  error ;  but  still  we 
must  prefer  such  error  to  a  selfish  and  lazy  wisdom,  and, 
though  neither  Jacobites  nor  Methodists,  we  may  admire 
the  enthusiasm  of  a  Lochiel  in  politics,  and  of  a  Wesley 
in  religion. 

The  breach  with  the  Moravians,  and  with  the  party  of 
Whitefield,  left  Wesley  sole  and  undisputed  chief  of  the 
remaining  brotherhood  ;  and  the  gap  thus  made  was  far 
more  than  repaired  by  the  growing  multitude  of  converts. 
Methodism  began  to  rear  4ts  head  throughout  the  land, 
and  the  current  of  events  soon  carried  Wesley  far  beyond 
the  bounds  which  had  formerly  been  drawn  by  himself. 
Thus,  he  had  condemned  field-preaching  until  he  felt  the 
want  of  pulpits ;  thus,  also,  he  had  condemned  lay- 
preaching,  until  it  appeared  that  very  few  clergymen 
VMTC  disposed  to  become  his  followers.  Slowly,  and  re- 
luctantly, did  he  agree  that  laymen  should  go  round  and 
preach,  though  not  to  minister.  These  were,  for  the 
most  part,  untaught  and  fiery  men,  drawn  from  the  loom 
or  the  plough  by  the  impulse  of  an  ardent  zeal ;  but  not 
unfrequently  of  strong  intellect,  and  always  of  unwearied 
exertion.  Their  inferiority  to  Wesley  in  birth  and  edu- 
cation made  them  only  the  more  willing  instruments  in 
his  hands  ;  their  enthusiasm,  it  was  hoped,  would  supply 
every  deficiency ;  and  it  was  found  easier,  instead  of  ac- 
quiring learning,  to  contemn  it  as  dross.  Their  sermons, 
accordingly,  had  more  of  heat  than  of  light,  and  they  not 
unfrequently  ran  into  extremes,  which  Wesley  himself 
cannot  have  approved,  and  of  which  it  would  be  easy,  but 
needless,  to  multiply  extraordinary  instances.  Their 
rules  were  very  strict;  they  were  required  to  undergo 
every  hardship,  and  to  abstain  from  every  innocent 

VOL.  n.  K 


242  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIX. 

indulgence,  as,  for  example,  from  snuff.*  But  their 
organization  was  admirable.  Directed  by  Wesley,  as 
from  a  common  centre,  they  were  constantly  trans- 
ferred from  station  to  station,  thus  affording  to  the  people 
the  excitement  of  novelty,  and  to  the  preacher  the  ne- 
cessity of  labour.  The  Conference,  which  assembled 
once  every  year,  and  consisted  of  preachers  selected  by- 
Wesley,  was  his  Central  Board  or  Administrative  Council, 
and  gave  weight  and  authority  to  his  decisions.  Every 
where  the  Methodists  were  divided  into  classes,  a  leader 
being  appointed  to  every  class,  and  a  meeting  held  weekly, 
when  admonitions  were  made,  money  contributed,  and 
proceedings  reported.  There  were  also,  in  every  quarter, 
to  be  Love  Feasts,  —  an  ancient  institution,  intended  to 
knit  still  closer  the  bands  of  Christian  brotherhood. 
Whenever  a  member  became  guilty  of  any  gross  offence, 
he  was  excluded  from  the  Society,  so  as  to  remove  the 
Methodists  as  much  as  possible  from  the  contagion  of  bad 
example,  and  enable  them  to  boast  that  their  little  flock 
was  without  a  single  black  sheep.  It  would  be  difficult 
even  in  the  Monastic  orders  to  display  a  more  regular 
and  well-adapted  system.  Like  those  Monastic  orders 
the  Methodists  might  still  have  remained  in  communion 
with  the  Church  of  their  country ;  but  in  later  life 
Wesley  went  several  steps  further,  and  took  it  upon  him 
to  ordain  Ministers,  and  even  Bishops,  for  his  brethren  in 
America. 

Yet  with  all  this,  Wesley  never  relinquished,  in  words 
at  least,  his  attachment  and  adherence  to  the  Church  of 
England.     On  this  point,  his  language  was  equally  strong 
from  first  to  last.     We  find,  in  1739:  "  A  serious  clergy- 
"  man  desired  to  know  in  what  points  we  differed  from 
"  the  Church  of  England.     I  answered,  to  the  best  of  my 
knowledge,  in  none."f     In  1766,  he  says  :  "  We  are  not 
Dissenters  from  the  Church,  and  will  do  nothing  will- 
ingly which  tends  to  a  separation  from  it Our 

'  service  is  not  such  as  supersedes  the  Church-service : 
'  we  never  designed  it  should."  \  And  in  December, 

*  "  Let  no  preacher  touch  snuff  on  any  account.    Show  the  societies 
1  the  evil  of  it"     Minutes  of  Conference,  Aug.  1765. 
f  Journal,  September  13.  1739. 
J  Minutes  of  Methodist  Conferences,  August,  1766. 


METHODISM.]  DOCTRINES   OF   WESLEY.  243 

1789,  only  a  few  months  before  his  death :  "I  never  had 
*  any  design  of  separating  from  the  Church :  I  have  no 

'  such  design  now I  declare,  once  more,  that  I  live 

'  and  die  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  that 
'  none  who  regard  my  judgment  or  advice  will  ever  sepa- 
'  rate  from  it."  *  —  But,  as  we  have  seen,  the  conduct  of 
Wesley  did  not  always  keep  pace  with  these  intentions, 
and  his  followers  have  departed  from  them  far  more 
widely.  Several,  who  joined  the  Methodists  from  other 
sects,  brought  with  them  an  unfriendly  feeling  to  the 
Church ;  several  others,  who  would  have  shrunk  with 
horror  from  any  thing  called  Schism,  were  less  shocked  at 
the  words  Dissent  or  Separate  Connexion ;  for  of  course 
when  the  name  is  changed,  the  thing  is  no  longer  the 
same !  —  Yet  even  in  the  present  times  an  eminent 
Methodist  observes,  that,  although  the  relation  to  the 
Church  has  greatly  altered  since  the  days  of  Wesley,  dis- 
sent has  never  been  formally  professed  by  his  persuasion, 
and  that  "  it  forms  a  middle  body  between  the  Establish- 
"  ment  and  the  Dissenters."  f 

None  of  Wesley's  tenets  were,  as  he  believed,  at  va- 
riance with  the  Church  of  England.  His  favourite  doc- 
trines were  what  he  termed  the  New  Birth,  Perfection, 
and  Assurance.  It  is  not  my  intention  to  entangle  my- 
self or  my  readers  in  the  mazes  of  controversy ;  and  I 
shall  therefore  only  observe,  that  Wesley  at  his  outset 
pushed  these  doctrines  to  a  perilous  extreme ;  but  that, 
when  his  fever  of  enthusiasm  had  subsided  to  a  healthy 
vital  heat,  he  greatly  modified  and  softened  his  first  ideas. 
He  still  clung,  however,  to  the  same  words,  but  gave  them 
a  narrower  meaning ;  so  that  once,  when  defending  his 
views  on  Perfection  to  Bishop  Gibson,  the  Prelate  an- 
swered :  "  Why,  Mr.  Wesley,  if  this  is  what  you  mean  by 
"  Perfection,  who  can  be  against  it  ?  "  —  But  unhappily 
the  multitude  is  incapable  of  such  nice  distinctions,  and 
apt  to  take  words  in  their  simple  and  common  meaning. 
These  doctrines,  in  a  wider  sense,  soon  became  popular, 


*  See  Wesley's  Works,  vol.  xv.  p.  248. 

f  Mr.  Watson's  Observations  on  Southey's  Life,  p.  138.  and  159. 
cd.  1821. 


244  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIX. 

for  they  gratified  spiritual  pride,  which  is  too  often  the 
besetting  sin  of  those  who  have  no  other. 

The  object  of  Wesley  was,  as  he  avowed  it,  not  to 
secede  from  the  Church  of  England,  not  to  innovate  upon 
its  doctrines,  but  to  infuse  new  life  and  vigour  into  its 
members.  It  becomes,  therefore,  an  important  question, 
how  far,  at  this  period,  the  clergy  may  be  justly  charged 
with  neglect,  or  the  people  with  indifference.  And  if  we 
consult  writers  the  most  various  in  their  views  and  feel- 
ings and  opinions  on  most  other  points,  we  shall  find  them 
agree  in  lamenting  the  state  of  religion  in  that  age. 
Bishop  Burnet,  in  the  conclusion  of  his  History,  in  1713, 
entirely  acquits  the  Clergy  of  any  scandalous  faults  ;  but 
complains  that  their  lives,  though  decorous,  were  not  ex- 
emplary. "  I  must  own,"  he  says,  "  that  the  main  body 
'  of  our  Clergy  has  always  appeared  dead  and  lifeless  to 
'  me,  and  instead  of  animating  one  another,  they  seem 

'rather  to  lay  one  another  to  sleep I  say  it  with 

'  great  regret,  I  have  observed  the  Clergy  in  all  the 
'  places  through  which  I  have  travelled  —  Papists,  Lu- 
'  therans,  Calvinists,  and  Dissenters  ;  but  of  them  all,  our 
'  Clergy  is  much  the  most  remiss  in  their  labours  in  pri- 
'vate,  and  the  least  severe  in  their  lives."  These  are 
the  words  of  a  Whig  ;  the  testimony  of  a  Tory  Prelate  is 
equally  strong.  In  1711,  Atterbury  drew  up  a  repre- 
sentation of  the  State  of  Religion,  which  was  presented 
by  the  Convocation  to  the  Queen.  This  Memorial  com- 
plains of  "  the  manifest  growth  of  immorality  and  pro- 
"  faneness,"  —  "  the  relaxation  and  decay  of  the  discipline 
"  of  the  Church  ; "  and  observes,  that  "  a  due  regard  to 
"  religious  persons,  places,  and  tilings,  has  scarce  in  any 
"  age  been  more  wanting."*  My  third  witness  shall  be 
the  eminent  dissenting  minister,  Dr.  Calamy,  who,  while 
endeavouring  to  prove  that  his  sect  had  not  decreased  in 
numbers  in  1730,  admits,  "But  at  the  same  time,  a  real 
*'  decay  of  serious  religion,  both  in  the  Church  and  out  of 
"  it,  was  very  visible."  f  The  Church,  beyond  all  doubt, 
still  comprised  very  many  ministers  of  powerful  talents 
and  eminent  piety;  but  these  stars  in  the  firmament, 

*  See  Atterbury's  Correspondence,  vol.  ii.  p.  327 — 349.  ed.  1783. 
|  Calamy's  Lite  and  Times,  vol.  ii.  p.  531. 


METHODISM.]     THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.         245 

though  bright  themselves,  were  not  sufficient  to  dispel  the 
surrounding  darkness. 

This  decline  in  an  establishment  which  has  shown  so 
much  efficiency  and  excellence,  both  before  and  since, 
may,  in  a  great  measure,  be  traced  to  the  political  di- 
visions of  that  period.  At  the  Revolution  it  appeared 
that  many,  who  had  most  bravely  withstood  despotic 
power,  were  no  less  steady  asserters  of  hereditary  right. 
They  would  not  allow  the  King  to  take  more  than  his 
prerogative ;  they  would  not  allow  themselves  to  give 
less.  They  admitted  that  the  tyranny  of  James  had  for- 
feited the  throne ;  but  they  maintained  that,  in  such  a 
case,  as  in  the  event  of  his  natural  demise,  the  next  heir 
should  be  immediately  acknowledged.  The  courtiers, 
indeed,  had  no  such  scruples,  and  those  who  had  heaped 
incense  before  the  tyrant  were  quite  ready  to  bow  the 
knee  before  the  Deliverer.  The  sturdiest  partisans  of 
James  appeared  amongst  his  former  victims.  Of  the 
seven  Bishops  whom  he  had  persecuted  and  imprisoned, 
five  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  William ; 
their  example  was  followed  by  not  a  few  of  the  inferior 
clergy ;  and  though  the  greater  number  were  willing 
to  approve  of,  or  to  acquiesce  in,  the  ruling  govern- 
ment, yet  their  concurrence  was  cold  and  formal ;  and  it 
was  evident  that  they  considered  the  accession  of  William 
not  so  much  positive  good,  as  the  least  of  two  evils.  The 
abolition  of  episcopacy  in  Scotland,  however  needful,  did 
not  tend  to  allay  their  apprehensions ;  and  the  untimely 
death  of  the  young  Duke  of  Gloucester  dashed  their 
hopes  that  the  seed  of  the  "  Royal  Martyr"  would  still 
inherit  the  land.  They  disliked  the  prospect  of  a  Ger- 
man successor :  they  were  not  pleased  with  that  suc- 
cessor when  he  came,  and  they  complained  that  the  Tory 
party  was  so  wholly  shut  out  from  his  counsels ;  an  ex- 
clusion of  which  they  saw  the  disadvantages,  but  could 
not  so  well  appreciate  the  necessity.  Thus,  then,  in  the 
whole  period  since  1688,  except  the  four  last  years  of 
Queen  Anne,  a  large  proportion  of  the  clergy  were  in  a 
state  of  dissatisfaction,  and  opposition  to  the  Ministers,  if 
not  to  the  Sovereign. 

From  this  unnatural  alienation  between  the  Church 
and  State,  there  soon  followed  another  between  the  higher 
B  3 


246  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIX. 

and  lower  clergy.  The  new  government,  as  might  be 
supposed,  selected  its  Bishops  from  its  small  minority  of 
partisans,  rather  than  from  the  unfriendly  majority ;  and 
thus  it  happened  that  most  of  the  clergy  came  to  be  on 
one  side,  and  most  of  the  Bishops  on  the  other.  Many 
of  the  new  prelates  were,  like  Tillotson,  an  honour  to 
their  country  and  to  their  calling ;  but  the  evil  I  have 
mentioned  was  inherent  in  the  system,  and  did  not  de- 
pend upon  the  men.  The  body  ecclesiastical  became 
unnerved  and  disjointed ;  the  head  ceased  to  direct  the 
limbs,  and  the  limbs  to  obey  the  head.  While  the  Con- 
vocation sat,  there  were  most  violent  wranglings  between 
the  two  Houses ;  after  its  cessation  there  was  more  si- 
lence, but  not  greater  satisfaction.  The  result  was  a 
total  decay  of  discipline;  for  where  there  is  no  confi- 
dence and  cordiality,  discipline  can  only  be  enforced 
by  harsh  measures,  and  these  were  repugnant  to  the 
gentle  spirit  of  the  Bishops.  They  therefore  allowed 
their  authority  to  sleep,  except  in  the  rare  cases  of 
any  gross  irregularity ;  they  had  seldom  any  labour 
of  love,  and  their  fatherly  guidance  was  no  more. 

In  like  manner,  and  from  the  same  causes,  the  Uni- 
versities clashed  with  the  heads  of  the  Church  and  of 
the  Government.  In  Oxford,  especially,  the  High  Church 
principles  were  dominant,  and  most  of  the  resident  mem- 
bers were  Jacobites  almost  without  disguise.  Consider- 
ing how  severely  that  University  had  smarted  under  the 
tyranny  of  the  last  Stuart,  its  Jacobitism  surely  deserves 
high  respect,  as  a  most  disinterested  and  sincere,  though 
most  mistaken,  principle  of  loyalty.  Cambridge,  partly 
perhaps  from  rivalry  to  Oxford,  was  more  friendly  to  the 
House  of  Hanover  ;  but  even  there  the  High  Churchmen 
formed,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  a  very  powerful  minority. 
On  the  whole,  these  seats  of  learning  were  considered 
decidedly  hostile  by  the  Government ;  and  we  find  that 
in  1716  Archbishop  Wake  was  preparing  a  Bill  to  assert 
the  supremacy  of  the  Crown,  and  regulate  the  two  Uni- 
versities.* In  such  unprofitable  dissensions  were  those 
energies  consumed  which  might  else  have  wrought  out 
such  great  deeds  for  the  service  of  religion. 

*  Lord  Townshend  to  Secretary  Stanhope,  November  2. 1716.     - 


METHODISM.]     THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.          247 

Another  cause  of  neglect  in  the  Clergy,  was  want  of 
rivalry  and  emulation.  No  other  sect  was  then  in  active 
competition  with  them.  The  Roman  Catholics  had  been 
struck  down  by  the  victorious  arms  of  William,  and 
bound  fast  by  the  penal  laws  of  Anne.  The  Protestant 
Nonconformists  had  greatly  fallen  off,  both  in  numbers 
and  energy.  *  Under  such  circumstances  a  general  cold- 
ness and  deadness  ensued  even  from  apparent  triumph  ; 
and  the  Church  Militant,  with  no  visible  enemy  before  it, 
broke  its  ranks  and  laid  aside  its  arms. 

In  many  places,  again,  the  population  had  outgrown 
the  size  of  the  Establishment.  Where  provision  had 
been  made  for  the  religious  care  of  only  some  small 
hamlet,  a  numerous  race  of  manufacturers  or  miners  had 
frequently  sprung  up.  Many  villages  were  swelling  into 
towns,  many  towns  into  cities.  It  is  a  matter  deeply 
affecting  the  former  character  of  the  Church,  as  well  as 
its  present  interests,  that  provision  was  not  made  at  an 
earlier  period  for  these  increasing  wants.  If  we  except 
Queen  Anne's  bounty,  little  care  seems  to  have  been 
taken  for  the  enlargement  of  small  livings,  the  diminu- 
tion of  pluralities,  and  the  building  of  new  churches.f 
The  fields  were  ripe  for  the  harvest,  but  it  was  left  for 
the  Methodists  to  gather. 

A  Church  Establishment  cannot  have  a  worse  enemy 
than  its  own  want  of  vigour,  and  is  never  really  secure 
but  when  it  is  really  useful.  Twenty  years  before  that 
great  awakening  of  the  human  mind  which  we  term  the 
Reformation,  when  the  Church  of  Rome  sat  supremely 
enthroned  over  the  whole  Christian  world,  and  every 
heresy  had  been  quenched  in  flame  —  even  then  its 
abuses  and  intolerance  were  preparing  their  own  correc- 


*  Several  tracts  were  published,  especially  in  1730,  accounting  for 
this  decrease  in  various  ways,  but  all  admitting  the  fact.  See  Calamy's 
Life  and  Times,  vol.  ii.  p.  529.  One  of  the  tracts  was  entitled, "  Free 
"  Thoughts  on  the  most  probable  Means  of  reviving  the  Dissenting 
"  Interest." 

f  The  sum  paid  during  the  whole  reign  of  George  the  Second 
Cthirty-three  years)  for  building  churches,  including  the  repairs  of 
^Vt.-riiiinster  Abbey  and  of  St.  Margaret's  and  St.  John's,  West- 
minster, amounted  only  to  152,240*.  (Sinclair's  History  of  the 
He  venue,  port  Hi.  p.  61.) 

u  4 


248  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIX. 

lion,  and  the  keen  eye  of  Comines  could  discern  the 
coming  and  desired  dawn.*  Thus,  also,  in  the  reign  of 
George  the  First,  the  reflecting  few  could  perceive  that 
the  Church  of  England,  though  pure  as  ever  in  doctrine, 
was  impaired  in  energy,  and  must  have  either  help  or 
opposition  to  stir  it.  That  impulse  was  in  a  great 
measure  given  by  the  Methodists.  The  clergy  caught 
their  spirit,  but  refined  it  from  their  alloy  of  enthusiasm. 
The  discipline  of  the  Church  was  gradually  revived,  and 
its  deficiencies  supplied.  Every  year  the  Establishment 
rose  higher  and  higher  in  efficiency  and  usefulness  ;  and  it 
has  checked  and  arrested  the  progress  of  the  Methodists, 
not  so  much  by  their  faults  as  by  its  merits.  At  no 
period  had  it  lost  its  hold  upon  the  great  body  of  the 
people ;  but  it  now  struck  still  deeper  roots  into  their 
hearts,  —  roots  of  which  the  unconquerable  strength  will 
be  found,  if  ever  an  attempt  be  made  to  pluck  it  out. 
Looking  to  all  its  branches,  —  to  the  noble  army  of 
missionaries  toiling  on  a  foreign  shore  for  its  extension — • 
to  the  controversialists  arrayed  at  home  for  its  defence 
—  to  what  is,  perhaps,  of  all  things  the  most  difficult, 
great  accomplishments  contentedly  confined  to  an  humble 
sphere,  and  satisfied  with  obscure  parochial  duties,  — 
how  much  at  the  present  time  shall  we  find  scope  to 
praise  and  to  admire !  We  may  question  now  whether  in 
virtue,  in  piety,  in  usefulness,  any  Church  of  modern 
times  could  equal  ours.  Nor  let  any  false  shame  hinder 
us  from  owning  that,  though  other  causes  also  were  at 
work,  it  is  to  the  Methodists  that  great  part  of  the  merit 
is  due.  Whilst,  therefore,  we  trace  their  early  enthus^- 
asm  and  perverted  views,  and  the  mischief  which  these 
have  undoubtedly  caused,  as  well  as  the  evils  of  the 
present  separation,  let  us  never  forget  or  deny  the  great 
countervailing  advantage. 

Nowhere  had  the  Church  been  so  fatally  inactive 
as  in  Ireland.  When  Wesley  first  visited  that  coun- 
try, in  1747,  he  observes,  "at  least  99  in  100  of  the 
"  native  Irish  remain  in  the  religion  of  their  forer 
"  fathers.  The  Protestants,  whether  in  Dublin  or  else- 
"  where,  are  almost  all  transplanted  lately  from  Eng- 

*  Comines,  Mem.  lib.  vii.  ch.  15. 


METHODISM.]  THE   CHURCH  IN  IRELAND.  249 

"  land."*  The  unsettled  and  lawless  state  of  Ireland, 
during  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries,  maybe  ad- 
mitted as  a  valid  excuse  for  not  advancing  the  work  of  the 
Reformation.  But  after  the  battle  of  the  Boyne,  it  ought 
surely  to  have  been  one  of  the  first  objects  of  the  Church 
and  of  the  Government,  to  afford  to  the  Irish  people  the 
means  of  education,  and  the  choice  of  the  Protestant  re- 
ligion. There  was  no  want  of  a  favourable  opening.  The 
Eoman  Catholic  priests,  humbled  by  recent  defeats,  could 
not  at  that  period  have  ventured  to  withstand  the  read- 
ing of  the  Scriptures,  or  the  exhortations  of  the  Clergy. 
Had  the  Irish  peasantry  been  addressed  in  the  Irish 
language  —  had  the  activity  of  the  Establishment  been 
equal  to  its  power  —  those  who  believe  the  Protestant 
religion  to  be  the  truth,  can  scarcely  doubt  that  here,  as 
elsewhere,  the  truth  would  have  triumphantly  prevailed. 
But  unhappily  no  such  measures  were  taken.  It  was 
found  more  easy  to  proscribe  than  to  instruct.  In  1735 
the  excellent  Bishop  Berkeley  complains  of  the  "  want  of 
decent  churches "  in  towns,  and  in  the  country  of 
able  missionaries,  persons  conversant  in  low  life,  and 
speaking  the  Irish  tongue Is  there  any  in- 
stance," he  asks,  "  of  a  people's  being  converted  in 
a  Christian  sense,  otherwise  than  by  preaching  to  them 
and  instructing  them  in  their  own  language  ?  "  f  In- 
stead of  such  means,  it  was  attempted  to  make  Protes- 
tants by  Acts  of  Parliament.  Then  came  the  penal  laws, 
which  so  long  defiled  the  Statute  Book,  to  the  disgrace 
of  one  party,  as  much  as  to  the  oppression  of  the  other ; 
and  mitigated  only  by  their  own  extreme  violence,  which 
often  left  them  a  dead  letter.  Meanwhile  the  favourable 
opportunity  passed  away  ;  and,  before  a  better  spirit 
came,  the  Roman  Catholic  priests  had  recovered  from 
their  depression,  and  the  peasantry  been  stung  into  a 
sense  of  resentment.  Wesley  himself  made  little  pro- 
gress in  Ireland.  The  people,  indeed,  he  describes  as 
most  ready  to  hear  :  "  they  are,"  he  says,  "  in  general  of 
"  a  more  teachable  spirit  than  in  most  parts  of  Eng- 

*  Journal,  Aupust  15.  1747.  In  another  part  of  his  Works  (vol. 
xv.  p.  209.),  he  says,  "  In  many  parts  of  Ireland  there  are  still  ten, 
f  nay  fifteen,  perhaps  upwards  of  twenty,  Papists  to  one  Protestant." 

f  Bishop  Berkeley's  Works  vol.  ii.  p.  381.  and  396.  ed.  1784 


250  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIX. 

"  land  ;"  and  again,  "  their  hearts  seem  to  be  as  melting 

"  wax."*     But  the  priests,  finding  that  he  was  not  only 

unsupported,    but  opposed  by  the  ruling  powers,  took 

courage  and  exerted  their  authority  to  prevent  his  being 

heard.     At  Athlone,  he  tells  us,  May  7.  1749  :    "  Abun- 

"  dance  of  Papists  flocked  to  hear,  so  that  the  priest, 

"  seeing  his  command  did  not  avail,  came  in  person  and 

"  drove  them  away  before  him  like  a  flock  of  sheep." 

The  same  thing  occurred  in  other  places.     A  ridiculous 

by-word  also  (they  were  called  Swaddlers)  tended  to 

prevent  the  progress  pf  the  Methodists ;    for,  it  may  be 

observed,  that,  with  the  multitude,   a  nickname  is  far 

more  effectual  than  an  argument.     The  origin  of  this 

appellation  is  thus  related  by  Wesley.    "  Swaddler  was  a 

name  given  to  Mr.  Cennick  first,  by  a  Popish  priest, 

who  heard  him  speak  of  a  child  wrapped  in  swaddling 

clothes,  and  probably  did  not  know  the  expression  was 

in   the  Bible,   a  book  he  was  not  much  acquainted 

withPf 

Wesley  was  now  travelling  from  county  to  county,  and 
from  town  to  town,  everywhere  preaching  and  gaining 
proselytes.  No  where  did  he  attract  more  attention  than 
at  his  own  birthplace  of  Epworth.  He  applied  to  the 
curate  for  the  use  of  the  pulpit  —  his  father's  for  forty 
years :  he  was  refused,  and,  attending  the  service,  he 
heard,  with  great  composure,  a  sermon  against  the  evils 
of  enthusiasm.  But  as  the  congregation  were  separating, 
they  were  informed  that  Mr.  Wesley,  having  been  denied 
the  church,  intended  to  preach  that  evening  in  the  church- 
yard. There  he  accordingly  appeared,  and  there,  standing 
upon  his  father's  grave,  he  delivered  a  most  affecting 
discourse.  Every  eye  was  moistened,  every  heart  was 
moved.  One  gentleman,  who  had  not  attended  any  public 
worship  for  thirty  years,  but  was  led  by  curiosity  to  hear 
Wesley  at  Epworth,  was  at  once  reclaimed  from  irreligion 
during  the  remainder  of  his  life.J  In  other  places,  also, 
the  same  good  seed  was  sown.  An  affecting  story  is  told, 
for  example,  of  one  poor  woman  who  was  saved  from 

Wesley's  Journal,  August  17.  1747,  and  May  30.  1749. 


f  Journal,  May  25.  1750. 
%  Cc 


Compare  Wesley's  Journal,  June  12.  1742  (his  sixth  day  at 
Epworth),  and  April  17.  1752. 


METHODISM.]  WESLEY  AT   NEWCASTLE.  251 

suicide,  for,  when  already  on  her  way  to  throw  herself 
into  the  river,  she  was  attracted  by  the  sounds  of  a 
Methodist  meeting,  and,  entering  in,  heard  the  words  of 
hope  and  consolation.  But  the  effect  of  Wesley's  preach- 
ing was  by  no  means  uniform,  nor  all  for  good.  While 
some  minds  were  awakened  to  repentance,  others  were 
spurred  into  frenzy.  While  some  began  to  look  upon 
religion  as  their  rule  and  guide  in  worldly  business,  others 
viewed  it  as  an  ecstasy  that  should  supersede  worldly 
business  altogether. 

It  may  be  observed,  however,  that  many  persons  joined 
the  Methodists  in  a  first  impulse,  and  afterwards  left  them. 
When  Wesley  came  to  Newcastle,  in  March,  1743,  he 
found  that,  since  the  end  of  last  December,  seventy-six 
persons  had  left  the  society,  and  he  took  the  pains  to 
ascertain  the  motives  of  each.  Fourteen  of  them  (chiefly 
Dissenters)  said  they  left  it,  "  because,  otherwise,  their 
"  Ministers  would  not  give  them  the  Sacrament ;  "  nine 
more,  "  because  their  husbands,  or  wives,  were  not  will- 
"  ing  they  should  stay  in  it ; "  twelve,  "  because  their 
"  parents  were  not  willing  ;  "  five,  "  because  their  master 
"  or  mistress  would  not  let  them  come  ;  "  seven,  "  because 
"  their  acquaintance  persuaded  them  to  leave  it ;  "  five, 
"  because  people  said  such  bad  things  of  the  society ; " 
nine,  "  because  they  would  not  be  laughed  at ; "  three, 
"  because  they  would  not  lose  the  poor  allowance ; "  three 
more,  "  because  they  could  not  spare  time  to  come ; " 
two,  "  because  it  was  so  far  off; "  one,  "  because  she  was 
"  afraid  of  falling  into  fits  ;  "  one,  "  because  people  were 
"  so  rude  in  the  street ; "  two,  "  because  Thomas  Naisbit 
"  was  in  the  society ; "  one,  "  because  he  would  not  turn 
"  his  back  on  his  baptism ; "  one,  "  because  the  Method- 
"  ists  were  mere  Church  of  England  men ; "  and  one, 
"  because  it  was  time  enough  to  serve  God  yet."*  An- 
other person,  a  gentleman,  whom  Wesley  met  a  few 
days  after  in  the  streets,  said,  with  much  earnestness, 
that  he  would  come  and  hear  him,  only  he  was  afraid 
that  Wesley  should  say  something  against  cockfighting ! 

*  Wesley's  Journal,  March  12.  1743.  It  was  a  Scotchman  that 
objected  to  the  "  mere  Church  of  Faigland  men."  This  is  stated 
July  25.  1756. 


252  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XI2C. 

—  A  lamentable  array  of  motives  for  relinquishing  a  re- 
ligious persuasion  !  But  were  the  reasons  of  those  who 
joined  it  always  so  much  better? 

That  very  many  persons  were  drawn  to  Wesley  by  a 
pious  and  Christian  impulse  is  undeniable.  But  it  can 
scarcely  be  doubted  that  a  love  of  novelty  and  the  strange- 
ness of  field-preaching  were  the  magnets  that  attracted 
many  others.  Wherever  curiosity  was  not  kept  alive  by 
frequent  changes  of  preachers,  or  wherever  preaching  in 
the  open  air  was  superseded  by  meeting-houses,  the  ex- 
citement flagged,  and  the  society  declined.  The  latter 
observation  may  be  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  Wesley 
himself.  He  writes  at  Whitehaven,  June  24.  1764 : 
"  The  want  of  field-preaching  has  been  one  cause  of 
"  deadness  here ;  I  do  not  find  any  great  increase  of  the 
"  work  of  God  without  it.  If  ever  this  is  laid  aside,  I 
"  expect  the  whole  work  will  gradually  die  away."  Thus 
also  he  writes  from  Cardiff:  "  I  found  the  society  in  as 
"  ruinous  a  condition  as  the  Castle."* 

Love  of  novelty  is  a  feeling  that  always  acts  most 
strongly  on  the  least  cultivated  minds,  and  it  was  among 
these  that  Wesley  found  his  first  and  most  willing  fol- 
lowers. During  several  years,  the  Methodists  were  almost 
entirely  confined  to  the  poorer  classes ;  and  this  appears 
not  merely  from  Wesley's  own  declaration,  but  still  more, 
perhaps,  from  the  bitterness  with  which  the  earlier  por- 
tion of  his  Journal  sometimes  alludes  to  persons  of  edu- 
cation and  affluence.  Thus,  for  instance,  he  says,  in 
1738,  "  She  with  whom  we  were  was  so  much  of  a  gen- 
"  tlewoman,  that  for  near  an  hour  our  labour  seemed  to 
"  be  in  vain."  And  again,  next  year,  "  A  fine  lady  un- 
"  expectedly  coming  in,  there  was  scarce  room  for  me  to 
"  speak."  f 

To  every  part  of  the  kingdom  were  Wesley's  labours 

*  Journal,  August  28.  1763. 

f  Journal,  March  18.  1738,  and  September  6.  1739.  Whitcfield 
seems  to  have  had  more  success  among  the  higher  classes.  He  writes 
from  Scotland,  "  I  am  intimate  with  three  noblemen  and  several  ladies 
"  of  quality,  who  have  a  great  liking  for  the  things  of  God.  I  am 
"  now  writing  from  an  Earl's  house,"  &c.  Yet  Horace  Walpole  says 
sarcastically,  that  "  Whitefield's  largest  crop  of  proselytes  lay  among 
"  servant-maids! "  (Memoirs  of  George  the  Second,  vol.  ii.  p.  282. ) 


METHODISM.]  POPULAK  VIOLENCE.  253 

extended.  The  bleakest  summits  of  the  Northumbrian 
moors,  or  the  inmost  depths  of  the  Cornish  mines,  the 
most  tumultuous  city,  or  the  most  unfrequented  hamlet, 
were  equally  the  scenes  of  his  pilgrimage  and  preaching. 
Danger  he  fearlessly  braved,  insult  he  patiently  endured. 
On  one  occasion,  at  Wednesbury,  his  life  was  threatened 
with  brutal  violence,  and  he  would  hardly  have  escaped 
had  not  his  gentleness  turned  some  of  his  assailants  into 
his  defenders.  In  other  places  the  rudeness  of  the  mob 
took  a  less  serious  turn  ;  preachers  were  plunged  into  the 
water,  or  daubed  over  with  paint.  Sometimes  the  Me- 
thodists were  brought  before  a  magistrate,  but  seldom 
could  any  legal  offence  be  laid  at  their  door.*  Charles 
Wesley  was  once  accused  of  treasonable  words,  and  of 
abetting  the  Pretender,  because  he  had  prayed,  in  allusion 
to  sinners,  that  the  Lord  would  call  home  his  banished 
ones.  John  was  often  hooted  at  as  a  Papist ;  while  one 
man,  more  learned  than  the  rest,  called  him  a  "  Presby- 
"  terian  Papist," — a  happy  combination  of  terms!  and 
an  opinion  which  seemed  so  reasonable,  that  all  the  people 
present,  as  we  are  told,  were  brought  round  to  it !  | 
Charges  such  as  these  were  not  very  difficult  to  answer. 
Yet  it  may  be  observed,  that  the  Wesleys  seem,  in  early 
life  at  least,  to  have  had  some  leaning  to  the  exiled  family ; 
for  we  find  Charles  writing  home,  in  1734,  from  Oxford, 
"  My  brother  has  been  much  mauled,  and  threatened 
"  more,  for  his  Jacobite  sermon  on  the  llth  of  June."  It 
appears  that  another  of  the  brothers  was  in  correspond- 
ence with  Atterbury  during  his  exile.J 

A  more  solemn  accusation  might  have  been  brought 

*  Wesley  departs  from  his  usual  gravity,  to  relate  how  once  a 
whole  waggon-load  of  these  new  "  heretics  "  were  carried  before  Mr. 
S.,  a  Justice  of  the  peace,  near  Epworth,  But  when  there,  no  accusa- 
tion was  made.  At  length  an  old  man  stood  forward:  —  "An't 
"  please  your  Worship,  they  have  convarted  my  wife.  Till  she  went 
"among  them,  she  had  such  a  tongue!  And  now  she  is  as  quiet  as 
"  a  lamb!"  —  "  Carry  them  back,  carry  them  back,"  said  the  Justice, 
"  and  let  them  convert  all  the  scolds  in  the  town."  (Journal, 
June  9.  1742.)  Yet  Wesley's  own  married  life,  some  years  after- 
wards, may  prove,  that  the  Methodists  had  not  always  a  specific  in 
these  cases. 

f  Journal,  October  30.  1743. 

J  Attcrbury's  Correspondence,  vel.  ii.  p.  419,  &c. 


254  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIX. 

against  Wesley  for  the  presumption  with  which  he  some- 
times ascribed  immediate  efficacy  to  his  prayers.  Some 
anecdotes  which  he  exultingly  relates,  would  seem  better 
suited  to  a  Romish  legend  than  to  a  Protestant  Journal. 
One  night,  when  he  was  travelling  on  foot  in  heavy  rain, 
and  not  well  knowing  the  way,  he  prayed  to  God  "  that 
"  thou  wouldst  stay  the  bottles  of  Heaven  !  Or,  at  least, 
"  give  me  light  or  an  honest  guide ! "  and  presently,  he 
tells  us,  "  the  rain  ceased,  the  moon  broke  out,  and  a 
"  friendly  man  overtook  me,  who  set  me  upon  his  own 
"  horse  and  walked  by  my  side."  *  Another  day  he  was 
thoroughly  tired,  and  his  horse  exceedingly  lame.  "  I 
"  then  thought  —  cannot  God  heal  either  man  or  beast  by 
"  any  means  or  without  any  ?  Immediately  my  weariness 
"  and  head-ache  ceased,  and  my  horse's  lameness  in  the 
"  same  instant.  Nor  did  he  halt  any  more  either  that 
"  day  or  the  next.  This  is  the  naked  fact :  let  every  man 
"  account  for  it  as  he  sees  good."f  But  it  is  very  plain 
what  was  Wesley's  own  opinion. 

Where  this  enthusiasm  could  bewilder  a  man  of  so 
much  genius  and  learning,  it  may  easily  be  supposed  that 
some  of  the  illiterate  rushed  into  far  wilder  extremes. 
One  society  was  called  the  Jumpers,  because  they  mani- 
fested their  devotion  by  leaping  as  high  as  possible.^ 
One  man,  Mr.  M,,  with  a  long  white  beard,  came  to 
Wesley  at  the  close  of  one  of  his  sermons,  and  told  him 
with  much  concern,  "  You  can  have  no  place  in  heaven 
"  without  a  beard !  Therefore,  I  beg,  let  yours  grow 
"  immediately  !"§ — thus  going  beyond  even  the  wild 
notions  on  this  subject  of  Tertullian  j|,  and  the  Mon- 
tanists.  Such  fooleries  are  mentioned  by  Wesley  with 
just  aversion  and  contempt,  nor  do  I  mean  for  one  mo- 

*  Journal,  September  17.  1741. 

t  Journal,  March  17.  1746. 

j  Wesley's  Journal,  August  27.  1763,  and  August  25.  1774. 

§  Wesley's  Journal,  August  29.  1766.  In  another  place  (August 
6.  1749)  he  writes,  "  A  gentleman  here  (Rathcormuck)  in  conversa- 
"  tion  with  Colonel  B.,  said  he  had  heard  there  was  a  people 
"  risen  up  that  placed  all  religion  in  wearing  long  whiskers,  and 
"  seriously  asked,  whether  these  were  not  the  same  who  were  called 
"  Methodists  ?  " 

||  "  An  Deo  placebit  ille  qui  vultus  suos  novacula  mutat,  infidelis 
•*  erga  faciem  suam  ?  "  (TertulL  De  Spectaculis,  ch.  23.) 


METHODISM.]  METHODIST   SOLDIERS.  255 

ment  to  imply  that  he  was  answerable  for  them ;  but  I 
quote  them  as  showing  to  what  lengths  ignorant  enthu- 
siasm, when  once  excited,  will  run.  And  even  among 
those  of  Wesley's  own  flock  we  may  often  observe  even 
the  best  principles  carried  to  a  strange  and  blameable 
excess.  Thus  a  little  society  of  Methodists  had  sprung 
up  in  the  British  army ;  and  we  find  that,  at  the  battle 
of  Fontenoy,  some  of  these  encountered  death  and  wounds, 
not  merely  with  the  courage  of  a  soldier,  or  the  resigna- 
tion of  a  Christian,  but  with  rapture  and  delight !  A 
letter  from  one  of  them  to  Wesley  is  inserted  in  his 
Journal  of  December  2.  1745.  "  I  received,"  says  the 
pious  soldier,  "  a  ball  through  my  left  arm,  and  rejoiced 
"  so  much  the  more.  Soon  after  I  received  another  into 
"  my  right,  which  obliged  me  to  quit  the  field.  But  I 
"  scarce  knew  whether  I  was  on  earth  or  heaven.  It 
"  was  one  of  the  sweetest  days  I  ever  enjoyed !  "  Of  a 
similar  kind  was  the  enthusiasm  of  the  first  Moravians. 
When  Wesley  told  their  bishop,  Nitschman,  that  one  of 
their  sick  friends  had  become  much  worse,  the  other, 
instead  of  expressing  concern,  smiled,  and  said,  "  He  will 
"  soon  be  well ;  he  is  ready  for  the  bridegroom ! "  * 

To  welcome  death  so  eagerly  was,  perhaps,  less  sur- 
prising or  unnatural  in  men  who  practised  so  many 
austerities.  It  is,  certainly,  one  of  the  ill  effects  of 
Methodism,  that  it  has  tended  to  narrow  the  circle  of 
innocent  enjoyments.  Plays,  cards,  and  dances,  in  what- 
ever moderation,  or  in  whatever  form,  were  strictly 
denounced.  We  find  one  man  highly  commended  for 
having  broken  and  burnt  his  violin.f  Whitefield  boasts 
that  during  one  Lent  he  lived  almost  entirely  on  sage 
tea  without  sugar,  and  coarse  bread4  Of  one  clergyman, 
Mr.  Grimshaw,  who  joined  the  Methodists,  and  is  much 
extolled  by  them,  it  is  related  by  his  panegyrist :  "  He 
"  endeavoured  to  suppress  the  generally  prevailing  custom 
"  in  country  places  during  the  summer,  of  walking  in  the 
"  fields  on  a  Lord's-day  between  the  services,  or  in  the 
"  evening,  in  companies.  He  not  only  bore  his  testimony 
"  against  it  from  the  pulpit,  but  reconnaitred  the  fields 

*  Journal,  March  14.  1736.        f  Mylcs,  Chron.  Hist.  p.  5i. 
J  First  Journal,  p.  16. 


256  mSTORT  OF  ENGLAND.       CHAP.  XIX. 

"  in  person  to  detect  and  reprove  the  delinquents."  *  — 
How  different  was  the  saying  of  good  old  Bishop  Hacket, 
"  Serve  God,  and  be  cheerful !  " 

Wesley's  domestic  life  was  not  happy.  When  about 
fifty  years  old  he  contracted  a  marriage  with  Mrs. 
Vizelle,  a  widow  of  independent  fortune  ;  having  first 
agreed  with  her,  that  he  should  not  preach  one  sermon 
or  travel  one  mile  the  less  on  that  account.  His  con- 
stant journeys  were,  no  doubt,  a  heavy  sacrifice  to  duty ; 
but  the  lady  kindly  made  it  as  light  as  possible,  by 
allowing  him  no  peace  at  home.  Her  temper  was  in- 
sufferable, and  her  jealousy  equally  positive  and  ground- 
less. She  is  said  to  have  frequently  searched  his  pockets, 
opened  his  letters,  and  sometimes  even  struck  him  and 
torn  his  hair !  Wesley  himself,  in  writing  to  her,  com- 
plains that  she  has  tried  him  in  numberless  ways,  laid  to 
his  charge  things  that  he  knew  not,  robbed  him,  betrayed 
his  confidence,  revealed  his  secrets,  given  him  a  thousand 
treacherous  wounds,  purposely  aspersed  and  murdered 
his  character,  and  made  it  her  business  so  to  do !  At 
length,  without  assigning  any  cause,  she  left  his  house, 
and  declared  her  intention  never  to  return.  Wesley, 
whose  Journal  had  previously  been  silent  on  her  con- 
duct, shortly  mentions  her  departure,  and  adds  these 
remarkable  words,  NON  EAM  KELIQUI,  NON  DIMISI,  NON 
REVoCABO.f  Their  union  —  if  so  it  can  be  called  —  had 
lasted  twenty  years,  and  Wesley  survived  their  separation 
for  twenty  more. 

Wesley's  life  was  far  extended,  and  in  part  beyond  the 
limits  of  this  History  :  he  survived  till  the  year  1791,  and 
the  age  of  eighty-eight.  He  has  left  behind  him  a  Jour- 
nal, giving  a  full  account  of  his  unwearied  travelling  and 
preaching,  during  more  than  half  a  century,  together 
with  occasional  remarks  on  the  towns  he  visited,  or  the 
books  he  read.  The  style  is  plain  and  powerful,  and  the 
language  well-chosen,  though  sometimes  peculiar.  For 
example,  he  uses  the  word  "  lively,"  where  we  should 
use  the  word  "  serious  ; "  and  thus,  meaning  to  praise 

*  Life  of  the  Rev.  William  Grimshaw,  p.  43.  The  writer  quaintly 
adds,  in  the  next  page,  "  Religion  was  to  him,  as  water  is  to  fish,  the 
"  very  element  in  which  he  lived." 

f  Journal,  February  23.  1771. 


METHODISM.]  WESLEl's   JOURNAL.  257 

the  devotion  of  Camelford,  he  calls  it  "  one  of  the  live- 
liest places  in  Cornwall."*  Thus,  also,  when  he  speaks 
of  "  a  lovely  woman,"  or  a  "  lovely  congregation,"!  it  is 
quite  clear  from  the  context  that  he  does  not  mean 
beauty.  The  same  buoyant  spirit,  the  same  fervent 
zeal,  glow  in  every  page  of  this  Journal,  but  it  is  grati- 
fying to  observe  how  the  overstrained  enthusiasm  which 
appears  in  the  earlier  portion,  gradually  softens  and 
mellows  as  the  writer  advances  in  years.  To  give  only 
one  instance  :  when  in  1740  some  of  his  congregation 
laughed,  we  have  seen  how  strangely  he  endeavours  to 
account  for  it ;  but  when  the  same  thing  befalls  him 
in  later  life,  he  is  willing  to  assign  a  very  natural  cause. 
— "  One  young  gentlewoman,  I  heard,  laughed  much. 
"  Poor  thing !  doubtless  she  thought,  '  I  laugh  pret- 
"  '  tily  ! '  "  |  But  even  in  the  earlier  and  least  favourable 
portion  of  the  Journal  it  is  impossible  not  to  acknow- 
ledge and  respect  the  honest  fervour  of  the  writer,  and 
we  may  say  of  him  what  he  says  of  the  Monks  of 
La  Trappe  :  "  Notwithstanding  the  mixture  of  super - 
"  stition,  yet  what  a  strong  vein  of  piety  runs  through 
"  all !  "§ 

Another  extract  —  it  shall  be  my  last  from  Wesley's 
Journal  —  is  very  remarkable,  as  showing  how  far  time 
and  experience  had  modified  his  views  as  to  the  benefit 
of  preaching  extempore.  "  Last  Monday,  I  began  read- 
"  ing  that  excellent  book  '  The  Gospel  Glass,'  to  the 
"  morning  congregation  ;  a  method  which  I  find  more 
"  profitable  for  instruction  in  righteousness  than  any 
"  other  manner  of  preaching."  | 

At  the  time  of  Wesley's  death,  his  flock  in  England 
exceeded  71,000,  in  America  48,000  ;  and  there  were  un- 
der his  direction  five  hundred  travelling  preachers  in 

*  Journal,  September  26.  1762. 

f  Ibid.  May  14.  1777;  October  12.  1777,  &c. 

J  Ibid.  July  16.  1764.  Saunderson,  the  blind  Professor  of  Ma- 
thematics, is  said,  once  in  company,  to  have  rightly  guessed  tlm  :i 
lady  present  had  beautiful  teeth ;  else,  ho  remarked,  she  would  not 
laugh  so  often ! 

§  Ibid.  December  21.  1747.  See  also  his  remarks  on  the  Life  of 
Loyola,  July  16.  1742. 

||  Wesley's  Journal,  October  25.  1756.  See  some  remarks  on  this 
point  in  Knox's  licmains,  vol.  i.  p.  1 72. 

VOL.  II.  8 


2o8  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XIX. 

both.*  It  is  worthy  of  note  what  sovereign  authority 
he  had  established  and  maintained,  and  how  implicit 
was  the  obedience  required  by  one  who,  even  in  his 
earliest  ministry,  had  never  yielded  any.  At  the  Con- 
ference of  1766,  he  was  accused  of  "arbitrary  power,  of 
"  making  himself  a  Pope."  That  his  power  was  arbi- 
trary, Wesley  did  not  deny.  "If,  by  arbitrary  power, 
"  you  mean  a  power  which  I  exercise  singly,  without  any 
"  colleagues  therein,  this  is  certainly  true ;  but  I  see  no 
"  hurt  in  it."  He  maintains,  however,  that  his  power 
was  not  unreasonable  or  capricious ;  that  it  was  forced 
upon  him  by  circumstances  ;  that  it  was  necessary  for  the 
good  of  all ;  and,  above  all,  that  it  was  voluntary  on  their 
part,  since  "  every  preacher  and  every  member  may  leave 
"  me  when  he  pleases."  His  defence  removed  dissatis- 
faction, or,  at  least,  silenced  complaint. 

The  labours  of  Whitefield  were  not  less  strenuous 
than  Wesley's.  He  had,  in  some  measure,  become  re- 
conciled with  his  former  colleague,  although  their  tenets 
on  predestination  still  continued  entirely  opposed.  White- 
field  found,  however,  a  powerful  patroness  and  coadjutor 
in  Selina  Shirley,  Countess  of  Huntingdon,  who  devoted 
her  long  life  and  ample  income  to  the  promotion  of  Cal- 
vinistic  Methodism.  The  laymen  educated  at  her  college, 
and  sent  forth  at  her  expense,  and  called,  after  her,  "  My 
"  Lady's  preachers,"  vied  with  the  followers  of  Wesley  in 
activity  and  enthusiasm,  though  not  in  organisation  and 
numbers.  Whitefield  himself  was  certainly  no  common 
man.  His  published  works  would  give  a  very  mean  idea 
of  his  capacity :  but  in  this  they  resembled  the  written 
compositions  of  the  Italian  improvisatori,  which  are  al- 
ways so  far  beneath  their  sudden  flow  of  verse  ;  and  his 
admirable  eloquence  and  effect  in  preaching  are  recorded 
on  the  highest  testimony.  None,  perhaps,  is  stronger 
than  that  of  a  cool  reasoner,  seldom  stirred  by  eloquence, 
and  still  more  rarely  swerving  from  his  purpose  — Benja- 
min Franklin.  The  philosopher  and  the  preacher  had 
had  a  discussion  respecting  an  orphan-house  at  Savannah, 

*  Minutes  of  Conference,  July.  1790.  Mr.  Myles  tells  us,  that, 
"till  1763,  all  the  travelling  preachers  were  called  Helpers,  that  is, 
"  MJ-.  Wesley's  Helpers."  (Chron.  Hist.  p.  94.) 


METHODISM.]          DEATH   OF   WHITEFIELD.  259 

to  which  Franklin  refused  to  subscribe.  "  I  happened 
'  soon  after,"  says  he,  "  to  attend  one  of  Mr.  Whitefield's 
'  sermons,  in  the  course  of  which  I  perceived  he  intended 
'  to  finish  with  a  collection,  and  I  silently  resolved  he 
'  should  get  nothing  from  me.  I  had  in  my  pocket  a 
'  handful  of  copper  money,  three  or  four  silver  dollars, 
'  and  five  pistoles  in  gold.  As  he  proceeded,  I  began 
'  to  soften,  and  concluded  to  give  the  copper ;  another 
'  stroke  of  his  oratory  made  me  ashamed  of  that,  and 
'  determined  me  to  give  the  silver ;  and  he  finished 
'  so  admirably,  that  I  emptied  my  pocket  wholly  into 
'  the  collection,  gold  and  all."  It  appears,  however,  that 
in  general  his  manner  was  theatrical  and  his  language 
indiscreet.  It  was  his  custom  to  stretch  out  his  arm  and 
bid  the  people  "  look  yonder,"  and  then  refer  to  our 
Lord's  Passion  as  if  actually  present  before  them :  "  Hark ! 
"  hark !  do  you  not  hear !  "  Whenever  he  related  how 
St.  Peter  went  out  and  wept  bitterly,  he  had  ready  a  fold 
of  his  gown  to  hide  his  own  face.  Such  little  arts  are 
seldom  found  with  sincerity,  yet  no  preacher  was  ever 
more  zealous  and  fervent  than  Whitefield.  Even  the 
pressure  of  deadly  illness  could  not  check  his  activity. 
When,  in  1770,  having  passed  over  to  America,  and  suf- 
fering from  asthma,  he  was  entreated  by  his  friends  to 
spare  himself,  his  answer  was,  "  I  had  rather  wear  out 
"  than  rust  out ; "  accordingly  he  persevered  in  his  exer- 
tions, and  expired  in  the  course  of  the  same  year. 

I  have  now  concluded  my  short  sketch  of  this  remark- 
able society.  It  is  not  easy  to  avoid  offence,  where 
offence  is  so  hastily  taken  ;  but  it  has  been  my  anxious 
desire  to  say  nothing  that  should  wound  the  feelings  or 
insult  the  doctrines  of  others.  I  have  endeavoured  to 
advance  no  assertion  without  adding  some  proof  or  in- 
stance of  it,  and  I  have  selected  these  proofs  in  the  man- 
ner most  favourable  to  the  Methodists  —  not  from  the 
charges  of  their  opponents — not  from  the  publications  of 
their  unauthorised  or  less  eminent  ministers  —  but  from 
the  writings  of  their  own  respected  founder.  —  If  next 
we  look  to  the  practical  effect  of  Methodism,  we  shall 
find  much  to  praise,  but  also  something  to  condemn.  We 
shall  find  a  salutary  impulse  given  to  the  Church  —  a 

B  2 


260  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XEX. 

new  barrier  raised  against  unbelief  at  a  time  when  un- 
belief was  most  rife  —  a  society  training  up  thousands  in 
the  paths  of  religion  and  virtue.  On  the  other  hand,  we 
should  not  deny,  that  a  dangerous  enthusiasm  was  reared 
and  fostered  —  that  many  innocent  sources  of  enjoyment 
had  been  dried  up  —  that  very  many  persons  have  been 
tormented  with  dreadful  agonies  and  pangs  —  that  the 
Church  has  been  weakened  by  so  large  a  separation. 
Yet  it  is  cheering  to  reflect,  that  while  the  good  seems 
lasting  and  secure,  the  ill  effects  have  much  diminished, 
and  we  may  hope  will  wholly  disappear. 

Thus,  then,  stands  the  case.  A  hundred  years  ago  the 
churchman  was  slack  in  his  duty,  and  slumbering  at  his 
post.  It  was  the  voice  of  an  enthusiast  that  roused  the 
sleeper.  Truth  must  condemn  alike  the  overstrained  ex- 
citement of  the  one,  and  the  untimely  supineness  of  the 
other.  But  the  progress  of  time,  and  still  more,  of  mu- 
tual emulation,  has  corrected  the  defects  of  each.  Sleep 
has  never  again  fallen  on  the  churchman ;  enthusiasm 
has,  in  a  great  degree,  departed  from  the  Methodist. 
So  closely  have  the  two  persuasions  drawn  to  each  other, 
that  they  are  now  separated  on  no  essential  points,  and 
by  little  more  than  the  shadowy  lines  of  prejudice  and 
habit.  It  might  be  well  for  the  followers  of  Wesley  se- 
riously to  ponder  whether,  in  still  continuing  apart  from 
the  Church,  they  do  not  keep  up  a  distinction  without  a 
difference,  —  whether,  by  joining  the  Church,  they  would 
not  best  serve  the  cause  of  true  religion,  and  disappoint 
the  machinations  of  their  common  enemies.  Sure  I  am, 
at  least,  that  if  Wesley  himself  were  now  alive,  he  would 
feel  and  act  in  this  manner  ;  had  the  Church  been  in  his 
time  what  it  is  in  ours,  he  would  never  have  left  it ;  and 
were  he  to  behold  these  times,  he  would  acknowledge, 
that  the  establishment  which  once  wanted  efficiency,  now 
stands  in  need  of  nothing  but  support. 

Were  Wesley  himself  alive  in  these  latter  times,  he 
would  surely  exclaim,  though  in  words  more  impressive 
than  mine  —  Happy  they  who  have  grown  up  in  the 
creed  of  their  fathers,  and  who  join  in  communion  with 
the  great  body  of  their  countrymen !  To  them  the 
church  bells  are  music,  to  them  the  church  path  is  a  way 


METHODISM.  J        THE   PRESENT   METHODISTS.  261 

of  pleasantness  and  peace !  Long  may  they  look  with 
veneration  and  attachment  to  that  time-worn  spire  where 
their  infancy  was  blessed  in  baptism,  where  their  man- 
hood has  drawn  in  the  words  of  consolation,  and  where 
their  remains  will  finally  repose ! 


s  3 


262  msTORr  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  xx. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  death  of  Queen  Caroline,  like  that  of  George  the 
First,  produced  no  such  effect  as  the  Opposition  had  ex- 
pected :  each  of  those  events  had  been  hailed  as  the  sure 
forerunner  of  disgrace  to  Walpole,  yet  each  left  him  un- 
shaken and  secure.  After  the  loss  of  his  Royal  patroness 
he  continued  to  enjoy  the  same  place  as  before  in  the 
King's  confidence,  while  that  in  His  Majesty's  affections 
was  speedily  filled  up  by  Sophia  de  Waluioden.  George 
had  known  her  at  Hanover  in  his  latter  journeys  during 
the  Queen's  life  ;  now  however  she  was  brought  to  Eng- 
land, and  created  Countess  of  Yarmouth  —  the  last  in- 
stance in  our  annals  of  a  British  peerage  bestowed  upon 
a  Royal  mistress.  Her  character  was  quiet  and  in- 
offensive ;  and  though  she  did  not  at  first  possess,  she 
gradually  gained  considerable  political  influence  over  the 
King.  "  The  new  northern  actress,"  writes  Lady  Mary 
Wortley,  "  has  very  good  sense ;  she  hardly  appears  at 
"  all,  and  by  that  conduct  almost  wears  out  the  disappro- 
bation of  the  public."* 

At  nearly  the  same  period  the  gossips  at  Court  were 
gratified  with  another  topic  for  their  comments ;  the 
marriage  of  Sir  Robert  to  his  mistress,  Miss  Skerrit, 
who  had  already  borne  him  a  daughter.  This  marriage 
appears  to  have  taken  place  immediately  on  the  death  of 
the  first  Lady  Walpole,  but  was  at  first  kept  secret  f ;  nor 

*  To  Lady  Pomfret,  1739.  Letters,  vol.  ii.  p.  213.  ed.  1827.  It 
appears,  however,  that  the  grief  of  the  King  for  his  consort  continued 
a  considerable  time.  One  day,  on  playing  at  cards,  some  queens  were 
dealt  to  him,  "  which,"  as  we  are  told,  "  renewed  his  trouble  so  much, 
"and  put  him  into  so  great  a  disorder,  that  the  Princess  Amelia 
44  immediately  ordered  all  the  queens  to  be  taken  out  of  the  pack." 
Opinions  of  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough,  p.  40. 

f  Mr.  Ford  to  Swift,  Nov.  22.  1737.  Swift's  Works,  voL  xix. 
p.  192. 


1738.          MEETING  OF  PARLIAMENT.  263 

did  Miss  Skerrit  survive  her  new  honours  above  a  few 
months.  For  her  daughter  Walpole  afterwards  obtained 
from  the  Crown  a  patent  of  the  same  rank  and  prece- 
dence as  though  a  legitimate  child ;  a  favour  it  is  said 
that  had  never  yet  been  granted  to  any  person  but  a 
Prince.* — It  is  remarkable  that  Mr.  Coxe,  while  devoting 
three  A^olumes  to  the  memoirs  of  Walpole,  refrains,  in  his 
partiality  to  his  hero,  from  any  allusion  whatever  to  this 
second  marriage. 

On  the  meeting  of  Parliament  in  January  1738,  the 
"  Patriots,"  bereft  of  their  expectations  from  the  Court, 
could  only  turn  their  efforts  to  reduce  the  army,  or  to 
inflame  the  national  quarrel  with  Spain.  Their  clamours, 
at  the  same  time,  for  a  diminution  of  troops,  and  for  a 
renewal  of  war,  might  have  appeared  a  little  inconsistent 
to"  any  men  less  maddened  by  their  party  zeal.  Never- 
theless, a  motion  to  substitute  the  number  of  12,000  for 
17,000  soldiers  was  made  by  Shippen,  and  seconded  by 
another  ardent  Tory,  Lord  Noel  Somerset.  The  reply  of 
Walpole  was  amongst  the  ablest  he  ever  delivered  : 
piercing  through  the  subterfuges  of  his  opponents  he 
avowed  his  fear  of  the  Pretender,  and  expressed  his  re- 
gret that  so  many  Members  should  affect  to  turn  that 
fear  into  ridicule.  "  No  man  of  common  prudence," 
added  he,  "  will  now  profess  himself  openly  a  Jacobite  : 
"  by  so  doing  he  not  only  may  injure  his  private  fortune, 
"  but  must  render  himself  less  able  to  do  any  effectual 
"  service  to  the  cause  he  has  embraced  ;  therefore  there 
"  are  but  few  such  men  in  the  kingdom.  Your  right 
"  Jacobite,  Sir,  disguises  his  true  sentiments,  he  roars 
out  for  Revolutionary  principles ;  he  pretends  to  be 
a  great  friend  to  liberty,  and  a  great  admirer  of  our 
ancient  Constitution  ;  and  under  this  pretence  there 
are  numbers  who  every  day  endeavour  to  sow  discon- 
tent among  the  people.  These  men  know  that  dis- 
content and  disaffection  are  like  wit  and  madness, 
"  separated  by  thin  partitions,  and  therefore  they  hope 
"  that  if  they  can  onco  render  the  people  thoroughly 
"  discontented,  it  will  be  easy  for  them  to  render  them 

*  Lady  Louisa  Stuart,  Introductory  Anecdotes  to  the  Wortley 
Correspondence,  p.  35. 

8  4 


264  HISTOKY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  xx. 

"  disaffected.  By  the  accession  of  these  new  allies,  as  I 
"  may  justly  call  them,  the  real  but  concealed  Jacobites 
"  have  succeeded  even  beyond  their  own  expectation."* 
So  crushing  was  this  retort,  that  the  Patriots  prudently 
refrained  from  dividing.  But  in  a  subsequent  debate 
they  derived  great  advantage  from  the  folly  of  Colonel 
Mordaunt,  who,  speaking  on  the  Ministerial  side,  nar- 
rowed the  question  to  a  party  one,  by  declaring  that  he 
thought  "the  keeping  up  an  army  absolutely  necessary 
"  for  supporting  the  Whig  interest  against  the  Tory." 
Lord  Polwarth  immediately  rose,  and,  in  a  speech  im- 
pressive both  from  its  eloquence,  and  as  coming  from  the 
heir  of  one  of  the  first  Whig  families  in  Scotland,  ex- 
claimed that  this  argument  could  mean  only  that  because 
the  people  were  discontented,  therefore  they  must  be 
oppressed.  "  For  my  part,"  said  he,  "  I  think  no  interest 
"  nor  any  party  of  men  ought  to  be  supported  if  a  stand- 
"  ing  army  becomes  necessary  for  their  support."!  The 
division  which  ensued  gave  164  votes  to  the  Opposition, 
but  249  to  the  Minister. 

In  their  second  object,  to  embroil  their  country  with 
Spain,  the  mock-Patriots  were  more  successful.  For 
many  years  had  the  traders  to  South  America  complained 
pf  grievances  ;  for  many  years  had  the  desire  of  Walpole 
to  adjust  them  amicably  been  branded  as  tameness  and 
timidity.  Imperious  as  he  seems  at  home,  cried  the 
Opposition,  he  is  no  less  abject  and  crouching  abroad ! 
Some  powerful  lines,  ascribed  to  Bishop  Atterbury,  and 
therefore  written  before  1732,  sum  up  Sir  Robert's  cha- 
racter by  calling  him  "  the  cur  dog  of  Britain  and  spaniel 
"  of  Spain  ! '' }  This  cry  was  now  revived  as  the  com- 
mercial complaints  increased.  Yet  a  careful  and  dispas- 
sionate inquiry  may  convince  us,  that  this  case  of  the 
merchants  was  mainly  founded  on  error  and  exaggera- 
tion ;  that  no  allowance  was  made  for  the  counter  claims 
on  the  side  of  Spain  ;  and  tliat  in  many  instances  their 
alleged  hardship,  when  stripped  of  its  colouring,  amounts 
only  to  this — that  they  were  not  permitted  to  smuggle 
with  impunity. 


> 

y*  ParL  Hist.  vol.  x.  p.  400.  f  fl>id-  P-  46°- 

J  Atterbuiy's  Correspondence,  vol.  ii.  p.  414. 


1738.  ILLICIT    TRADE    TO   SOUTH   AMERICA.  265 

The  commercial  relations  between  Spain  and  England 
had  been  regulated  by  treaties  in  1667  and  1670.  In 
neither  were  the  expressions  sufficiently  clear  and  well 
defined ;  the  jealousy  of  the  Spaniards  inducing  them 
rather  to  connive  at  than  to  authorise  the  commerce  of 
strangers,  and  to  withhold  a  plain  acknowledgment  even 
where  they  could  no  longer  refuse  the  practical  right. 
The  second  treaty,  however,  distinctly  recognises  the 
British  dominions  in  America,  but  provides  that  our 
ships  shall  not  approach  the  coasts  of  the  Spanish  colo- 
nies, unless  driven  thither  by  stress  of  weather,  or  pro- 
vided with  a  special  license  for  trade.  The  first  treaty 
as  distinctly  admits  the  liberty  of  seizing  contraband 
goods,  and  of  searching  merchant  vessels  sailing  near  the 
ports  or  in  the  seas  of  the  respective  nations.  It  was 
afterwards  contended  that  this  right  applied  only  to  the 
mother  countries,  and  not  to  the  colonies  of  either*; 
nevertheless,  it  is  certain  that  this  right  was  constantly 
exercised  by  the  Spanish  Guarda  Costas  (or  Guard  Ships), 
in  the  West  Indies,  with  greater  or  less  severity,  accord- 
ing to  the  fluctuations  of  Spanish  policy,  or  the  changes 
of  Spanish  governors.  Sometimes  the  right  of  search 
dwindled  into  a  mere  form,  sometimes  it  swelled  into  a 
vexatious  and  oppressive  grievance. 

The  treaty  of  Seville,  in  1729,  professed  to  replace  the 
trade  to  America  on  its  former  footing.  But  the  develop- 
ment of  British  commerce  and  the  ingenuity  of  British 
merchants  were  always  overleaping  the  narrow  bounds 
prescribed  to  them,  and  whenever  they  received  a  short 
indulgence,  next  claimed  it  as  a  constant  right.  Every 
artifice  was  employed  to  elude  the  Spanish  regulations, 
and  a  vehement  clamour  raised  whenever  those  regula- 
tions were  enforced.  It  is  admitted  that  the  annual  ship 
which  the  South  Sea  Company  had  been  empowered  to 
send,  was  always  attended  by  other  vessels  which  moored 

*  The  Opposition  in  1738  were  by  no  means  unanimous  on  this 
point.  Lord  Carteret,  in  his  speech  of  May  2.,  maintains,  that  the 
stipulations  of  1667  are  only  for  Europe,  while  Pulteney,  on  the  16th 
of  March,  had  contended,  in  the  other  House,  that  "  this  treaty  of 
"  1667  is  a  general  treaty,  which  comprehended  America  as  well  as 
"  every  other  part  of  the  world."  However,  both  speakers  took  care 
to  come  to  the  same  conclusion. 


266  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XX. 

at  a  distance,  and  as  it  disposed  of  its  cargo,  supplied  it 
with  fresh  goods  ;  thus  fulfilling  the  letter  whilst  vio- 
lating the  spirit  of  the  treaty.  It  is  admitted  that  other 
vessels,  and  even  squadrons,  frequently  put  into  the  Spa- 
nish harbours,  under  pretence  of  refitting  and  refreshing, 
but  with  the  real  object  of  selling  English  merchandise.* 
In  some  cases,  again,  the  vessels  did  not  enter  the  har- 
bours, but  hovered  off  the  coasts ;  where  the  long-boats 
of  smugglers  repaired  to  them,  and  unshipped  their  car- 
goes. By  such  means  was  English  merchandise  largely 
poured  into  the  Spanish  Colonies :  their  revenue  con- 
sequently suffered ;  and  the  annual  fair  of  Panama, 
intended  as  the  mart  of  South  America,  and  once  the 
richest  in  the  world,  became  shorn  of  its  splendour,  and 
deserted  by  its  crowds. 

That  the  Spaniards  should  strive  to  prevent  this  illegal 
traffic  was  just;  that  they  should  do  so  with  occasional 
violence  and  outrage,  was  natural  and  perhaps  unavoid- 
able. The  Guarda  Costas  would  sometimes  exercise  the 
right  of  search  beyond  their  coasts,  or  in  the  open  seas  ; 
in  several  cases  men  were  severely  treated,  in  several 
others  ships  were  unjustly  detained.  "  Upon  the  whole," 
writes  Mr.  Keene  from  Madrid,  "  the  state  of  our  dispute 
'  seems  to  be,  that  the  commanders  of  our  vessels  always 
think  that  they  are  unjustly  taken  if  they  are  not  taken 
in  actual  illicit  commerce,  even  though  proof  of  their 
having  loaded  in  that  manner  be  found  on  board  of 
them ;  and  the  Spaniards,  on  the  other  hand,  presume 
that  they  have  a  right  of  seizing,  not  only  the  ships 
that  are  continually  trading  in  their  ports,  but  likewise 
of  examining  and  visiting  them  on  the  high  seas,  in 
order  to  search  for  proofs  of  fraud  which  they  may 
have  committed ;  and,  till  a  medium  be  found  out  be- 
tween these  two  notions,  the  Government  will  always 
be  embarrassed  with  complaints,  and  we  shall  be  con- 
tinually negotiating  in  this  country  for  redress  without 
ever  being  able  to  procure  it."f 

*  Coxe's  Bourbon  Kings  of  Spain,  vol.  iii.  p.  300.  On  this  whole 
subject  Macpherson's  History  of  Commerce  is  very  meagre  and  un- 
satisfactory. Compare  vol.  ii.  p.  542.  vol.  iii.  p.  215. 

f  To  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  December  13.  1737. 


1738.  COMPLAINTS  OF   THE   MERCHANTS.  267 

There  is  no  doubt  that  though  the  English  were  most 
frequently  to  blame  in  these  transactions,  several  cases  of 
injustice  and  violence  might  be  imputed  to  the  Spaniards. 
These  cases  were  carefully  culled  out,  and  highly  coloured 
by  the  British  merchants :  these  were  held  out  to  the 
British  public  as  fair  samples  of  the  rest,  while  a  veil 
was  thrown  over  the  general  practice  of  illicit  traffic  in 
America.  The  usual  slowness  of  forms  at  Madrid  and 
the  difficulty  of  obtaining  redress,  even  in  the  clearest 
cases,  added  to  the  national  indignation  in  England :  it 
was  also  inflamed  by  a  denial  of  the  right  to  cut  logwood 
in  the  bay  of  Campeachy,  and  disputes  on  the  limits  of 
the  new  settlement  which  the  English  had  lately  formed 
in  North  America,  and  which,  in  honour  to  the  King,  had 
received  the  name  of  Georgia. 

These  grievances  of  the  British  merchants,  embodied 
in  aiiLTy  yet  artful  petition?,  were  urged  by  the  Opposi- 
tion in  repeated  attacks  and  with  combined  exertions. 
First  came  a  motion  for  papers,  next  the  examination  of 
witnesses,  next  a  string  of  Resolutions,  then  a  Bill  for 
securing  and  encouraging  our  trade  to  America.  The 
tried  ability  of  Pulteney  led  the  van  on  these  occasions, 
and  under  him  were  marshalled  the  practical  knowledge 
of  Barnard,  the  stately  eloquence  of  Wyndham,  and  the 
rising  genius  of  Pitt.  William  Murray,  the  future  Earl 
of  Mansfield,  also  appeared  at  the  bar  as  counsel  for  the 
petitioners,  and  thus  commenced  his  brilliant  public 
career.  Every  resource  of  oratory  was  applied  to  exag- 
gerate the  insults  and  cruelties  of  the  Spaniards,  and  to 
brand  as  cowardice  the  Minister's  wise  and  honourable 
love  of  peace.  It  was  asserted  that  the  prisoners  taken 
from  English  merchant-vessels  had  been  not  merely  plun- 
dered of  their  property,  but  tortured  in  their  persons, 
immured  in  dungeons,  or  compelled  to  work  in  the  Spa- 
nish dock-yards,  with  scanty  and  loathsome  food,  their 
legs  cramped  with  irons,  and  their  bodies  overrun  with 
vermin.  Some  captives  and  seamen  who  were  brought 
to  the  bar  gave  testimony  to  these  outrages,  and  were 
then  implicitly  believed.  Yet  our  calmer  judgment  may 
remember  that  they  were  not  examined  upon  oath,  and 
had  every  temptation  to  exaggerate,  which  interest,  party 
zeal,  or  resentment  can  afford ;  that  to  inveigh  against 


268  HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XX. 

the  Spaniards  was  then  considered  a  sure  test  of  public 
spirit ;  and  that  they  were  told  to  expect,  upon  the  fall 
of  Wai  pole,  a  large  and  lucrative  indemnity  for  their 
pretended  wrongs. 

But  the  tale  that  produced  the  most  effect  upon  the 
House,  and  found  the  loudest  echo  in  the  country,  was 
what  Burke  has  since  ventured  to  call  "  the  fable  of 
"Jenkins'  ears."*  This  Jenkins  had  been  master  of  a 
trading  sloop  from  Jamaica,  which  was  boarded  and 
searched  by  a  Spanish  Guarda  Costa,  and  though  no 
proofs  of  smuggling,  were  discovered,  yet,  according  to 
his  own  statement,  he  underwent  the  most  barbarous 
usage.  The  Spanish  Captain,  he  said,  had  torn  off  one 
of  his  ears,  bidding  him  carry  it  to  his  King,  and  tell 
His  Majesty  that  were  he  present  he  should  be  treated  in 
the  same  manner.  This  story,  which  had  lain  dormant 
for  seven  years,  was  now  seasonably  revived  at  the  bar 
of  the  House  of  Commons.  It  is  certain  that  Jenkins 
had  lost  an  ear,  or  part  of  an  ear,  which  he  always  car- 
ried about  with  him  wrapped  in  cotton,  to  display  to  his 
audience;  but  I  find  it  alleged  by  no  mean  authority, 
that  he  had  lost  it  on  another  occasion,  and  perhaps, 
as  sccnis  to  be  insinuated,  in  the  pillory.f  His  tale, 
however.  as  always  happens  in  moments  of  great  excite- 
ment, was  readily  admitted  without  proof ;  and  a  spirited 
answer  which  he  gave  enhanced  the  popular  effect. 
Being  asked  by  a  Member  what  were  his  feelings  when 
he  found  himself  in  the  hands  of  such  barbarians,  "  I 
"  recommended,"  said  he,  "  my  soul  to  God,  and  my 
cause  to  my  country."  These  words  rapidly  flew  from 
mouth  to  mouth,  adding  fuel  to  the  general  flame,  and  it 
is  almost  incredible  how  strong  an  impulse  was  im- 

•  Thoughts  on  a  Regicide  Peace,  p.  75. 

f  Tindal's  Hist.  vol.  viii.  p.  372.  Coxe  expresses  a  doubt  whether 
Jenkins  was  really  examined  at  the  bar  of  the  House,  because,  as  he 
states,  "no  traces  of  his  evidence  are  to  be  found  in  the  Journals." 
(Memoirs  of  \Valpole,  vol.  i.  p.  579.)  Yet  early  in  the  Journals  of 
March  16.  1738,  appears  the  following  entry:  "  Ordered,  that  Cap- 
M  tain  Robert  Jenkins  do  attend  this  House  immediately."  Later  in 
the  fame  day  we  find  that  the  House  went  into  Committee  on  the 
Spanish  grievances,  with  Alderman  Perry  in  the  chair,  and  that  he 
reported  to  the  House,  "that  they  hail  heard  counsjl  and  examined 
"  several  witnesses."  Amongst  these  in  all  probability  was  Jenkins. 


1733.  JENKINS'S  EARS.  269 

parted  both  to  Parliament  and  to  the  public.  "  We  have 
"  no  need  of  allies  to  enable  us  to  command  justice," 
cried  Pulteney  ;  "  the  story  of  Jenkins  will  raise  volun- 
"  teers."* 

On  his  part,  Walpole  did  not  deny  that  great  outrages 
and  injuries  had  been  wrought  by  the  Spaniards,  but  he 
expressed  his  hope  that  they  might  still  admit  of  full 
and  friendly  compensation  ;   he  promised  his  strenuous 
exertions  with  the  Court  of  Madrid,  and  he  besought 
the  House  not  to  close  the  avenue  to  peace  by  any  in- 
temperate proceedings,  and  especially  by  denouncing  al- 
together the  right  of  search,  which  the  Spaniards  had  so 
long  exercised,  and  would  hardly  be  persuaded  to  re- 
linquish.     The  charge,    that    his    love   of   peace   was 
merely  a  selfish   zeal   for  his    own    administration,   he 
repelled  with  disdain  :  "I  have  always,"  said  he,  "disre- 
garded a  popularity  that  was  not  acquired  by  a  hearty 
zeal  for  the  public  interest,   and  I  have   been   long 
enough  in  this  House  to  see  that  the  most  steady  op- 
posers  of  popularity  founded  upon  any  other  views, 
have  lived   to  receive  the  thanks  of  their  country  for 
that  opposition.     For  my  part,  I  never  could  see  any 
cause,  either  from  reason  or  my  own  experience,  to 
imagine  that  a  Minister  is  not  as  safe  in  time  of  war  as 
in  time  of  peace.     Nay,  if  we  are  to  judge  by  reason 
alone,  it  is  the  interest  of  a  Minister,  conscious  of  any 
mismanagement,  that  there  should  be  a  war,  because 
by  a  war  the  eyes  of  the  public  are  diverted  from  ex- 
amining into  his  conduct ;  nor  is  he  accountable  for 
the  bad  success  of  a  war,  as  he  is  for  that  of  an  ad- 
ministration."!    By  the  ascendency  of  Walpole  a  large 
majority  of  the  Commons  continued  to  withstand  the 
manifold  proposals  and  attacks  of  Pulteney.     But  in  the 
Lords,  the  eloquence  of  Carteret  and  Chesterfield,  feebly 
stemmed  by  the  Ministerial  speakers,  carried  some  strong 
Resolutions,  which  were  presented  as  an  Address  to  the 
Crown. 

But  these  Parliamentary  difficulties,  however  great, 
were  not  the  only  ones  that  beset  the  Minister.     He  had 

*  Speech,  May  15.  1738.     Parl.  Hist.  voL  x.  p.  850.  / 
|  Speech  of  Walpole,  May  12.  1738. 

\i 


270  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XX. 

also  to  struggle  against  the  waywardness  and  falsehood 
of  the  Spanish  Envoy,  Thomas  Fitzgerald,  or,  as  he  was 
commonly  called,  Don  Thomas  Geraldino,  who  caballed 
with  the  Opposition  in  private,  and  held  most  intemper- 
ate language  in  public.  The  whole  progress  of  the  ne- 
gotiations, and  several  other  state  secrets  were  disclosed 
by  this  agent  to  the  party  out  of  power,  while  he  openly 
declared  in  all  companies  that  the  English  Ministers 
were  trifling  with  and  imposing  upon  the  people  in  pre- 
tending that  the  Court  of  Spain  might  yet  be  brought  to 
any  terms,  or  would  recede  in  the  slightest  degree  from 
its  colonial  rights  and  privileges.  To  such  an  extent 
did  he  carry  this  behaviour,  that  Walpole  sent  a  formal 
complaint  to  the  Ministers  at  Madrid.  Geraldino  on  his 
part  assured  them  that  the  views  of  Walpole,  though 
professedly  pacific,  were  in  truth  inconsistent  with  the 
security  of  the  Spanish  trade,  and  that  they  could  not  be 
more  effectually  served  than  by  fomenting  to  the  utmost 
the  discontents  and  divisions  in  England  ;  and  by  these 
representations  he  continued  to  retain  their  confidence 
and  his  employment.* 

Another  source  of  embarrassment  to  Walpole  was  the 
conduct  of  his  own  colleague,  the  Duke  of  Newcastle. 
Both  of  them  loved  power  with  their  whole  hearts,  but 
with  this  difference ;  Walpole  loved  it  so  well  that  he 
would  not  bear  a  rival ;  Newcastle  so  well  that  he  would 
bear  any  thing  for  it.  Under  Stanhope's  Government  he 
had  professed  unbounded  admiration  and  friendship  for 
that  AIinister.f  Immediately  on  the  death  of  Stanhope 
he  had  transferred  the  same  sentiment  and  submission  to 
the  Walpoles,  and  became  Secretary  of  State  in  1724,  as 
their  deputy  and  agent.  But  though  willing  to  accept 
even  the  smallest  morsel  of  authority,  it  was  only  till  he 
could  grasp  at  a  larger.  A  favourable  conjuncture  of  cir- 
cumstances seemed  now  to  open  to  him  by  the  death  of 
Queen  Caroline,  the  growing  unpopularity  of  Walpole, 

*  Tindal's  Hist  vol.  viii.  p.  368. 

•f  Thus,  for  instance,  he  writes  to  Mr.  Charles  Stanhope  from  Clare- 
raont,  July  29.  1720,  "Pray  send  me  what  news  there  is,  and  parti- 
"  cularly  what  comes  from  my  dearest  friend  Stanhope,  lie  is  always 
"doing  good,  and  always  successful,"  &c.  Coxe's  MSS.  British 
Museum. 


1738.  INTRIGUES  OF   NEWCASTLE.  271 

and  the  loud  clamour  for  a  Spanish  war.  Such  a  war, 
he  found,  was  congenial  to  the  military  spirit  of  the  King : 
it  was  also,  as  we  have  seen,  eagerly  pressed  in  Parlia- 
ment ;  and  of  these  wishes,  accordingly,  Newcastle,  though 
still  with  great  caution,  made  himself  the  mouthpiece  in 
the  Cabinet.  With  the  consent  or  connivance  of  His 
Majesty,  he  sent  angry  instructions  and  memorials  to  the 
British  Minister  in  Spain,  which  it  required  all  the  skill 
of  Walpole  to  modify  and  temper ;  and  which  greatly 
aggravated  the  difficulties  of  the  negotiations.  The  same 
leaning  to  warlike  measures  was  likewise  shown,  but,  as 
I  believe,  on  more  public-spirited  grounds,  by  Lord  Chan- 
cellor Hardwicke  and  by  Lord  Harrington.  The  former, 
on  one  occasion,  speaking  in  the  House  of  Lords,  inveighed 
with  so  much  vehemence  against  the  Spanish  depredations, 
that  Walpole,  who  was  standing  behind  the  throne,  could 
not  forbear  exclaiming  to  those  around  him,  "Bravo! 
"  Colonel  Yorke,  bravo ! "  Nor  durst  Walpole  at  this 
crisis,  with  the  inclinations  of  both  King  and  people 
against  him,  pursue  his  usual  haughty  course,  and  at 
once  cashier  his  wavering  colleagues. 

Through  these  and  many  other  obstacles  derived  from 
the  pride  of  Spain,  did  Walpole  pursue  his  negotiation 
with  the  Government  at  Madrid  (for  the  Court  had  now 
returned  from  Seville),  and  still  endeavour  to  prevent  an 
appeal  to  arms.  He  took  care,  however,  to  give  weight 
to  his  pacific  overtures  by  displaying  his  readiness  for 
war.  A  squadron  of  ten  ships  of  the  line,  under  the 
command  of  Admiral  Haddock,  sailed  for  the  Mediterra- 
nean ;  many  single  ships  were  despatched  to  the  West 
Indies  ;  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  were  offered  to  the 
merchants ;  and  the  colony  of  Georgia  was  supplied  with 
troops  and  stores  to  resist  the  Spaniards,  who  had  threat- 
ened to  invade  it  from  St.  Augustine.  Directions  were 
likewise  sent  to  the  British  merchants  in  the  several  sea- 
ports of  Spain,  to  register  their  goods  with  a  notary  public 
in  case  of  a  rupture.  Such  demonstrations  were  not  lost 
upon  the  Spaniards,  who,  lowering  their  tone,  gave  orders 
that  several  prizes  they  had  captured  should  be  restored, 
and  that  seventy-one  English  sailors  taken  by  Guarda 
Costa?,  and  confined  at  Cadiz,  should  be  sent  home.  New 
instructions  likewise  came  out  to  Geraldino,  and  he  de- 


272  msTORr  OF  ENGLA>T>.  CHAP.  xx. 

livered  a  message  purporting  that  his  master  was  inclined 
to  enter  into  terms  for  conciliating  past  diiferences,  and 
for  preventing  them  in  future.  The  negotiations  that 
ensued  were  carried  on  first  between  Geraldino  and 
Walpole  in  London,  and  afterwards  between  Mr.  Keene 
and  the  Spanish  Minister,  Don  Sebastian  de  la  Quadra, 
at  Madrid.  The  mutual  demands  for  damages  sustained 
in  commerce  were  compared  and  balanced,  and  those  of 
England  upon  Spain,  after  the  deduction,  were  fixed  at 
200,000f.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Spaniards  urged  a 
claim  of  60,000/.  for  the  ships  taken  by  Admiral  Byng  in 
1718,  a  claim  which  had  been  left  doubtful  during  Stan- 
hope's administration,  but  which  was,  at  least  in  its  prin- 
ciple, acknowledged  in  the  treaty  of  Seville.  The  re- 
maining balance  in  favour  of  England  was  therefore 
140,000/.  which  the  Court  of  Madrid  proposed  to  pay  by 
assignments  upon  the  American  revenues.  But  the 
English  Ministers,  knowing  the  tediousness  and  uncer- 
tainty of  that  fund,  preferred  to  make  an  allowance  for 
prompt  payment  at  home ;  and  the  allowance  agreed 
upon  was  45,0007.  thus  reducing  the  sum  due  from  Spain 
to  95,000/.* 

The  sum  being  thus  determined,  a  Convention  was 
founded  upon  it,  and  finally  signed  by  Keene  and  La 
Quadra  on  the  14th  of  January  1739.  Jt  stipulated  that 
this  money  should  be  paid  within  four  months  from  the 
date  of  the  ratification ;  that  this  mutual  discharge  of 
claims  should  not  however  extend  to  any  differences  be- 
tween the  Crown  of  Spain  and  the  South  Sea  Company, 
as  holders  of  the  Asiento  contract ;  that  within  six  weeks 
two  plenipotentiaries  from  each  side  should  meet  at 
Madrid,  to  regulate  the  pretensions  of  the  two  Crowns, 
as  to  rights  of  trade,  and  as  to  the  limits  of  Carolina  and 
Florida  ;  that  their  conferences  should  finish  within  eight 
months  ;  and  that  in  the  meantime  no  progress  should  be 
made  in  the  fortifications  of  either  province. 

Such  is  the  famous  Convention.  Omitting,  as  it  did, 
all  mention  of  the  Right  of  Search,  and  reserving  the 
most  intricate  matters  for  subsequent  negotiation,  it  w;i- 


*  See  the  statement  of  Horace  Walpole  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
March  8.  1739.    ParL  Hist.  voL  x.  1246—1258. 


1739.  CONVENTION   SIGNED   AT   MADRID.  273 

rather  a  preliminary  to  a  treaty  than  a  treaty  itself ;  but 
it  had  the  merit  of  satisfying  the  most  urgent  claims,  and 
of  providing  for  the  rest  a  just  and  speedy  decision.  In 
its  progress,  however,  it  became  clogged  and  entangled 
with  another  claim.  La  Quadra  had  always  maintained 
that  68,000/.  was  due  to  his  master  from  the  South  Sea 
Company  with  respect  to  the  Asiento  contract,  and  de- 
clared that  the  Convention  should  not  be  ratified  unless 
that  money  were  paid.  Mr.  Keene,  in  answer,  observed 
that  the  Government  of  England  and  the  South  Sea 
Company  were  entirely  distinct,  and  that  the  one  had  no 
control  upon  the  other ;  but  he  added,  that  if  68,000/. 
should  be  proved  as  really  owing,  he  would  undertake 
that  the  debt  should  be  discharged.  This  La  Quadra 
affected  to  consider  as  a  positive  and  unconditional  pro- 
mise ;  and,  on  the  very  point  of  signing  the  Convention, 
delivered  to  Keene  and  sent  to  Geraldino  a  formal  pro- 
test, declaring  that  His  Catholic  Majesty  reserved  to  him- 
self the  right  of  suspending  the  Asiento,  unless  the  sum 
of  68,000/.  should  be  speedily  paid  by  the  South  Sea 
Company.  The  British  Envoy  was  much  embarrassed  ; 
but  at  length,  knowing  the  anxiety  of  Walpole  to  come 
to  some  conclusion  before  the  meeting  of  Parliament,  he 
consented  to  sign  the  Convention,  notwithstanding  the 
protest,  and  to  receive  the  latter,  not  as  admitting  its 
demands,  but  merely  as  referring  them  to  the  future  con- 
sideration of  his  Government. 

The  Convention  being  transmitted  to  London,  was 
announced  to  Parliament,  with  "  great  satisfaction,"  in 
the  King's  opening  speech.  Yet,  even  before  its  terms 
were  distinctly  understood,  a  strong  spirit  of  opposition 
appeared  against  it ;  and  even  Sir  John  Barnard  conde- 
scended to  such  wretched  cavils  as  the  following :  The 
King's  speech  had  stated  that  plenipotentiaries  would 
meet  for  regulating  all  the  grievances  and  abuses  which 
interrupted  our  commerce  in  the  American  seas ;  now  to 
regulate  abuses,  said  Barnard,  implies  a  continuance  of 
them,  but  only  under  another  form!  — "  It  requires  no 
"  great  art,  no  great  abilities  in  a  Minister,"  exclaimed 
Walpole,  ';to  pursue  such  measures  as  might  make  a  war 
"  unavoidable.  That  is  a  very  easy  matter ;  but,  Sir,  how 
"  many  Ministers  have  you  had,  who  knew  the  art  of 

VOL.  II.  T 


274  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XX. 

"  avoiding  war,  by  making  a  safe  and  honourable  peace  ? 
"  .  .  .  .  Suppose  that  the  administration  had  joined  last 
'  Session  in  the  popular  outcry  for  war,  and  that  a  vigor- 
'  ous  war  was  actually  entered  into,  can  any  gentleman 
'  say  that  this  would  have  stopped  the  mouths  of  those 
'  who  are  resolved  to  find  fault  at  any  rate  ?  In  such  an 
'  event,  may  we  not  easily  imagine  to  ourselves  that  we 
'  hear  a  violent  Opposition  man  declaiming  on  the  bene- 
'  fits  of  peace ;  telling  the  world  that  a  trading  people 
"  ought,  by  all  manner  of  means,  to  avoid  war  ;  that  no- 
"  thing  is  so  destructive  to  their  interests,  and  that  any 
"  peace  is  preferable,  even  to  a  successful  war  ? "  * 

When  however  the  articles  of  the  Convention  were 
made  known,  there  arose  a  general  ferment,  not  only  in 
Parliament,  but  amongst  the  people.  Loud  and  fierce 
was  the  cry.  The  Right  of  Search  not  renounced  !  The 
limits  of  Georgia  not  defined  !  The  Spanish  Captains  in 
the  West  Indies,  after  all  their  cruelties  and  depredations, 
to  escape  without  condign  punishment !  Our  victory,  in 
1718,  to  be  taxed  and  paid  for  at  the  rate  of  60,OOOJ. ! 
Such  were  the  complaints  of  the  public,  heightened  and 
inflamed  by  the  Opposition  writers ;  while  those  of  the 
Minister  defended  his  Convention  so  unskilfully,  that,  as 
a  contemporary  assures  us,  the  injury  which  he  suffered 
from  the  press  was  even  greater  when  it  was  employed  in 
vindicating  than  in  impeaching  his  conduct,  f  According 
to  Horace  Walpole  the  elder,  "  ambition,  avarice,  distress, 
"  disappointment,  and  all  the  complicated  vices  that  tend 
"  to  render  the  minds  of  men  uneasy,  are  got  out  of 
"  Pandora's  box,  and  fill  all  places  and  all  hearts  in  the 
"  nation."  \ 

In  Parliament,  the  friends  of  the  Minister,  though  di- 
minished in  numbers,  were  not  daunted  in  spirit.  Earl 
Cholmondeley  in  the  Lords  moved  an  Address,  drawn  up 
with  great  skill  and  judgment,  to  thank  His  Majesty  for 
concluding  the  Convention ;  to  express  reliance  that,  in 
the  further  negotiations,  effectual  care  would  be  taken 
for  securing  the  British  navigation  in  the  American  seas  ; 

*  ParL  Hist.  vol.  x.  p.  952. 
f  Tindal's  Hist.  vol.  viii.  p.  387. 

j  To  Mr.  Trevor,  March  16.  1739.  Coxe's  Life  of  Horace  Lord 
Walpole. 


1739.  DEBATES   IN    PARLIAMENT.  275 

and  to  promise  that,  should  His  Majesty's  just  expecta- 
tions not  be  answered,  the  House  would  support  him  in 
vindicating  the  honour  of  his  Crown  and  the  rights  of 
his  people.  Notwithstanding  the  two  last  clauses,  this 
Address  provoked  a  sharp  resistance,  and  called  forth 
several  able  speeches,  amongst  which  those  of  Chester- 
field and  Carteret  were  especially  admired.*  The  Duke 
of  Argyle  not  only  forsook  the  Ministerial  ranks,  but  ap- 
peared amongst  the  Opposition  orators  ;  and  the  Prince 
of  Wales  gave  his  first  vote  in  Parliament  in  favour  of 
the  latter.  On  a  division,  71  of  the  Peers  present  voted 
for  and  58  against  the  Address — a  large  increase  in  the 
usual  strength  of  the  minority. 

In  the  House  of  Commons  the  same  Address  was  moved 
by  Horace  Walpole,  in  an  elaborate  speech  of  above  two 
hours,  beginning  at  half  past  eleven  in  the  morning.f 
His  statement,  however  clear  and  convincing,  was  imme- 
diately met  by  a  burst  of  angry  eloquence.     First,  Sir 
Thomas   Saunderson  complained   that   no  revenge   had 
been  taken  on  the  Spanish  Captain  who  cut  off  Jenkins's 
ear.     "  Even  this  fellow,"  said  he,  "  is  suffered  to  live  to 
"  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  rapine,  and  remain  a  living  tes- 
"  timony  of  the  cowardly  tameness  and  mean  submission 
"  of  Great  Britain !  "    Lord  Gage  inveighed  against  the 
insufficiency  of  the  payments ;  Ly  ttleton  against  the  Right 
of  Search.     But  by  far  the  ablest  speech  was  that  of 
Pitt,  who  on  this  occasion  seems  first  to  have  acquired 
the  ascendency  which  he  ever  afterwards  retained  in  the 
House  of  Commons.     "  Is  this,"  he  cried,  "  any  longer  a 
nation,  or  what  is  an  English  Parliament  if,  with  more 
'  ships  in  your  harbours  than  in  all  the  navies  of  Europe, 
'  with  above  two  millions  of  people  in  your  American 
'  colonies,  you  will  bear  to  hear  of  the  expediency  of 
'  receiving  from  Spain  an  insecure,  unsatisfactory,  and 
'  dishonourable  Convention  ?     Sir,  I  call  it  no  more  than 
'  it  has  been  proved  in  this  debate.     It  carries  fallacy  or 
'  downright  subjection  in  almost  every  line ;  it  has  been 
'  laid  open  or  exposed  in  so  many  strong  and  glaring 

*  "  Lord  Chesterfield's  speech  is  prodigiously  applauded  as  very 
"  fine  and  very  artful."  Mr.  Orlebar  to  the  Rev.  H.  Etough,  March 
3.  1739.  See  also  Mary's  Life,  p.  168. 

f  Mr.  Selwyii  to  Mr.  T.  Townshcnd,  March  10.  173». 
T  2 


276  HISTORV  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XX. 

"  light?,  that  I  cannot  pretend  to  add  any  tiling  to  the 
"  conviction  and  indignation  it  has  raised." 

He  thus  concluded,  '•  I  will  not  attempt  to  enter  into 
"  the  detail  of  a  dark,  confused,  and  scarcely  intelligible 
"  account.  But  Spain  stipulates  to  pay  to  the  Crown  of 
"  England  95.000?.  By  a  preliminary  protest  of  the 
"  King  of  Spain,  the  South  Sea  Company  is  at  once  to 
"  pay  63,000/.  of  it ;  if  they  refuse,  Spain,  I  admit,  is 
"  still  to  pay  the  95,000/. :  but  how  does  it  stand  then  ? 
"  The  Asiento  contract  is  to  be  suspended ;  you  are  to 
"  purchase  this  sum  at  the  price  of  an  exclusive  trade, 
"  pursuant  to  a  national  treaty,  and  an  immense  debt  of 
"  God  knows  how  many  thousand  pounds,  due  from  Spain 
"  to  the  South  Sea  Company.  Here,  Sir,  is  the  submis- 
"  sion  of  Spain  by  the  payment  of  a  stipulated  sum ;  a 
"  tax  laid  upon  subjects  of  England,  under  the  seve- 
"  rest  penalties,  with  the  reciprocal  accord  of  an  English 
"  Minister,  as  a  preliminary  that  the  Convention  may  be 
"  signed ;  a  condition  imposed  by  Spain  in  the  most  ab- 
"  solute,  imperious  manner,  and  received  by  the  Ministers 
"  of  England  in  the  most  tame  and  abject.  Can  any 
"  verbal  distinctions,  any  evasions  whatever,  possibly 
"  explain  away  this  public  infamy  ?  To  whom  would 
"  we  disguise  it  ?  To  ourselves  and  to  the  nation  ;  I 
"  wish  we  could  hide  it  from  the  eyes  of  every  Court  in 
"  Europe.  They  see  Spain  has  talked  to  you  like  your 
"  master,  they  see  this  arbitrary  fundamental  condition, 
"  and  it  must  stand  with  distinction,  with  a  pre-eminence 
"  of  shame,  as  a  part  even  of  this  Convention.  This 
"  Convention,  Sir,  I  think  from  my  soul  is  nothing  but  a 
"  stipulation  for  national  ignominy ;  an  illusory  expe- 
"  dient  to  baffle  the  resentment  of  the  nation  ;  a  truce 
"  without  a  suspension  of  hostilities  on  the  part  of  Spain  ; 
"  on  the  part  of  England  a  suspension,  as  to  Georgia,  of 
"  the  first  law  of  nature,  self-preservation  and  self- 
"  defence  ;  a  surrender  of  the  rights  and  trade  of  Eng- 
"  land  to  the  mercy  of  plenipotentiaries ;  and  in  this 
"  infinitely  highest  and  sacred  point,  future  security,  not 
"  only  inadequate,  but  directly  repugnant  to  the  resolu- 
"  tions  of  Parliament  and  the  gracious  promise  of  the 
"  Throne.  The  complaints  of  your  despairing  merchants, 
"  — the  voice  of  England  has  condemned  it.  Be  the 


1739.  THE   OPPOSITION   SECEDES.  -277 

"  guilt  of  it  upon  the  head  of  the  adviser :  God  forbid 
"  that  this  Committee  should  share  the  guilt  by  approv- 
ing it!"* 

The  debate  was  closed  by  a  speech  from  the  Minister, 
with  his  usual  skill,  but  not  with  his  usual  success,  for  he 
found  his  majority  dwindled  to  only  28  ;  the  numbers 
being  260  against  232.  This  appeared  to  the  Opposition 
leaders  a  favourable  opportunity  to  execute  a  project 
which  they  had  for  some  time  brooded  over,  and  which 
was  recommended  to  them  by  no  less  an  authority  than 
Bolingbroke  :  to  withdraw  or  secede  in  a  body  from  the 
House  of  Commons.  By  this  means  they  hoped  to  heighten 
the  national  ferment,  to  represent  the  cause  of  corruption 
as  all-powerful,  and  yet,  at  the  same  time,  to  withhold  the 
Minister,  by  popular  odium,  from  pursuing  his  measures 
in  their  absence.  Accordingly,  on  the  day  after  the 
Resolution  of  Horace  Walpole  was  carried  in  Committee, 
and  on  the  Report  of  it  being  brought  up  to  the  House, 
Pulteney,  who  had  reserved  himself  for  this  occasion, 
opened  another  attack  on  the  Convention,  in  which  he 
was  ably  followed  by  Wyndham.  A  second  division 
which  ensued  having  only  confirmed  the  last,  Wyndham 
immediately  rose,  and  with  much  solemnity,  speaking 
both  for  himself  and  for  his  friends,  took  leave  of  that 
House,  as  he  declared,  for  ever.  "  In  a  future  Parlia- 
"  ment,"  he  said,  "  he  might  perhaps  still  be  at  liberty  to 
"  serve  his  country  as  before,  but  now  being  unable  to 
"  discern  the  least  appearance  of  reason  in  any  one  argu- 
"  ment  offered  on  the  Ministerial  side,  he  must  conclude 
"  either  that  the  majority  was  swayed  by  other  or  secret 
"  arguments,  or  that  he  himself  wanted  common  sense  to 
"  comprehend  the  force  of  those  which  he  had  heard.  In 
"the  first  case,"  he  continued,  "he  could  not  with  honour 
"  sit  in  an  Assembly  determined  by  such  influences ;  in 
"  the  latter  case,  he  looked  upon  himself  as  a  very  unfit 
"  person  to  act  as  a  senator :  and  in  either  case,  therefore, 
"  he  thought  it  his  duty  for  the  future  to  retire,  and  con- 

*  Parl.  Hist.  vol.  x,  p.  1280-83.     Mr.  Selwyn,  a  strong  Ministe- 
rialist, writes  the  next  day  to  Mr.  Townsliend.  "  Mr.  Pitt  spoke  very  v*1^ 
"  well,  but  very  abusively."     Sec  Coxe's  Walpole,  vol.  iii.  p.   519.    t.,^* 
Mr.  Orlebar,  another  placeman,  likewise  alludes  to  some  "  young 
"gentlemen,  who  took  great  personal  liberties."     March  10.  1739. 
T  3 


278  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XX. 

"tent  himself  with  offering  up  his  prayers  for  the  prc- 
"  servation  of  his  country." 

So  strong  and  unmeasured  were  some  of  the  expressions 
of  this  speech,  that,  as  the  Ministers  believed,  it  was  the 
wish  of  the  speaker  to  be  sent  to  the  Tower,  and  thus  to 
stir  the  minds  of  the  people  as  a  martyr  in  their  cause. 
At  the  moment  Mr.  Pelham  fell  into  the  snare,  and  was 
actually  rising  to  move  his  commitment,  when  Walpole 
with  more  sagacity  prevented  him,  by  rising  himself  and 
thanking  his  opponents,  as  he  said,  for  throwing  off  the 
mask.*  We  can  be  on  our  guard,  added  he,  against  open 
rebels,  but  not  against  secret  traitors.  He  reminded 
Wyndham  how  twenty-five  years  before  he  had  been 
seized  by  the  vigilance  of  Government,  and  pardoned  by 
its  clemency ;  he  upbraided  him  for  the  ill  use  of  that 
clemency,  and  only  feared  that  the  seceders  would  not  be 
as  good  as  their  word,  and  would  come  back.  "  For  I 
'  remember,"  said  he,  "  that  in  the  case  of  their  favourite 
'  Bishop  (of  Rochester),  who  was  impeached  of  High 
'  Treason,  the  same  gentleman  and  his  faction  made  the 
'  same  resolution.  They  then  went  off  as  traitors  as  they 
'  were,  but  their  retreat  had  not  the  detestable  effect  they 
'  expected  and  wished,  and  therefore  they  returned."  f 

A  Secession  is  a  measure  that  has  been  several  times 
attempted  in  the  House  of  Commons,  but  always  with 
such  signal  failure  that  the  experiment  will  probably 
never  be  repeated.  An  individual  may  sometimes  be 
justified  for  withdrawing;  a  party  never.  In  such  cases 
the  public  have  uniformly  asked  whether  spleen  and  dis- 
appointment might  not  have  some  share  in  the  decision — 
whether  the  country  is  best  served  by  inactivity  and 
silence  —  whether,  if  the  Constitution  really  be  in  danger 
from  a  corrupt  majority,  there  is  no  surer  remedy  than  to 
leave  that  majority  unresisted  and  increased.  This  it 
soon  appeared  was  the  general  and  prevailing  sentiment. 
Even  at  the  outset  three  eminent  members  of  the  Opposi- 
tion, Sir  John  Barnard,  Lord  Polwarth,  and  Mr.  Plumer, 
of  Hertfordshire,  with  a  more  far-sighted  policy  than 

*  Mr.  Selwyn  to  T.  Townshend,  March  10.  1739,  and  Tindal's 
Hist  vol.  viii.  p.  405- 

t  Parl.  Hist.  vol.  x.  p.  1323.  I  cannot  find,  however,  this  seces- 
sion of  1723  recorded  in  any  of  the  publications  of  that  time. 


1739.  THE    DANISH    SUBSIDY.  279 

their  friends,  refused  to  join  them  in  their  retreat,  and 
continued  to  attend  their  duty  as  before.*  As  to  the 
others  (about  sixty  in  number),  scarcely  had  they  em- 
barked upon  their  new  course  before  they  perceived  its 
ill  effects,  and  regretted  their  decision.  They  hoped  to 
avail  themselves  of  a  call  of  the  House,  fixed  for  the  next 
Monday,  either  as  a  pretext  for  returning  to  their  posts, 
or  as  an  occasion  for  being  taken  into  custody,  and  be- 
coming objects  of  popular  compassion.  But  Walpole 
perceiving  their  drift,  baffled  them  altogether,  and  eluded 
the  call  by  moving  an  adjournment  of  the  House  till  the 
Tuesday.  So  far  from  his  career  being  checked  by  the 
Secession,  as  his  enemies  expected,  he  declared  that  no 
event  in  his  whole  administration  had  freed  him  from 
more  embarrassment.  The  Government  measures  now 
passed  smoothly  and  easily,  with  seldom  a  speech,  and 
never  a  division  to  arrest  them.  Bills  were  introduced 
and  carried  in  behalf  of  the  woollen  manufacture  and  of 
the  sugar  colonies  ;  and  though  the  repeal  of  the  Test  Act 
was  again  proposed  by  a  section  of  Walpole's  friends,  the 
others  rallied  round  him  so  effectually  that  the  motion 
was  rejected  by  a  larger  majority  than  on  the  last 
occasion. 

But  the  question  on  which  the  Secession  was  most  ad- 
vantageous to  the  Minister  was  undoubtedly  the  Danish 
Subsidy,  by  which  we  stipulated  to  pay  annually  250,000 
dollars  for  three  years,  in  return  for  a  promise  of  the 
King  of  Denmark  to  hold  ready  6000  men  for  our  ser- 
vice, if  required.  It  is  alleged  that  the  French  Govern- 
ment had  endeavoured  to  draw  Denmark  into  a  separate 
alliance  with  itself  and  Sweden  against  England,  and 
had  made  other  and  more  considerable  offers,  which  it 
was  our  interest  and  duty  to  forestall-!  But  as  it  ap- 
pears to  me,  there  is  no  proof  nor  probability  of  such 
endeavours,  beyond  the  assertion  of  a  Danish  Minister 

*  Opinions  of  the  Duchess  of  Maryborough,  p.  76.  The  Duchess 
predicts,  amongst  the  ill  consequences  of  the  Secession,  that  "  Sir 
"  Robert  Walpole  may  now  keep  all  the  money  raised  from  the 
"public  for  himself  and  his  brother!"  —  Was  this  the  very  best  topic 
for  her  Grace  to  choose  ? 

t  See  Coxc's  Walpole,  vol.  i.  p.  609.,  and  his  MS.  Collections, 
Brit.  Museum. 

T  4 


280  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XX. 

who  wished  to  enhance  his  t^rms,  and  the  belief  of  an 
English  Envoy  who  wanted  an  excuse  for  his  employers. 
The  secret  motive  of  this  treaty,  as  of  too  many  others, 
was  not  English  but  Hanoverian,  and  regarded  the  pos- 
session of  a  petty  castle  and  Lordship  called  Steinhorst. 
This  castle  had  been  bought  from  Holstein  by  George 
the  Second,  as  Elector  of  Hanover,  but  the  Danes  claim- 
ing the  sovereignty  had  sent  a  detachment  of  troops 
against  it ;  a  skirmish  ensued,  and  the  Danes  were  driven 
from  the  place.  The  Court  of  Copenhagen,  much  in- 
censed, had  made  preparations  to  avenge  the  insult ;  and 
it  was  precisely  at  this  period  that  the  well-timed  treaty 
of  subsidy  calmed  their  resentment,  and  obtained  the 
cession  of  their  claim.  It  is,  according  to  my  judgment, 
a  mere  evasion  to  assert  in  apology  for  Walpole,  that  the 
two  transactions,  though  identical  in  point  of  time,  were 
not  connected  in  any  other  manner.  The  Opposition 
leaders,  from  their  country  retreats,  exclaimed,  and  not 
without  much  truth,  that  Steinhorst  was  bought  with 
British  money ;  and  Bolingbroke,  with  his  usual  exag- 
geration, soon  afterwards  expresses  his  "  fear  that  we 
"  shall  throw  the  small  remainder  of  our  wealth  where  we 
"  have  thrown  so  much  already  into  the  German  gulph, 
"  which  cries  Give,  give,  and  is  never  satisfied."  * 

The  Session  having  closed  in  such  unusual  tranquillity, 
Sir  Robert  redoubled  his  exertions  to  bring  the  differ- 
ences with  Spain  to  a  pacific  issue ;  but  the  invectives  of 
the  pseudo-patriots  had  unfortunately  served  not  merely 
to  rouse  animosity  in  England,  but  to  awaken  a  corre- 
sponding spirit  in  Spain.  Like  all  subjects  of  despotic 
monarchies,  the  Spaniards  ascribed  the  insults  of  the 
British  Opposition  to  the  fault  of  the  British  Ministry ; 
and,  in  order  to  resent  the  first,  determined  to  assail  the 
latter.  When  the  plenipotentiaries  met,  in  pursuance  of 
the  Convention,  loud  complaints  were  heard  that  the  re- 
quired sum  of  68,000/.  was  withheld  by  the  South  Sea 
Company ;  and  it  was  declared  that  the  King  of  Spain 
thought  himself  at  liberty,  in  consequence,  to  seize  their 
effects,  and  to  suspend  their  Asiento  for  negroes.  The 
continuance  of  the  British  squadron  in  the  Mediterranean 

*  To  Lord  Marchmont,  June  9.  1741.    Marchmont  Papers,  vol.  ii. 


1739.  DECLARATION   OF   WAR.  281 

gave  scarcely  less  offence  ;  while  it  remained  there,  said 
La  Quadra,  no  "  grace  or  facilities  "  were  to  be  expected, 
as  the  honour  of  the  King  his  master  would  not  admit 
any  condescension  with  such  a  scourge  hung  over  him. 
But,  above  all,  the  Court  of  Madrid,  galled  at  the  denial 
of  their  Right  of  Search  in  the  English  Parliament,  as- 
sumed a  far  higher  tone  respecting  it,  and  intimated 
that  unless  it  were  admitted  as  the  basis  of  negotiation 
there  would  be  no  need  of  any  further  conferences. 

Notwithstanding  this  haughty  tone,  all  hopes  of  peace 
had  not  yet  vanished.  Cardinal  Fleury,  with  his  usual 
conciliatory  temper,  offered  the  mediation  of  France  ; 
and  undertook  to  guarantee  the  immediate  payment  of 
the  95,000/.  demanded  from  Spain  under  the  Convention, 
provided  only  the  English  squadron  were  withdrawn 
from  the  Mediterranean.*  Walpole  however  well  knew 
that  the  English  nation  was  now  too  highly  irritated  to 
admit  of  any  compromise,  however  just  and  reasonable. 
There  are  humours  in  the  body  politic  as  in  the  human 
frame,  that  can  only  be  cured  by  their  own  excess  and 
festering,  and  must  be  worse  before  they  can  be  better. 
Such  a  spirit  had  at  length  been  raised  by  the  Opposition 
in  England.  The  King  also  was  impatient  for  vigorous 
measures,  being  quick  in  anger,  fond  of  the  army,  and, 
like  most  Princes,  thinking  himself  a  great  military 
chieftain.  Thus  urged,  both  from  above  and  below, 
Wai  pole  perceived  that  the  time  for  palliatives  had 
pushed,  and  that  he  was  reduced  to  this  plain  alternative 
—  to  engage  in  war,  or  to  retire  from  office,  lie  decided 
for  the  former.  The  most  active  preparations  now  began  ; 
the  squadron  of  Haddock,  so  far  from  being  withdrawn, 
was  reinforced  ;  Sir  Chaloner  Ogle  was  ordered  to  the 
West  Indies  with  another  ;  and  Sir  John  Norris  hoisted 
his  flag  on  board  the  Namur,  at  Chatham.  Diplomatists 
were  likewise  set  in  movement:  Horace  Walpole  em- 
barked for  Holland  to  require  the  auxiliary  troops  stipu- 
lated in  case  of  hostilities ;  and  Mr.  Keene  received  his 
final  instructions,  with  a  view  no  longer  of  preserving 
peace,  but  of  justifying  war.  He  was  directed  to  declare, 
in  most  peremptory  terms,  that  the  King  his  master  in- 

*  Earl  Wuldcgrave  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  Paris,  Aug.  1 5. 
1739. 


282  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAJO).  CHAP.  XX. 

sisted  on  an  absolute  renunciation  of  the  Right  of  Search 
—  on  the  immediate  payment  of  the  sum  fixed  by  the 
Convention  —  on  an  express  acknowledgment  of  the 
British  claims  in  North  America.  These  demands  being, 
as  was  foreseen,  refused,  or  rather  evaded,  a  Declaration 
of  War  against  Spain  was  issued  in  London  on  the  19th 
of  October. 

To  those  who  consider  the  unavoidable  miseries  of  war, 
not  only  to  the  vanquished,  but  even  to  the  victors  —  the 
lives  lost  and  the  bodies  maimed  in  battle  —  and  worse 
than  loss  of  limb  or  of  life,  the  sad  bereavements  and 
broken  hearts  at  home  —  to  those  who  recollect  how  long 
England  had  enjoyed,  and  how  highly  thriven  by,  the 
blessing  of  peace  —  to  them  there  must  be  some  matter 
of  surprise  in  the  universal  and  rapturous  joy  with  which 
this  Declaration  was  received.  Exultation  spread  from 
man  to  man  like  a  contagious  illness  :  and  depending  as 
little  on  reason  or  reflection.  Each  felt  as  though  he  had 
attained  some  special  and  personal  advantage.  The 
Spanish  colonies  it  was  thought  would  prove  an'easj 
prey,  and  amply  reimburse  all  'the  expenses  of  an  arma- 
ment against  them.  Already  were  the  treasures  of  Potosi 
grasped  in  anticipation  ;  and  again  did  the  golden  dreams 
of  the  South  Sea  Company  float  before  the  public  eyes. 
The  stocks  which  had  been  latterly  declining  rose  imme- 
diately. The  bells  pealed  from  every  steeple  in  London. 
Still  louder  were  the  shouts  and  acclamations  resounding 
from  the  large  and  delighted  multitude  which  followed 
the  heralds  of  the  Declaration,  and  poured  after  them  into 
the  City.  Several  chiefs  of  the  Opposition  (for  they  and 
they  alone  were  in  truth  the  gainers)  joined  the  joyful 
procession.  The  Prince  of  Wales  himself  was  present ; 
nor  did  His  Royal  Highness  disdain  to  stop  before  the 
Rose  Tavern  at  Temple  Bar,  and  drink  success  to  the 
war. 

On  reviewing  the  whole  of  the  transactions  that  pre- 
pared and  produced  the  Spanish  quarrel,  we  shall  find 
ample  reason  for  condemning,  though  on  different 
grounds,  both  the  Opposition  and  the  Minister.  To  in- 
flame a  headstrong  resentment  —  to  kindle  an  unjust  and 
unprofitable  war  —  to  serve  their  party  at  the  expense  of 
principle  —  and  to  wound  their  antagonist  through  the 


1739.  WALPOLE   AND  THE   OPPOSITION.  283 

sides  of  their  country  —  such  was  the  conduct  of  those 
who  arrogated  the  name,  but  forsook  the  duty,  of  PA- 
TRIOTS !  These  noisy  bawlers  with  NO  SEARCH  as  their 
favourite  cry,  who  exclaimed  that  unless  that  right  were 
explicitly  renounced  by  the  Spaniards,  there  should  be 
no  alternative  but  hostilities  ;  —  these  very  men,  only  ten 
years  afterwards,  cheerfully  concurred  in  a  peace  that 
left  the  Right  of  Search  altogether  unnoticed  and  secured  ! 
15  at  why  enlarge  upon  the  accusation,  when  Walpole's 
opponents  have  themselves  pleaded  Guilty.  "  Some 
'  years  after,"  says  Mr.  Burke,  "  it  was  my  fortune  to 
'  converse  with  many  of  the  principal  actors  against  that 
'  Minister,  and  with  those  wko  principally  excited  that 
'  clamour.  None  of  them,  no,  not  one,  did  in  the  least 
'  defend  the  measure,  or  attempt  to  justify  their  conduct. 
'  They  condemned  it  as  freely  as  they  would  have  done 
'  in  commenting  upon  any  proceeding  in  history  in  which 
'  they  were  totally  unconcerned."  * 

But  was  the  Minister  more  free  from  blame  in  yielding 
to  this  clamour  ?  Was  it  not  beyond  all  doubt  his  duty 
to  stand  firm  against  it  so  long  as  it  could  be  resisted,  or 
to  retire  if  it  became  irresistible  ?  Yet  at  this  the  critical, 
the  turning  point  of  his  political  character,  Walpole  still 
unworthily  clung  to  his  darling  office,  thus  proving  that 
a  love  of  power,  and  not  a  love  of  peace,  as  has  been  pre- 
tended, was  his  ruling  principle.  It  was  a  sin  against 
light.  No  man  had  a  clearer  view  of  the  impending 
mischief  and  misery  of  the  Spanish  war.  On  the  very 
day  of  the  Declaration,  when  joyful  peals  were  heard 
from  every  steeple  of  the  City,  the  Minister  muttered, 
"  They  may  ring  the  bells  now  ;  before  long  they  will  be 
"wringing  their  hands." f  Yet  of  this  mischief  and 
misery  he  would  stoop  to  be  the  instrument ! 

It  is  alleged,  indeed,  that  Sir  Robert  did  actually  tender 
his  resignation  to  his  Sovereign,  and  recalled  it  only  at 
the  Royal  request ;  but  this,  were  it  true,  would  not  suf- 
fice for  his  justification,  and  it  seems  moreover  to  rest 
merely  on  some  loose  and  apologetic  expressions  of  his 
brother  Horace  many  years  afterwards.  Yet  how  short- 

*  Thoughts  on  a  Regicide  Pence,  p.  74. 
f  Coxe's  Walpole,  vol.  L  p.  618. 


284  HISTOKY    OF   ENGLAND.  CHAP.  XX. 

sighted  is  personal  ambition!  Like  avarice,  in  its  baser 
stages,  it  cannot  part  with  present  possession,  even  for 
the  largest  future  returns.  Had  Walpole  withdrawn  upon 
this  question,  its  subsequent  unpopularity  would  have  re- 
trieved his  own,  and  the  revulsion  of  national  feeling 
would  speedily  have  borne  him  back  to  office,  more  un- 
controlled and  mighty  than  before.  By  remaining  at  the 
helm,  on  the  contrary,  Sir  Robert  secured  but  a  brief 
respite  ;  and,  as  we  shall  find,  was  ere  long  overwhelmed 
by  that  tremendous  tempest,  which,  though  aimed  only  at 
the  steersman,  endangered  the  vessel  itself. 


APPENDIX. 


EXTRACTS 

FROM 

THE     STUART    PAPERS, 

• 

&c. 


IN  the  first  edition  of  my  first  volume  (p.  294.),  I  stated 
that  the  Earl  of  Nithisdale  escaped  from  the  Tower  in 
1716,  "by  the  aid  of  his  mother,  who  brought  him  a 
woman's  dress.  I  was  aware  that  his  wife  was  spoken 
of  in  some  modern  allusions  to  the  story ;  but  I  observed 
that  the  contemporary  or  early  writers,  Boyer,  Tindal, 
Smollett,  John  Wesley,  &c.  all  mentioned  the  lady  in 
question  as  being  his  mother.  Tindal  says,  that  "his 
"  mother  came  with  some  relations,"  *  and  I  supposed  that 
the  wife  might  perhaps  be  included  among  the  latter,  but 
that  the  mother  was  the  chief  contriver  of  the  escape,  and 
that  the  name  of  the  wife  was  substituted  in  latter  tradi- 
tion as  being  more  romantic.  Those  early  writers  how- 
ever misled  me.  My  attention  has  since  been  called  to  a 
letter  from  Lady  Nithisdale  herself  to  her  sister  Lady 
Traquair,  giving  an  account  of  the  adventure,  and  esta- 
blishing the  point  at  issue  beyond  all  doubt. 

It  appears  also  from  this  letter,  that  the  King,  instead 
of  the  good-natured  reply  ascribed  to  him  when  he  was 
told  of  Lord  Nithisdale's  escape,  —  namely,  that  it  was 
the  best  thing  that  a  man  in  his  situation  could  do, — 
was  highly  irritated. 

The  letter  itself  is  of  great  length,  giving  an  account 
how  this  admirable  woman  not  only  saved  her  husband's 
life,  but  secured  the  family  estate  for  her  son.  It  is 

*  Hist.  voL  vi.  p.  54 C. 


ir  APPENDIX.  1716. 

printed  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Transactions  of  the 
Society  of  Antiquaries  of  Scotland  (pp.  523 — 538.),  but  I 
shall  here  extract  from  it  the  principal  passages  relative 
to  Lady  Nithisdale's  rescue  of  her  husband.  The  reader 
will  be  gratified  to  observe  how  the  noble  heroism  of  her 
act  is  enhanced  by  her  unpretending  grace  and  simplicity 
of  style.  He  will  be  no  less  pleased  to  learn  that  she 
safely  rejoined  her  husband,  and  continued  to  reside  with 
him  abroad  till  his  death  at  Rome,  in  1744.  She  herself 
survived  till  1749.  They  .were  both  Roman  Catholics. 


DEAR  SISTER, 

My  Lord's  escape  is  now  such  an  old  story,  that  I  have 
almost  forgotten  it ;  but  since  you  desire  me  to  give  you 
a  circumstantial  account  of  it,  I  will  endeavour  to  recall 
it  to  my  memory,  and  be  as  exact  in  the  narration  as  I 
possibly  can. 

My  Lord  was  very  anxious  that  a  petition  might  be 
presented,  hoping  that  it  would  at  least  be  serviceable  to 
me.  I  was,  in  my  own  mind,  convinced  that  it  would 
answer  no  purpose  ;  but  as  I  wished  to  please  my  Lord, 
I  desired  him  to  have  it  drawn  up ;  and  I  undertook  to 
make  it  come  to  the  King's  hand,  notwithstanding  all  the 
precautions  he  had  taken  to  avoid  it.  So  the  first  day  I 
heard  that  the  King  was  to  go  to  the  Drawing-room,  I 
dressed  myself  in  black,  as  if  I  had  been  in  mourning, 
and  sent  for  Mrs.  Morgan  (the  same  who 'accompanied 
me  to  the  Tower);  because  as  I  did  not  know  His  Majesty 
personally,  I  might  have  mistaken  some  other  person 
for  him.  She  stayed  by  me,  and  told  me  when  he  was 
coming.  I  had  also  another  lady  with  me ;  and  we  three 
remained  in  a  room  between  the  King's  apartments  and 
the  drawing  room  ;  so  that  he  was  obliged  to  go  through 
it ;  and  as  there  were  three  windows  in  it,  we  sat  in  the 
middle  one,  that  I  might  have  time  enough  to  meet  him 
before  he  could  pass.  I  threw  myself  at  his  feet,  and 
told  him  in  French,  that  I  was  the  unfortunate  Countess 
of  Nithisdale,  that  he  might  not  pretend  to  be  ignorant 
of  my  person.  But  perceiving  that  he  wanted  to  go  off 
without  receiving  my  petition,  I  caught  hold  of  the  skirt 


1716.  STUART  PAPERS.  V 

of  his  coat,  that  he  might  stop  and  hear  me.  He  endea- 
voured to  escape  out  of  my  hands ;  but  I  kept  such  strong 
hold,  that  he  dragged  me  upon  my  knees  from  the  middle 
of  the  room  to  the  very  door  of  the  drawing-room.  At 
last  one  of  the  blue  ribbands  who  attended  His  Majesty 
took  me  round  the  waist,  whilst  another  wrested  the  coat 
out  of  my  hands.  The  petition,  which  I  had  endeavoured 
to  thrust  into  his  pocket,  fell  dgwn  in  the  scuffle,  and  I 
almost  fainted  away  through  grief  and  disappointment. 

Upon  this  I  formed  the  resolution  to  attempt  his  es- 
cape, but  opened  my  intention  to  nobody  but  to  my  dear 
Evans.  In  order  to  concert  measures,  I  strongly  solicited 
to  be  permitted  to  see  my  Lord,  which  they  refused  to 
grant  me  unless  I  would  remain  confined  with  him  in 
the  Tower.  This  I  would  not  submit  to,  and  alleged  for 
excuse,  that  my  health  would  not  permit  me  to  undergo 
the  confinement.  The  real  reason  of  my  refusal  was,  not 
to  put  it  out  of  my  power  to  accomplish  my  design. 
However,  by  bribing  the  guards,  I  often  contrived  to  see 
my  Lord,  till  the  day  upon  which  the  prisoners  were 
condemned ;  after  that,  we  were  allowed  for  the  last  week 
to  see  and  take  our  leave  of  them. 

By  the  help  of  Evans,  I  had  prepared  every  thing  neces- 
sary to  disguise  my  Lord,  but  had  the  utmost  difficulty  to 
prevail  upon  him  to  make  use  of  them.  However,  I  at 
length  succeeded  by  the  help  of  Almighty  God. 

On  the  22d  of  February,  which  fell  on  a  Thursday,  our 
petition  was  to  be  presented  to  the  House  of  Lords ;  the 
purport  of  which  was,  to  entreat  the  Lords  to  intercede 
with  His  Majesty  to  pardon  the  prisoners.  We  were, 
however,  disappointed  the  day  before  the  petition  was  to 
be  presented  ;  for  the  Duke  of  St.  Albans,  who  had  pro- 
mised my  Lady  Derwentwater  to  present  it,  when  it  came 
to  the  point,  failed  in  his  word.  However,  as  she  wa$ 
the  only  English  Countess  concerned,  it  was  incumbent 
upon  her  to  have  it  presented.  We  had  but  one  day  left 
before  the  execution,  and  the  Duke  still  promised  to  pre- 
sent the  petition  ;  but  for  fear  he  should  fail,  I  engaged 
the  Duke  of  Montrose  to  secure  its  being  done  by  one  or 
the  other.  I  then  went  in  company  of  most  of  the  ladies 
of  quality  who  were  then  in  town,  to  solicit  the  interest 

VOL.  II.  U 


Vi  APPENDIX.  171G. 

of  the  Lords  as  they  were  going  to  the  House.  They 
all  behaved  to  me  with  great  civility,  but  particularly 
my  Lord  Pembroke*,  who,  though  he  desired  me  not  to 
speak  to  him,  yet  promised  to  employ  his  interest  in  our 
favour,  and  honourably  kept  his  word ;  for  he  spoke  in 
the  House  very  strongly  in  our  behalf.  The  subject  of 
the  debate  was,  whether  the  King  had  the  power  to  par- 
don those  who  had  been  condemned  by  Parliament ;  and 
it  was  chiefly  owing  to  Lord  Pembroke's  speech  that  it 
passed  in  the  affirmative.  However,  one  of  the  Lords 
stood  up  and  said,  that  the  House  would  only  intercede 
for  those  of  the  prisoners  who  should  approve  themselves 
worthy  of  their  intercession,  but  not  for  all  of  them  in- 
discriminately. This  salvo  quite  blasted  all  my  hopes ; 
for  I  was  assured  it  aimed  at  the  exclusion  of  those  who 
should  refuse  to  subscribe  to  the  petition,  which  was  a 
thing  I  knew  my  Lord  would  never  submit  to ;  nor,  in 
fact,  could  I  wish  to  preserve  his  life  on  such  terms. 

As  the  motion  had  passed  generally,  I  thought  I  could 
draw  some  advantage  in  favour  of  my  design.  Ac- 
cordingly, I  immediately  left  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
hastened  to  the  Tower,  where,  affecting  an  air  of  joy  and 
satisfaction,  I  told  all  the  guards  I  passed  by,  that  I  came 
to  bring  joyful  tidings  to  the  prisoners.  I  desired  them 
to  lay  aside  their  fears,  for  the  petition  had  passed  the 
House  in  their  favour.  I  then  gave  them  some  money  to 
drink  to  the  Lords  and  His  Majesty,  though  it  was  but 
trifling ;  for  I  thought  that,  if  I  were  too  liberal  on  the 
occasion,  they  might  suspect  my  designs,  and  that  giving 
them  something  would  gain  their  good  humour  and  ser- 
vices for  the  next  day,  which  was  the  eve  of  the  exe- 
cution. 

The  next  morning  I  could  not  go  to  the  Tower,  having 
so  many  things  in  my  hands  to  put  in  readiness  ;  but  in 
the  evening,  Avhen  all  was  ready,  I  sent  for  Mrs.  Mills, 
with  whom  I  lodged,  and  acquainted  her  with  my  design 
of  attempting  my  Lord's  escape,  as  there  was  no  prospect 
of  his  being  pardoned  ;  and  this  was  the  last  night  before 
the  execution.  I  told  her  that  I  had  every  thing  in 

*  Lord  Pembroke  was  a  kinsman  of  Lady  Nithisdale.  she  being 
Lady  Winifred  Herbert,  daughter  of  the  Marquis  of  Powis. 


1716.  STUAUT   PAPERS.  Vli 

readiness,  and  that  I  trusted  she  would  not  refuse  to 
accompany  me,  that  my  Lord  might  pass  for  her.  I 
pressed  her  to  come  immediately,  as  we  had  no  time  to 
lose.  At  the  same  time  I  sent  for  a  Mrs.  Morgan,  then 
usually  known  by  the  name  of  Hilton,  to  whose  acquaint- 
ance my  dear  Evans  had  introduced  me,  which  I  look 
upon  as  a  very  singular  happiness.  I  immediately  com- 
municated my  resolution  to  her.  She  was  of  a  very  tall 
and  slender  make ;  so  I  begged  her  to  put  under  her  own 
riding-hood  one  that  I  had  prepared  for  Mrs.  Mills,  as 
she  was  to  lend  hers  to  my  Lord,  that,  in  coming  out,  he 
might  be  taken  for  her.  Mrs.  Mills  was  then  with  child ; 
so  that  she  was  not  only  of  the  same  height,  but  nearly 
of  the  same  size  as  my  Lord.  When  we  were  in  the 
coach,  I  never  ceased  talking,  that  they  might  have  no 
leisure  to  reflect.  Their  surprise  and  astonishment,  when 
I  first  opened  my  design  to  them,  had  made  them  consent, 
without  ever  thinking  of  the  consequences.  On  our 
arrival  at  the  Tower,  the  first  I  introduced  was  Mrs. 
Morgan  ;  for  I  was  only  allowed  to  take  in  one  at  a  time. 
She  brought  in  the  clothes  that  were  to  serve  Mrs.  Mills, 
when  she  left  her  own  behind  her.  When  Mrs.  Morgan 
had  taken  off  what  she  had  brought  for  my  purpose,  I 
conducted  her  back  to  the  staircase  ;  and  in  going  I 
begged  her  to  send  me  in  my  maid  to  dress  me;  that 
I  was  afraid  of  being  too  late  to  present  my  last  petition 
that  night,  if  she  did  not  come  immediately.  I  des- 
patched her  safe,  and  went  partly  down  stairs  to  meet 
Mrs.  Mills,  who  had  the  precaution  to  hold  her  handker- 
chief to  her  face,  as  was  very  natural  for  a  woman  to  do 
when  she  was  going  to  bid  her  last  farewell  to  a  friend, 
on  the  eve  of  his  execution.  I  had,  indeed,  desired  her 
to  do  it,  that  my  Lord  might  go  out  in  the  same  manner. 
Her  eyebrows  were  rather  inclined  to  be  sandy,  and  my 
Lord's  were  dark  and  very  thick  ;  however,  I  had  pre- 
pared some  paint  of  the  colour  of  hers  to  disguise  his 
with.  I  also  bought  an  artificial  head-dress  of  the  same 
coloured  hair  as  hers;  and  I  painted  his  face  with  white, 
and  his  cheeks  with  rouge,  to  hide  his  long  beard  which 
he  had  not  time  to  shave.  All  this  provision  I  had  before 
left  in  the  Tower.  The  poor  guards,  whom  my  slight 
liberality  the  day  before  had  endeared  me  to,  let  me  go 
c2 


viii  APPENDIX.  1716. 

quietly  with  my  company,  and  were  not  so  strictly  on  the 
watch  as  they  usually  had  been  ;  and  the  more  so,  as  they 
were  persuaded,  from  what  I  had  told  them  the  day  be- 
fore, that  the  prisoners  would  obtain  their  pardon.  I 
made  Mrs.  Mills  take  oif  her  own  hood,  and  put  on  that 
which  I  had  brought  for  her.  I  then  took  her  by  the 
hand,  and  led  her  out  of  my  Lord's  chamber ;  and  in 
passing  through  the  next  room,  in  which  there  were 
several  people,  with  all  the  concern  imaginable,  I  said, 
My  dear  Mrs.  Catherine,  go  in  all  haste  and  send  me  my 
waiting-maid:  she  certainly  cannot  reflect  how  late  it  is : 
she  forgets  that  I  am  to  present  a  petition  to-night ;  and 
if  I  let  slip  this  opportunity,  I  am  undone,  for  to-morrow 
will  be  too  late.  Hasten  her  as  much  as  possible ;  for  I 
shall  be  on  thorns  till  she  comes.  Every  body  in  the 
room,  who  were  chiefly  the  guards'  wives  and  daughters, 
seemed  to  compassionate  me  exceedingly ;  and  the  senti- 
nel officiously  opened  the  door.  When  I  had  seen  her 
out,  I  returned  back  to  my  Lord,  and  finished  dressing 
him.  I  had  taken  care  that  Mrs.  Mills  did  not  go  out 
crying,  as  she  came  in,  that  my  Lord  might  the  better 
pass  for  the  lady  who  came  in  crying  and  afflicted  ;  and 
the  more  so  because  he  had  the  same  dress  which  she 
wore.  When  I  had  almost  finished  dressing  my  Lord  in 
all  my  petticoats,  excepting  one,  I  perceived  it  was  grow- 
ing dark,  and  was  afraid  that  the  light  of  the  candles 
might  betray  us ;  so  I  resolved  to  set  off.  I  went  out, 
leading  him  by  the  hand ;  and  he  held  his  handkerchief 
to  his  eyes.  I  spoke  to  him  in  the  most  afflicted  and 
piteous  tone  of  voice  ;  bewailing  bitterly  the  negligence 
of  Evans,  who  had  ruined  me  by  her  delay.  Then  said 
I,  My  dear  Mrs.  Betty,  for  the  love  of  God,  run  quickly, 
and  bring  her  with  you.  You  know  my  lodging ;  and, 
if  ever  you  made  despatch  in  your  life,  do  it  at  present : 
I  am  almost  distracted  with  this  disappointment.  The 
guards  opened  the  doors ;  and  I  went  down  stairs  with 
him,  still  conjuring  him  to  make  all  possible  despatch. 
As  soon  as  he  had  cleared  the  door  I  made  him  walk  before 
me,  for  fear  the  sentinel  should  take  notice  of  his  walk  ; 
but  I  still  continued  to  press  him  to  make  all  the  despatch 
he  possibly  could.  At  the  bottom  of  the  stairs  I  met  my 
dear  Evans,  into  whose  hands  I  confided  him.  I  had 


1716.  STUART  PAPERS.  ix 

before  engaged  Mr.  Mills  to  be  in  readiness  before  the 
Tower  to  conduct  him  to  some  place  of  safety,  in  case  we 
succeeded.  He  looked  upon  the  affair  as  so  very  impro- 
bable to  succeed,  that  his  astonishment,  when  he  saw  us, 
threw  him  into  such  consternation,  that  he  was  almost 
out  of  himself ;  which  Evans  perceiving,  with  the  greatest 
presence  of  mind,  without  telling  him  anything,  lest  he 
should  mistrust  them,  conducted  my  Lord  to  some  of  her 
own  friends,  on  whom  she  could  rely,  and  so  secured  him, 
without  which  we  should  have  been  undone.  When  she 
had  conducted  him,  and  left  him  with  them,  she  returned 
to  find  Mr.  Mills,  who  by  this  time  had  recovered  himself 
from  his  astonishment.  They  went  home  together,  and 
having  found  a  place  of  security,  they  conducted  him 
to  it. 

In  the  mean  while,  as  I  had  pretended  to  have  sent  the 
young  lady  on  a  message,  I  was  obliged  to  return  up 
stairs,  and  go  back  to  my  Lord's  room,  in  the  same 
feigned  anxiety  of  being  too  late  ;  so  that  every  body 
seemed  sincerely  to  sympathise  with  my  distress.  When, 
I  was  in  the  room,  I  talked  to  him  as  if  he  had  been 
really  present,  and  answered  my  own  questions  in  my 
Lord's  voice  as  nearly  as  I  could  imitate  it.  I  walked  up 
and  down,  as  if  we  were  conversing  together,  till  I 
thought  they  had  enough  time  to  clear  themselves  of 
the  guards.  I  then  thought  proper  to  make  off  also.  I 
opened  the  door,  and  stood  half  in  it,  that  those  in  the 
outward  chamber  might  hear  what  I  said ;  but  held  it  so 
close,  that  they  could  not  look  in.  I  bid  my  Lord  a  for- 
mal farewell  for  that  night ;  and  added,  that  something 
more  than  usual  must  have  happened,  to  make  Evans 
negligent  on  this  important  occasion,  who  had  always 
been  so  punctual  in  the  smallest  trifles,  that  I  saw  no 
other  remedy  than  to  go  in  person :  that  if  the  Tower 
were  still  open  when  I  finished  my  business,  I  would  re- 
turn that  night ;  but  that  he  might  be  assured  that  I 
would  be  with  him  as  early  in  the  morning  as  I  could 
gain  admittance  into  the  Tower  ;  and  I  flattered  myself 
that  I  should  bring  favourable  news.  Then  before  I 
shut  the  door,  I  pulled  through  the  string  of  the  latch, 
so  that  it  could  only  be  opened  on  the  inside.  I  then 
shut  it  with  some  degree  of  force,  that  I  might  be  sure  of 
0  3 


X  APPENDIX.  1716. 

its  being  well  shut.  I  said  to  the  servant  as  I  passed  by, 
who  was  ignorant  of  the  whole  transaction,  that  he  need 
not  carry  in  candles  to  his  master  till  my  Lord  sent  for 
him,  as  he  desired  to  finish  some  prayers  first.  I  went 
down  stairs  and  called  a  coach,  as  there  were  several  on 
the  stand  ;  I  drove  home  to  my  lodgings,  where  poor  Mr. 
Mackenzie  had  been  waiting  to  carry  the  petition,  in  case 
my  attempt  had  failed. 

Her  Grace  of  Montrose  said  she  would  go  to  Court,  to 
see  how  the  news  of  my  Lord's  escape  was  received. 
When  the  news  was  brought  to  the  King,  he  flew  into 
an  excess  of  passion,  and  said  he  was  betrayed  ;  for  it 
could  not  have  been  done  without  some  confederacy.  He 
instantly  despatched  two  persons  to  the  Tower  to  see  that 
the  other  prisoners  were  well  secured. 

When  I  left  the  Duchess,  I  went  to  a  house  which 
Evans  had  found  out  for  me,  and  where  she  promised  to 
acquaint  me  where  my  Lord  was.  She  got  thither  some 
few  minutes  after  me,  and  told  me  that  when  she  had 
seen  him  secure,  she  went  in  search  of  Mr.  Mills,  who, 
by  the  time,  had  recovered  himself  from  his  astonish- 
ment ;  that  he  had  returned  to  her  house,  where  she 
had  found  him,  and  that  he  had  removed  my  Lord  from 
the  first  place  where  she  had  desired  him  to  wait,  to  the 
house  of  a  poor  woman,  directly  opposite  to  the  guard- 
house. She  had  but  one  very  small  room  up  one  pair  of 
stairs,  and  a  very  small  bed  in  it.  We  threw  ourselves 
upon  the  bed,  that  we  might  not  be  heard  walking  up  and 
down.  She  left  us  a  bottle  of  wine  and  some  bread,  and 
Mrs.  Mills  brought  us  some  more  in  her  pocket  the  next 
day.  We  subsisted  upon  this  provision  from  Thursday 
till  Saturday  night,  when  Mrs.  Mills  came  and  conducted 
my  Lord  to  the  Venetian  ambassador's.  We  did  not  com- 
municate the  affair  to  his  Excellency  ;  but  one  of  his  ser- 
vants concealed  him  in  his  own  room  till  Wednesday,  on 
which  day  the  ambassador's  coach  and  six  was  to  go  down 
to  meet  his  brother.  My  Lord  put  on  a  livery,  and  went 
down  in  the  retinue,  without  the  least  suspicion,  to  Dover, 
where  Mr.  Mitchell  (which  was  the  name  of  the  ambas- 
sador's servant)  hired  a  small  vessel,  and  immediately 


1720.  STUART  PAPERS.  xi 

set  sail  for  Calais.  The  passage  was  so  remarkably  short, 
that  the  captain  threw  out  his  reflection,  that  the  wind 
could  not  have  served  better  if  his  passengers  had  been 
flying  for  their  lives,  little  thirildng  it  to  be  really  the 
case.  Mr.  Mitchell  might  have  easily  returned  without 
being  suspected  of  being  concerned  in  my  Lord's  escape  ; 
but  my  Lord  seemed  inclined  to  have  him  continue  with 
him,  which  he  did,  and  has  at  present  a  good  place  under 
our  young  master. 


BISHOP  ATTERBUEY  TO  JAMES. 


The  original  is  partly  in  cipher  and  not  signed,  but  is  endorsed  B.  of 
R.  to  the  King, 


May  6.  1720. 

I  HAVE  little  to  add  to  what  is  contained  in  the  general 
letter,  besides  particular  professions  of  duty  and  zeal  for 
the  service,  which  I  hope  are  needless,  and  I  am  sure  will 
be  made  good  by  all  the  actions  of  my  life  as  often  as  any 
proper  occasion  offers. 

My  long  illness  and  great  distance,  and  the  few  oppor- 
tunities I  had  of  such  a  conveyance  as  I  could  depend  on, 
have  been  the  reasons  of  my  silence. 

I  must  add  also,  that  I  did,  upon  grounds  not  altogether 
slight,  entertain  hopes  that  hands  of  greater  consequence 
were  either  of  choice  or  through  necessity  employed  in 
such  measures  as  would  be  of  most  effectual  service  to  the 
cause,  and  while  those  measures  were  duly  pursued, 
thought  it  my  part  to  lie  still  and  expect  the  event.  But 
those  hopes,  since  the  great  quarrel  has  been  made  up, 
are  in  a  good  degree  vanished  ;  for  whatever  wishes  and 
inclinations  any  person  in  power  may  still  preserve,  he 
will  be  (if  he  is  not  already)  forced  to  act  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  will  certainly  defeat  them.  Indeed  the  reconcilia- 
tion, whether  of  the  principals  or  those  who  listed  under 
them,  is  not  as  yet  hearty  and  sincere :  but  I  apprehend 
it  will  by  degrees  become  so ;  at  least  the  appearances 

U4 


xii  APPENDIX.  1720. 

and  consequences  of  it  here  will  be  the  same  as  if  it  really 
were.  The  union  (how  imperfect  soever  now)  will  na- 
turally cement  more  and  more  as  accidents  and  occasions 
arise,  that  may  make  it  the  mutual  interest  of  the  newly- 
reconciled  to  act  more  closely  together.  The  Tories  have 
now  lost  their  balancing  power  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  must  either  by  continuing  wholly  inactive  sink  in 
their  spirits  and  numbers,  or  by  making  attacks  hazard  a 
stricter  conjunction  between  their  enemies.  On  either 
hand  their  situation  is  nice  and  hazardous ;  and  great 
prudence  as  well  as  resolution  is  requisite  so  to  conduct 
them  through  these  difficulties  as  neither  to  forfeit  their 
reputation  nor  draw  upon  themselves  the  united  resent- 
ments of  the  more  powerful  party,  who,  if  ever  they  agree 
in  good  earnest,  will  be  more  irresistible  than  they  were 
before  the  breach.  It  is  true,  there  is  but  little  time  for 
such  experiments,  before  the  Session  Avill  close  ;  and  the 
less  there  is,  in  my  humble  opinion,  the  better.  Ere  an- 
other is  opened  new  disasters  may  arise,  and  new  parties 
be  formed,  which  may  give  the  Tories  matter  to  work 
and  a  foundation  to  stand  upon.  The  last  of  these  they 
now  evidently  want,  and  for  want  of  it  dare  hardly,  and 
scarce  can  prudently,  make  use  of  the  other.  I  think 
myself  obliged  to  represent  this  melancholy  truth  thus 
plainly,  that  there  may  be  no  expectation  of  any  thing 
from  hence,  which  will  certainly  not  happen.  Disaffec- 
tion and  uneasiness  will  continue  every  where,  and  pro- 
bably increase.  The  bulk  of  the  nation  will  be  still  in 
the  true  interest,  and  on  the  side  of  justice  ;  and  the  pre- 
sent settlement  will  perhaps  be  detested  every  day  more 
than  it  is  already :  and  yet  no  effectual  step  will  or  can 
be  taken  here  to  shake  it. 

Care  is  taken  from  hence  to  make  our  condition  well 
understood  in  France.  Whether  we  shall  be  believed,  or, 
if  we  are,  whether  the  Regent  will  think  it  his  interest  at 
this  juncture  to  assert  your  righteous  cause,  or  will  choose 
rather  to  temporize  till  he  has  brought  all  the  great  pro- 
jects he  has  now  on  the  anvil  to  bear,  you,  Sir,  are  best 
able  to  judge,  and  time  only  will  convincingly  show.  It 
is  certain  that  unless  help  comes  speedily,  it  may  come 
too  late.  For  that  body  of  men  who  have  newly  increased 
their  capital  to  above  40  millions  sterling,  begin  to  look 


1720.  STUART   PAPERg.  xiii 

formidable ;  and  if  time  be  given  them  to  fix  themselves, 
and  to  unite  the  Court  and  the  majority  of  the  Members 
of  Parliament  thoroughly  in  their  interest,  the  weight  of 
their  influence,  whatever  they  undertake,  must  bear  down 
all  opposition ;  and  they  cannot  but  be  the  Governors  of 
this  Kingdom.  But  it  is  hoped,  the  great  event  is  not  at 
such  a  distance  as  to  give  this  monstrous  project  time  to 
settle.  An  attempt  from  abroad,  if  not  too  long  delayed, 
will  dash  it  all  to  pieces,  and  make  it  instrumental  towards 
defeating  those  ends  which  it  now  seems  calculated  to 
serve.  In  all  events,  the  direction  and  management  of 
this  great  machine  will  be  for  some  time  in  the  hands  of 
the  Ministry,  who  best  know  what  use  they  intend  to 
make  of  it. 

Upon  the  whole,  we  are  here  at  present  in  a  violent 
convulsion ;  from  which  great  good  or  evil  may  arise, 
according  as  the  juncture  is  laid  hold  of  by  France,  and 
employed  to  one  or  other  of  these  purposes.  We  are  en- 
tirely in  their  power.  They  have  great  sums  of  money  in 
our  stocks,  which  they  can  draw  out  at  once,  and  sink 
them  if  they  please.  If  they  insist  on  the  surrender  of 
Gibraltar,  it  must  be  surrendered;  and  that  step  will 
shake  our  credit,  and  show  how  easily  we  may  be  insulted 
if  any  body  has  the  courage  to  venture  upon  us.  Could 
the  Duke  of  Ormond  (if  nothing  is  to  be  headed  by  him 
from  Spain)  be  allowed  shelter  any  where  in  France,  even 
that  is  enough  to  disorder  our  finances  and  throw  us  into 
a  good  deal  of  confusion.  But  I  will  not  trouble  you,  Sir, 
with  more  reflections  of  this  kind ;  being  persuaded  that 
you  are  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  advantages  which 
our  present  situation  gives  you,  and  want  nothing  but 
such  an  assistance  as  may  render  them  effectual,  which  I 
pray  God  soon  to  afford  you ! 

I  cannot  end  this  letter  without  my  particular  congra- 
tulations upon  the  affair  of  your  Majesty's  partner,  which 
you  have  been  pleased  to  communicate  to  all  of  us.  It  is 
the  most  acceptable  news  which  can  reach  the  ear  of  a 
good  Englishman.  May  it  be  followed  every  day  with 
such  other  accounts  as  may  convince  the  world  that 
Heaven  has  at  last  undertaken  your  cause,  and  is  resolved 
to  put  an  end  to  your  sufferings  ! 

I  beg  leave  to  add,  that  your  letter  of  Oct.  17.  1719, 


xiv  APPENDIX.  1720. 

reached  me  not  here  till  March  19.  1720,  N.  S.  By  what 
accident  it  was  so  long  delayed  I  know  not ;  but  had  I 
received  it  in  time,  even  the  great  indisposition  I  was 
then  under  (and  am  not  yet  free  from)  would  not  have 
hindered  me  from  acknowledging  the  honour  of  it,  and 
returning  my  most  humble  thanks  for  it. 


BISHOP  ATTERBURY  TO  GENERAL  DILLON. 

(Extract.') 

May  6.  1720. 

THE  sum  of  my  letter  to  the  King  is  to  assure  our 
friends  abroad  that  the  reconciliation  which  makes  so 
great  a  noise,  is,  whatever  may  be  apprehended  of  it,  im- 
perfect and  insincere  at  the  bottom,  and  calculated  only 
to  serve  views  at  the  present  juncture  which  could  not 
have  been  so  well  attained  without  it.  But  in  truth  and 
at  the  bottom  the  parties,  as  well  the  principal  as  those 
who  list  under  them,  are  still  as  much  separated  in  in- 
terest and  inclination  as  ever. 

This  is  the  certain  state  of  the  case  at  present,  and 
such  it  will  continue  for  some  time,  notwithstanding 
whatever  appearances  there  may  be  to  the  contrary  ;  and 
could  the  opportunity  be  made  use  of  from  abroad,  this  is 
the  moment  when  an  attempt  to  disturb  us  would  be  most 
likely  to  succeed  and  throw  us  into  the  utmost  confusion. 
But  on  the  other  side,  if  this  opportunity  be  not  laid  hold 
of  by  France  and  Spain,  matters  will  alter  here  in  some 
time  for  the  worse.  The  seeming  reconciliation  will  by 
next  winter  grow  real,  and  the  common  necessity  of  affairs 
will  drive  the  new  allies  here  into  measures  that  may  be 
for  their  mutual  interest,  and  into  a  closer  and  sincerer 
conjunction,  and  the  grand  money  schemes  here  projected 
of  late  will  settle  and  fix  themselves  in  such  a  manner 
as  that  it  will  not  be  easy  to  shake  them.  It  so  happens 
at  this  particular  point  of  time,  that  there  is  no  bank  or 
set  of  men  in  the  whole  kingdom  (those  only  excepted  that 
engross  the  power  and  taste  the  vast  profits  lately  made) 
who  are  not  to  the  highest  degree  uneasy,  and  would  be 
found  to  be  so  in  a  very  remarkable  manner  should  any 


1720.  STUART  PAPERS.  XV 

thing  happen  from  abroad  that  might  make  it  advisable 
for  them  to  exert  their  resentments. 

This  is  the  very  truth  of  the  matter,  and  methinks  if  it 
were  well  understood  might  induce  those  who  only  can 
make  effectual  advantage  of  the  juncture,  and  whose  in- 
terest it  is  so  to  do,  not  to  neglect  it.  Earl  Strafford  has 
accounts  of  this  kind  from  another  hand,  at  least  it  was 
promised  he  should  have  them,  and  if  he  has  will  be  able 
to  explain  this  matter  and  set  it  in  a  much  fuller  light 
than  can  be  done  in  the  bounds  of  a  letter. 


EAKL  OF  ORRERY  TO  JAMES. 

(Extract.) 

May  15.  1720. 

YOUR  commands  to  Mr.  Fleetwood  (Earl  of  Arran), 
Mr.  Nixon  (Earl  of  Oxford),  and  Mr.  Dyer  (Mr.  Caesar) 
shall  be  obeyed,  and  I  am  glad  I  have  the  best  authority 
to  say,  where  I  shall  find  it  proper,  that  Mons.  Schtclief 
(James)  has  no  dealings  directly  or  indirectly  with 
Messrs.  Benn  and  Board  (Stanhope  and  Sunderland). 
I  look  upon  them  both  to  be  as  inveterately  averse  to 
Benjamin's  (James's)  interest  as  the  Mr.  Tolanders  ( Wal- 
polians)  or  any  others,  and  therefore  I  have  always  thought 
it  wrong  to  make  any  distinction  between  them  as  to  that 
matter,  and  have  lamented  the  imprudence  of  those  that 
have  endeavoured  to  propagate  a  tolerable  good  opinion 
among  Benjamin's  (James's)  friends  of  either  Messrs. 
Benn  and  Board  )Stanhope  and  Snuderland). 


JAMES  TO  THE  EARL  OF  OXFORD. 

(Extract.) 

May  20.  1720. 

As  to  affairs  in  general  I  have  nothing  new  at  this 
time  to  impart  to  you,  the  occasion  of  my  writing  this 
being  only  to  ask  your  advice  as  to  what  is  fit  for  me  to 


xvi  APPENDIX.  1720. 

do  on  the  Queen's  lying  in,  as  to  which  I  think  I  should 
equally  avoid  either  neglect  or  affectation. 

Every  country  has  their  different  customs  and  uses  on 
such  occasions,  and  those  of  England  should  certainly  be 
my  rule  in  as  much  as  my  circumstances  may  make  it  pos- 
sible for  me  to  follow  them.  I  wish  therefore  you  would 
let  me  know  what  those  customs  are,  for  if  on  my  birth 
and  that  of  my  sister  Louis  a  particular  reasons  obliged  my 
father  and  mother  to  overdo  something,  the  present  case 
is  so  different  that  those  instances  do  not  seem  to  be  a 
precedent  for  me.  After  this,  what  I  think  may  be  rea- 
sonable for  me  to  do  is  that  such  of  my  subjects,  men  and 
women,  as  are  here  depending  on  me  should  be  present 
at  the  labour  with  some  of  the  first  rank  of  this  town  and 
such  of  the  foreign  ministers  as  will  accept  of  my  in- 
vitation ;  but  then  as  to  any  of  my  subjects  as  may  be 
travelling  here  and  are  either  no  wellwishers  or  not  my 
declared  friends,  the  question  is  whether  for  form's  sake 
they  should  be  invited,  though  for  different  reasons  they 
cannot  come. 


BISHOP  ATTERBUKY  TO  GENERAL  DILLON. 

Oct.  22.  1720. 

MR.  ILLINGTON  (himself)  has  been  long  confined  to  the 
country  by  his  illness,  and  has  no  opportunity  of  advising 
with  friends  till  he  gets  to  town,  which  will  be  before 
the  end  of  next  week ;  in  the  mean  time  he  highly  ap- 
proves of  the  printed  paper,  and  hopes  some  way  or 
other  it  will  be  made  public.  As  to  what  is  proposed  he 
dares  not  of  himself  advise  anything,  but  is  afraid  the 
time  is  lost  for  any  attempt  that  shall  not  be  of  force 
sufficient  to  encourage  the  people  to  come  into  it.  The 
losers  in  this  game  are  under  expectations  of  having  their 
losses  made  up  to  them  in  the  approaching  Session,  and 
will  not  plunge  hastily  into  any  mad  hazardous  scheme 
at  this  juncture,  nor  perhaps  till  they  begin  to  despair. 
Relief  cannot  possibly  come  till  some  time  after  the  Par- 
liament has  met,  and  then  the  hopes  of  the  disaffected 
will  be  kept  some  time  in  suspense,  and  while  they  have 


1721.  STUART    PAPERS. 

any  such  hopes  they  will  not  run  any  great  risks  ;  and 
an  unsuccessful  attempt  ruins  the  game  for  many  years, 
and  certainly  ends  in  the  union  of  the  father  and  son,  and  / 
of  the  whole  Whig  interest  to  support  them.  The  South  / 
Sea  project  which  friends  have  unwarily  run  into,  as,  if 
it  stood  and  flourished  it  would  certainly  have  produced 
a  commonwealth,  so  now  it  has  failed  has  not  wrought  up 
the  disaffection  of  the  people  to  such  a  pitch  but  that 
they  have  still  some  hopes  left  of  retrieving  their  affairs, 
and  while  they  have  so  will  not  be  ripe  for  any  great  ven- 
ture ;  nor  can  it  be  yet  seen,  whether  the  grand  affair 
can  wisely  be  pushed,  till  the  time  of  new  choosing  a 
Parliament  next  year,  unless  the  forces  to  be  sent  were 
in  much  greater  quantities  than  is  proposed,  or  could 
come  hither  sooner  than  it  is  apprehended  they  possibly 
can :  but  of  this  more  after  advising  with  others ;  at 
present  this  is  the  private  sentiment  only  of  a  single  per- 
son, who,  if  he  alters  his  opinion  upon  comparing  it  with 
that  of  others,  will  not  fail  to  give  you  speedy  notice 
of  it. 


MR.  C&SAR,  TO  JAMES. 

(Extract.) 

February  28.  1721. 

EARL  SUNDERLAND  has  been  forced  to  take  in  Towns- 
hend  and  Walpole  to  his  assistance,  but  as  he  will  not  give 
up  all  into  their  hands,  and  they  will  not  be  contented 
without  having  the  disposal  of  every  thing,  there  is  not 
any  prospect  of  their  acting  with  harmony  together. 
The  death  of  Stanhope  will,  I  believe,  embarrass  the 
Court  very  much  in  regard  to  foreign  affairs  ;  the  whole 
secret  was  between  him  and  Abbe  Dubois,  which  I  am 
informed  dies  with  him.  I  humbly  submit  it  to  your 
consideration  whether,  at  this  juncture,  attempts  should 
not  be  made  to  gain  him  (Dubois)  to  your  interest.  The 
Tories  have  been  offered  carteblanche  if  they  would 
heartily  come  in  to  support  the  present  government,  but 
they  will  not  hearken  to  any  offers  but  what  shall  be 
for  your  Restoration. 


XV1U 


APPENDIX.  1721. 


JAMES  TO  MR  MENZIES. 

Rome,  July  20.  1721. 

YOUR  letter  relating  to  Lord  Sunderland  is  very  satis- 
factory ;  that  affair  seems  to  be  in  a  good  way,  and  in  so 
good  hands  that  there  is  nothing  to  be  recommended 
but  the  continuance  of  the  same  prudent  and  zealous  ma- 
nagement. 


EARL  OF  ORRERY  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.) 

October  28.  172L 

THE  expectations  of  your  friends  to  have  a  new  Par- 
liament this  winter  by  the  interest  of  the  Earl  of  Sunder- 
land were  disappointed.  About  the  latter  end  of  the  last 
Session  he  gave  us  reason  to  believe  he  should  carry  that 
point,  which  we  thought  the  most  material  of  any  that  it 
was  proper  at  that  season  to  ask :  he  now  says,  as  I  hear, 
that  the  Elector  of  Hanover  was  worked  up  into  such  an 
aversion  against  it  by  others  belonging  to  the  Ministry, 
and  by  the  Germans  about  him,  that  he  did  not  think  it 
fit  to  push  the  matter  too  far,  but  gave  way,  and  by  that 
means  got  the  other  Ministers  to  declare  openly  that  they 
would  not  think  of  prolonging  this  Parliament  by  a  new 
law,  but  would  contribute  all  in  their  power  to  have  the 
present  Session  short,  and  then  would  have  a  new  Par- 
liament. This  is  the  substance  of  the  apology  he  makes, 
as  I  am  informed  ;  and  he  pretends  still  to  be  a  well- 
wisher  to  the  Tories,  who  cannot  but  be  a  little  shocked 
with  this  disappointment. 

I  should  be  very  glad  if  any  one  would  assist  the  cause 
with  a  constant  supply  of  money,  which  is  continually 
wanted  for  several  purposes,  for  intelligence  abroad,  which 
we  are  very  deficient  in,  and  would  be  of  great  use  to  us  if 
we  could  from  very  good  hands  be  informed  of  the  trans- 
actions, views,  and  intrigues  of  the  European  Courts  — 
for  maintaining  several  useful  agents  both  here  and  in 
other  places,  many  of  whom  perpetually  want  a  comfort- 
able subsistence,  and  particularly  at  this  time  of  distress, 


1722.  STUART   PAPERS.  XIX 

when  money  is  very  scarce  almost  with  every  body,  are 
driven  I  doubt  to  great  necessity ;  and,  if  there  be  new 
elections,  I  am  afraid  a  considerable  sum  will  be  wanted 
for  carrying  them  on  successfully,  for  corruption  is  so 
great  among  all  degrees  of  men,  that  though  the  present 
spirit,  if  it  continues,  will  do  a  great  deal  in  the  matter, 
yet  there  are  so  many  little  venal  boroughs,  that  it  is  to 
be  apprehended  a  majority  will  hardly  be  carried  by  the 
inclinations  of  the  people  only. 


JAMES  TO  LORD  LANSDOWJST3. 

(Extract.) 

April  13.  1722. 

IT  is  certain  that  although  the  five  persons  now  con- 
cerned were  yet  more  considerable  than  they  are,  and 
though  we  were  sure  that  they  were  to  act  all  of  them 
with  the  greatest  union  and  the  utmost  vigour,  it  is  not 
to  be  imagined  that  they  alone  could  do  the  work  ;  and 
of  those  five  I  do  not  see  any  one  both  willing  and  fit  in 
all  respects  to  act  a  principal  part  with  the  rest  of  my 
other  friends  who  might  come  into  the  project ;  and  yet 
how  is  it  possible  things  can  go  on  without  a  head  and 
one  chief  person  to  direct  and  manage  matters  on  the 
other  side,  and  to  correspond  with  this  ?  In  the  way 
things  have  gone  on  hitherto,  diversity  of  opinions,  even 
joined  to  disputes  and  multiplicity  of  (in  some  manner) 
useless  letters,  have  been  the  chief  effect ;  whereas  could 
what  I  mention  above  be  compassed,  affairs  would  cer- 
tainly be  carried  on  with  much  less  confusion  and  much 
more  harmony  and  secrecy.  I  am  sensible  it  will  not  be 
easy  to  find  such  a  person  ;  but  were  Lord  Oxford  will- 
ing to  undertake  the  task,  I  know  nobody  so  capable  of 
performing  it  to  advantage.  Lord  Arran  would  certainly 
agree  to  it,  and  as  the  others  of  that  club  are  disgusted 
with  the  Bishop  of  Rochester,  they  would,  I  dare  say, 
heartily  enter  into  it;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  Lord 
Orrery,  Lord  Gower,  and  all  that  set  of  friends,  would 
no  doubt  be  pleased  with  the  proposition,  although  they 


XX  APPENDIX.  1723. 

would  not  maybe  have  submitted  so  cheerfully  to  the 
Bishop  of  Rochester :  so  that  all  put  together,  even  lay- 
ing my  Lord  Oxford's  capacity  aside,  I  cannot  think  of 
any  other  person  so  capable  of  uniting  all  the  different 
sets  of  my  friends  as  him,  neither  do  I  see  any  other  me- 
thod of  acting  on  a  sure  foundation  but  this. 


EARL  OF  ORRERY  TO  JAMES. 

(Extract.) 

November  15.  1723. 

THE  chief  foundation  of  any  reasonable  project  must 
be  a  good  number  of  regular  forces,  without  which  I 
doubt  there  will  not  be  encouragement  enough  for  great 
numbers  of  the  people  to  rise,  or  of  the  army  to  desert ; 
the  body  of  the  people  are  certainly  well  disposed  towards 
your  interests.  It  is  not  an  extravagant  computation,  I 
believe,  that  four  in  five  of  the  whole  nation  wish  well 
to  you,  but  people  of  reflection  and  fortunes  will  hardly 
venture  their  lives  and  estates  unless  they  see  they  have 
some  tolerable  chance  to  succeed,  and  soldiers  will  hardly 
desert  unless  there  be  a  body  of  soldiers  to  desert  to. 
Those  that  govern  at  present  are  generally  despised  and 
abhorred,  but  their  power  is  too  great  not  to  be  feared, 
and  it  is  the  more  feared  because  they  are  cruel,  without 
principles,  and  act  in  the  most  arbitrary  manner  without 
regard  to  the  known  laws  or  constitution ;  they  have  a 
large  army,  well  paid,  well  clothed,  and  well  provided 
for  in  all  respects,  ammunition  and  magazines  of  all  kinds, 
a  large  fleet,  and  the  officers  of  it  generally,  I  believe, 
devoted  to  them  ;  the  command  of  all  the  public  money  ; 
and  by  the  fatal  corruption  that  prevails  almost  over  the 
whole  nation,  the  absolute  power  in  both  Houses  of  Par- 
liament. This  is  a  true  state  of  the  strength  of  your 
enemies  —  formidable  it  is  and  requires  a  proportional 
strength  to  contend  with  it,  or  some  well  laid  stratagem 
to  supply  the  place  of  such  a  strength.  But  there  is  still 
another  and  perhaps  a  greater  disadvantage  that  your 
cause  lies  under,  which  is  the  indolence,  inactivity,  and 


1724.  STUART  PAPERS.  XXi 

almost  despair  of  many  of  your  chief  friends  ;  they  have, 
indeed,  great  reason  to  appear  quiet,  and  to  act  with  the 
utmost  caution,  and  I  could  wish  they  would  endeavour 
to  lull  the  Government  as  it  were  asleep,  and  to  make 
them  believe  there  are  no  farther  thoughts  of  designs 
against  them.  But  where  there  can  be  a  confidence, 
there  they  ought  to  speak  with  freedom  to  one  another, 
and  never  cease  proposing  some  scheme  or  other  till  a 
project  can  at  last  be  framed  to  the  satisfaction  of  reason- 
able people,  and  a  right  method  of  execution  agreed  upon. 
But  few  of  your  chief  friends  are  very  capable,  and  some 
of  those  that  are  have  other  infirmities  that  hinder  them 
from  serving  the  cause  in  a  right  manner.  I  don't  care 
to  say  more  upon  this  melancholy  subject. 


LORD  LANSDOWNE  TO  JAMES. 

(Extract.} 

July  10.  1724. 

OUR  western  people  have  been  in  a  tumultuous  way  of 
late,  as  well  as  the  northern  Cameronians.  Their  leader 
gave  himself  the  name  of  Lord  Mar,  and  fought  a  sharp 
battle,  which  lasted  above  two  hours  ;  in  the  end,  regular 
troops  coming  in  upon  them,  they  were  dispersed,  and 
poor  Mar  was  taken :  it  is  odds  but  he  will  be  hanged, 
which  you  will  be  very  sorry  for,  I  am  sure,  for  the 
name's  sake.  Thus  the  only  blood  that  has  been  drawn 
in  either  kingdom  has  been  by  a  real  Mar  and  a  feigned 
one.  Madame  de  Villette's  journey  into  England  was  to 
save  no  less  a  sum  than  fifty  thousand  pounds,  which 
was  lodged  in  her  name  in  the  hands  of  a  banker,  who 
pretended  to  make  a  discovery  of  it  to  the  Government 
as  a  forfeiture,  upon  offering  to  prove  her  married  to 
Lord  Bolingbroke.  It  is  uncertain  how,  with  all  her 
dexterity,  she  will  bo  able  to  clear  herself  of  this  difficulty. 
She  has  not  the  luck  to  please  at  Court ;  elle  parle  trop, 
et  sans  respect,  was  the  character  given  her  by  the  Mas- 

VOL.  n.  x 


xxii  APPENDIX.  1 72o. 

ter  of  the  house.*    You  can  tell,  Sir,  whether  that  is  a 
just  character  :  she  is  your  old  acquaintance. 


DUKE  OF  WHARTON  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.) 

London,  Feb.  3.  1725. 

THERE  is  a  strong  report  of  Lord  Bolingbroke's  Bill 
being  at  last  fixed;  and  I  had  the  other  day  a  very 
long  conference  on  that  subject  with  Lord  Bathurst, 
who,  when  I  represented  to  him  Lord  Bolingbroke's  be- 
haviour to  your  Majesty,  and  quoted  your  own  authority 
for  the  assertion,  answered,  that  he  had  not  learned  to 
jurare  in  verba  magistri,  to  which  I  only  replied,  Juravi. 
We  esteem  Lord  Bathurst  entirely  departed  from  your 
cause,  though  he  will  not  yet  leave  us  in  Parliamentary 
disputes.  I  hope  his  friend  Sir  William  Wyndham  will 
not  follow  him  in  his  politics  as  he  does  in  his  pleasures. 


DUKE  OF  WHARTON  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.) 

May  1.  1725. 

THE  rage  which  inflames  both  parties  in  the  city,  who 
seem  entirely  sensible  of  this  fatal  law  (the  City  Bill), 
increases  every  day,  and  will  blaze  more  and  more  as 
they  feel  the  great  distractions  which  must  attend  the 
execution  of  it.  The  Ministers  were  alarmed  for  fear  the 
Common  Council  of  London  should  have  gone  (as  we  had 
determined  they  should)  to  the  Duke  of  Hanover  for  pro- 
tection. The  enemy,  having  notice  of  this  design,  brought 
him  down  to  give  the  Royal  Assent  on  the  Tuesday ; 

•  King  George. 


1725.  STUART  PAPERS.  XXlti 

and  the  House  of  Lords'  Amendments  did  not  pass  the 
House  of  Commons  till  the  Monday.  This  precipitation 
made  it  impossible  for  us  to  execute  our  scheme;  but, 
however,  it  shows  the  world  upon  how  precarious  a 
bottom  they  stand  who  are  thus  frighted  at  the  least 
shadow.  All  due  care  shall  be  taken  to  work  upon  the 
different  passions  of  those  who  seem  at  present  to  be 
thoroughly  disaffected,  and  to  keep  up  at  the  same  time 
the  spirit  of  our  old  friends.  In  order  to  it  I  shall  print 
my  observations  on  the  City  Bill,  which  I  hope  will  con- 
tribute to  increase  their  animosities. 

The  point  of  Lord  Bolingbroke's  Bill,  which  is  now 
depending  in  the  House  of  Commons,  has  plainly  dis- 
covered the  sentiments  of  some  persons  who  before  that 
were  labouring  to  conceal  their  real  inclinations.  I 
should  not  much  regard  the  zeal  which  Lord  Bathurst 
and  Sir  William  Wyndham  expressed  for  that  Lord's  ser- 
vice, when  their  only  pretence  was  the  private  friendship 
that  had  formerly  subsisted  between  them.  But  when  in  a 
public  meeting  of  some  chosen  Tories  at  Lord  Bathurst's 
house,  relating  to  this  affair,  Lord  Bolingbroke's  be- 
haviour to  your  Majesty  and  your  interest  was  started  as 
an  objection  to  the  showing  of  him  the  least  favour,  I 
think  the  case  altered,  and  that  whoever  gives  his  vote 
for  or  against  that  Lord  is  to  consider  himself  as  a  person 
who  by  his  conduct  on  that  occasion  is  to  appear  a  dutiful 
subject  and  servant  to  so  good  a  master,  or  an  advocate 
for  treachery  and  corruption.  Sir  Christopher  Musgrave, 
Sir  Thomas  Sebright,  and  Sir  Jermyn  Davers,  out  of 
their  utter  detestation  for  your  Majesty's  enemies,  bravely 
opposed  the  very  bringing  in  of  any  Bill  whatsoever ; 
and  though  several  Tories  were  for  it,  yet  it  was  the 
misfortune  of  many  of  them  not  to  understand  the  case, 
and  to  believe  that  what  Lord  Bathurst  and  Sir  William 
Wyndham  said  could  not  be  intended  to  prejudice  the 
party.  Mr.  Shippen,  Strangways,  and  others  were  ab- 
sent, which  I  believe  was  owing  to  an  unguarded  promise 
they  had  made  not  to  oppose  it.  In  the  House  of  Lords 
our  number  is  so  small,  that  any  behaviour  there  will 
be  immaterial ;  and  though  I  believe  some  of  your  Ma- 
jesty's most  dutiful  subjects  will  not  attend,  yet  I  am 
sure  they  will  not  blame  me  if  I  bear  my  testimony 

X  -2 


xxiv  APPENDIX.  1 725. 

against  him,  as  having  had  an  opportunity  when  I  was 
in  France,  some  years  ago,  of  knowing  personally  the 
several  particulars  of  his  scandalous  behaviour.  I  would 
not  have  your  Majesty  imagine  any  thing  from  this  that 
my  warmth  should  ever  carry  me  to  divide  from  the 
main  body  of  the  Jacobites,  for  I  would  at  any  time  curb 
my  passion  or  restrain  the  strongest  inclinations  to  unite 
or  reconcile  them. 

The  next  point  of  consequence  now  before  the  Parlia- 
ment is  the  Bill  disarming  the  Clans  of  Scotland,  which 
is  to  be  done  with  the  utmost  cruelty  that  the  severest 
tyrant  can  invent.  We  are  to  battle  it  on  Monday  next 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  I  shall  act  my  part  in  it.  We 
are  afraid  that  this  oppression  should  exasperate  the 
Clans  to  oppose  the  execution  of  the  law  by  force.  But 
all  due  care  will  be  taken  to  induce  them  to  delay  their 
resentments  till  a  proper  occasion  shall  offer.  How 
happy  should  we  be  at  this  juncture  to  have  some  little 
assistance  from  a  foreign  Prince !  —  Lord  Lechmere  in 
all  these  cases  votes  and  speaks  with  us.  He  at  present 
seems  to  have  thrown  away  the  scabbard,  but  I  am  afraid 
he  is  actuated  by  resentment  and  not  principle,  and  if  he 
were  to  be  made  Chancellor  (which  the  Ministers  will 
never  permit)  would  be  as  violent  a  prosecutor  of  those 
with  whom  he  at  present  acts  as  any  Whig  of  them  all. 

I  propose,  as  soon  as  I  receive  your  Majesty's  leave,  to 
go  abroad  for  some  time. 


BISHOP  ATTERBURY  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.) 

(Paris)  May  14.  1725. 

LORD  LAXSDOWNE'S  paragraph  would  have  surprised 
me  indeed,  did  I  not  consider  under  whose  crafty  and 
malicious  influence  he  is  ;  and  had  I  not  received  of  late 
some  letters  from  him,  by  which  he  seems  to  have  enter- 
tained thoughts  and  resolutions  that  I  scarce  believe  his 
breast  would  ever  have  harboured.  I  say,  seems ;  for  I 


1725.  STUART  PAPERS.  XXV 

do  not  think  he  will  or  can  execute  them  on  many  ac- 
counts ;  and  am  of  opinion  he  sent  them  to  me  on  purpose 
that  I  should  transmit  them  further :  for  which  reason  I 
did  not  and  do  not  impart  them.  Were  he  and  Filmore 
(Lord  Mar)  separated,  I  flatter  myself  I  should  dislodge 
these  thoughts  and  bring  him  to  reason.  But  as  things 
stand  now,  I  almost  despair  of  seeing  him ;  and  till  I  do, 
think  it  will  he  better  to  say  nothing  of  what  has  been 
written  to  me. 

Nothing  more  need  be  said  of  Lord  Bolingbroke,  after 
I  have  sent  you  the  copy  of  his  petition,  and  you  have 
observed  from  it  in  what  a  mean  state  of  mind  he  is,  a.nd 
how  low  he  has  stooped  to  gain  a  very  little  point,  not 
worth  his  while  under  any  other  view  than  that  of  its 
being  sometime  or  other  an  inlet  to  greater ;  in  which, 
however,  he  may  be,  and  I  hope  will  be,  deceived ;  and 
then,  I  suppose,  we  shall  hear  of  him  again,  if  by  that 
time  there  be  any  need  of  him. 


DUKE  OF  WHAETON  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.) 

May  29.  1725. 

YOUR  Majesty  may  be  assured  that  no  step  taken  by 
the  Ministers  has  done  them  more  prejudice  in  the  opi- 
nion of  all  mankind  than  the  screening  the  Earl  of  Mac- 
clesfield ;  and  all  parties,  especially  the  old  Whigs,  are 
enraged  to  the  greatest  degree.  Your  Majesty  will  like- 
wise observe  the  behaviour  of  the  Earl  of  Strafford  on 
Lord  Bolingbroke's  Bill.  I  wish  the  conduct  of  another 
Lord  upon  that  occasion  could  be  mentioned  without 
astonishment. 


x  3 


xxvi  APPENDIX.  1725. 

felSHOP  ATTEEBURY  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.) 

(Paris)  June  25.  1725. 

IT  is  now  put  beyond  all  doubt  that  you  have  nothing 
to  expect  from  hence  while  the  strict  friendship  between 
England  and  France  continues  —  and  continue  it  will  till 
matters  are  made  up  between  Spain  and  France,  of  which 
there  is  not  as  yet,  you  find,  Sir,  any  probability ;  nor 
will  it  happen  till  the  Emperor,  whose  influence  governs 
all  in  Spain,  has  served  his  ends  on  France,  whatever 
they  are,  by  this  alliance. 

It  is  confessed  by  France  that  England  is  now  its  only 
ally,  and  consequently  the  alliance  betwixt  them  must  be 
now  stricter  than  ever.  And  therefore  there  is  nothing 
now  to  be  managed  with  France  beyond  your  private 
concerns  which  you  have  ordered  to  be  solicited  here, 
which  may  probably  the  rather  succeed,  because  no  ap- 
plications of  a  more  important  kind  will. 

I  have  considered  all  the  particulars  mentioned  in  your 
letter,  and  obeyed  all  your  commands  as  far  as  my  sad 
state  of  health  and  the  recluse  solitary  life  I  am  obliged 
to  lead  have  enabled  me  to  do  it.  Had  I  more  light  into 
things,  and  more  opportunity  of  gaining  it,  I  might  per- 
haps be  somewhat  more  useful.  As  the  case  is  with  me, 
I  do  my  best,  and  what  is  Avanting  in  abilities  endeavour 
to  make  out  by  my  prayers  for  your  prosperity  and  hap- 
piness. 


DUKE  OF  WHARTON  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.) 

Rotterdam,  July  4.  1725. 

BEFORE  I  left  London  I  communicated  to  Lord  Orrery, 
Lord  Strafford,  Dr.  Friend,  Mr.  Caesar,  and  Major  Smith, 
the  reasons  I  had  to  believe  that  I  should  be  employed 
abroad  in  your  business,  and  took  their  advice  as  to  many 


1725.  STUART  PAPERS.  xxvii 

particulars  relating  to  the  execution  of  my  enterprise. 
It  is  certain  that,  if  possible,  something  should  be  at- 
tempted this  summer  during  the  Duke  of  Hanover's 
absence,  and  any  foreign  Prince  who  has  the  least  inclin- 
ation to  serve  your  Majesty  should  upon  this  occasion 
lose  no  time.  The  Czarina  might,  if  she  would,  send 
unto  England  and  Scotland  the  fleet  now  ready  to  sail, 
and  might  surely  do  the  work,  for  aught  I  know,  without 
the  least  opposition  ;  and  all  resistance  would  be  trifling, 
let  the  Whigs  make  the  most  of  it ! 


DUKE  OF  WHAETON  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.) 

Madrid,  April  13.  1726. 

IT  would  be  taking  too  much  of  your  time  to  mention 
the  particulars  which  passed  at  each  conference  with 
Ripperda  relating  to  the  unfortunate  separation  in  the 
Royal  Family,  which  was  the  first  and  chief  motive  of 
Mr.  Collins  (the  King's)  sending  Lock  (Duke  of  Whar- 
ton)  hither.  Prior  (Duke  of  Wharton)  endeavoured  to 
explain  Loftus's  (the  King's)  conduct  in  its  true  light. 
Bentley  (Duke  of  Ripperda)  approved  of  it  extremely, 
and  said  that  the  giving  a  Protestant  governor  to  the 
Prince  of  Wales  was  a  prudent  and  a  wise  step.  He 
agreed  that  the  King  could  not,  nor  ought  not,  to  part 
with  Lord  Inverness.  But  at  the  same  time  assured  me 
that  it  was  impossible  to  bring  Kelly  and  Gibson  (the 
King  and  Queen  of  Spain)  to  reason  upon  the  subject ; 
for  that  they  were,  and  the  Duke  of  Ripperda  feared 
would  continue,  implacable  upon  it.  On  Monday  night 
the  Duke  of  Ripperda  acquainted  the  King  and  Queen  of 
Spain  that  Lock  (Duke  of  Wharton)  was  arrived,  and 
had  letters  from  his  master  for  them ;  and  the  next  day 
he  told  me  that  they  had  ordered  him  to  receive  the  let- 
ters, and  that  perhaps  they  might  answer  them,  but  would 
not  allow  me  the  honour  of  waiting  upon  them.  He  said 
that  the  King  of  Spain  thought  the  Queen  should  be 

x  4 


xxviii  APPENDIX.  1726. 

satisfied  in  every  point,  and  that  Lord  Inverness  should 
be  removed,  and  the  seals  given  to  me :  to  which  I  an- 
swered, that  though  I  should  always  be  proud  of  serving 
Collins  (the  King)  in  any  station,  yet  I  would  never  con- 
sent to  accept  of  an  employment  from  which  I  should  be 
liable  to  be  removed  by  the  caprice  of  the  Queen,  or  the 
malice  of  one  of  her  maids  :  so  I  desired  to  hear  no  more 
upon  that  head.  He  then  said,  as  from  himself,  that 
Garth  (Duke  of  Ormond)  ought  to  be  made  governor  to 
the  Prince,  but  I  told  him  that  it  was  impossible ;  and  I 
believe  Loftus  (the  King)  will  receive  by  this  post  Garth's 
(Duke  of  Ormond's)  thoughts  upon  the  subject. 

I  find  Garth  (Duke  of  Ormond)  has  been  very  active 
here ;  but  I  can  say  with  great  truth  that  nobody  that 
has  not  been  something  conversant  with  this  Court  can 
imagine  how  impracticable  it  is  to  do  business.  The  ac- 
counts the  Duke  of  Ormond  gave  the  King  of  this  Court, 
and  with  which  he  was  so  kind  as  to  honour  me,  are  but 
too  true. 


DUKE  OF  WHAKTON  TO  ME.  HAT  (LOUD  INVEKNESS). 
(Extract.) 

Madrid,  June  8.  1726. 

You  see  now  that  I  am  banished  England,  which  is 
an  obligation  I  owe  to  the  Duke  of  Ripperda,  and  I  de- 
clare that  it  is  the  greatest  satisfaction  to  me  that  my 
precautions  with  him  were  such  that  I  am  his  only  sacri- 
fice. I  hope  the  King  will  take  my  behaviour  upon  this 
affair  as  I  meant  it,  which  was  to  avoid  any  suspicions  of 
lying  under  the  least  imputation  of  playing  the  second 
part  of  the  Duke  of  Mar's  tune.  I  had  rather  carry  a 
musket  in  an  odd-named  Muscovite  regiment,  than  wal- 
low in  riches  by  the  favour  of  the  usurper. 

I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  King  of  Spain,  and  it  was  deli- 
vered to  him  this  evening,  but  his  Majesty  making  no 
answer  to  it,  I  set  out  infallibly  on  Tuesday  next,  and 
hope  to  be  with  you  in  three  weeks,  wind,  weather,  Moors, 


1726.  STUART  PAPERS.  XXIX 

and  Whigs  permitting.  I  am  told  from  good  hands  that 
I  am  to  be  intercepted  by  the  enemy  in  my  passage.  I 
shall  take  the  best  precautions  I  can  to  obviate  their 
malice. 

I  wish  the  King  would  recall  his  Irish  subjects  from 
this  country,  for  they  have  really  infected  Kelly  and 
Gibson  (King  and  Queen  of  Spain). 


BISHOP  ATTERBUEY  TO  JAMES. 

(Extract.} 

(Paris}  Sept.  2.  1726. 

THE  strange  turn  taken  by  Offield  (Duke  of  Wharton)* 
gave  me  such  mortifying  impressions,  that  I  have  fore- 
borne  for  some  posts  to  mention  him  at  all ;  and  had  not 
you  in  yours  of  August  14.  spoken  largely  of  his  conduct, 
I  should  still  have  continued  silent  on  that  article :  for, 
as  I  cannot  any  ways  approve  it,  so  neither  do  I  care  to 
speak  of  it  as  I  ought,  when  it  is  to  no  purpose,  and  the 
matter  is  beyond  all  remedy.  . 

You  say,  Sir,  he  advised  but  with  few  of  his  friends  in 
this  matter.  I  am  of  opinion  he  advised  with  none,  nor 
do  I  hear  of  a  single  person  concerned  in  the  affair  who 
could  reasonably  bear  that  name.  Sure  I  am,  whoever 
gave  him  such  advice,  if  any  body  gave  it,  could  not  be 
his  friend.  It  is  easy  to  suppose  you  were  both  surprised 
and  concerned  at  the  account  when  it  first  reached  Rome, 
since  it  is  impossible  you  should  not  be  so ;  the  ill  conse- 
quences are  so  many,  so  great,  and  so  evident,  I  am  not 
only  afflicted  but  bewildered  when  I  think  of  them.  The 
mischief  of  one  thing  you  mention,  is,  that  he  will  scarce 
be  believed  in  what  he  shall  say  on  that  occasion,  so  low 
will  his  credit  have  sunk,  nor  be  able  effectually  to  stop 
the  mouth  of  malice  by  any  after  declarations.  It  is  with 
pleasure  however  I  read  your  account  of  Mercer's  (the 
King's)  last  directions  to  him  relating  to  Dexby,  &c. 
(Flanders).  They  seem  to  me  extremely  j  ust  and  proper 

*  His  abjuration  of  the  Protestant  faith. 


XXX  APPENDIX.  1 727. 

in  many  respects,  and  I  hope  will  find  him  in  a  disposi- 
tion to  close  with  them,  whatever  he  may  have  written 
and  wished  to  the  contrary.  You  imagine,  I  find,  Mader 
(King  of  Spain)  may  have  a  hand  in  this  turn.  I  much 
question  it,  and  methinks  the  treatment  since,  if  I  am 
rightly  informed,  proves  that  point  but  too  clearly.  I 
would  to  God  I  could  find  out  any  one  person  in  the 
world  he  had  pleased,  that  was  worth  pleasing !  for  I  am 
touched  by  his  misfortunes,  sensibly  touched,  and  afraid 
lest,  upon  due  reflection,  he  should  sink  under  the  weight 
of  them.  For  which  reason  perhaps  Mercer  (the  King) 
will  consider  his  case  with  an  equal  mixture  of  wisdom 
and  tenderness,  and  afford  him  so  much  countenance  and 
support  as  is  consistent  with  his  own  great  interest  and 
the  measures  necessary  to  be  observed  with  relation 
to  it. 

The  great  abilities  of  Offield  (Duke  of  Wharton)  are 
past  dispute.  He  alone  could  render  them  less  useful 
than  they  might  have  been. 

I  do  not  despair  of  Coming's  (Lord  Lansdown's)  break- 
ing off  from  the  party,  but  neither  am  I  sanguine.  A 
letter  he  wrote  gave  me  hopes,  wherein  there  are  these, 
or  as  strong  impressions  as  these,  for  I  have  it  not  now 
at  hand;  —  speaking  of  a  late  dizziness  he  had,  he  adds 
—  The  times  have  been  giddy,  my  Lord ;  and  perhaps  I 
may  have  partaken  of  the  infection.  His  correspondence 
with  me  has  been  smelt  out,  and  great  pains  are  taken  to 
keep  him  tight,  as  they  call  it. 


BISHOP  ATTERBURY  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.} 

(Paris)  June  16.  1727. 

I  HAVE  had  reasons  for  some  time  to  think,  and  lately 
to  be  satisfied,  that  my  ceasing  to  deal  in  your  affairs  as 
much  as  I  have  done  would  not  be  unwelcome  to  your 
Majesty,  though  you  have  not  thought  fit  as  yet  to  make 
any  such  declaration  to  me.  It  may  therefore,  perhaps. 


1727.  STUART    PAPERS. 

be  some  ease  to  you,  Sir,  if  I  first  speak  of  that  matter 
myself,  and  assure  you,  as  I  now  do,  of  my  perfect  readi- 
ness to  retire  from  that  share  of  business  with  which  it 
has  been  hitherto  thought  not  improper  to  intrust  me.  I 
apprehend  that  as  things  have  been  managed  it  will  scarce 
be  in  my  power  for  the  future  to  do  any  thing  considerable 
for  your  service,  which  I  never  hoped  to  do  otherwise 
than  by  the  countenance  and  encouragement  you  should 
be  pleased  and  should  be  known  to  afford  me.  That  has, 
in  many  respects  and  by  various  degrees,  for  some  time 
past,  but  especially  of  late,  been  withdrawn.  I  have 
been  left  in  all  my  disadvantageous  circumstances  to 
work,  as  well  as  I  could,  without  any  assistance  or  sup- 
port. The  methods  I  have  taken  of  serving  you  have 
been  disapproved,  and  many  ways  traversed.  What  I 
have  asked  more  than  once,  in  order  to  give  me  that 
credit  which  alone  can  render  me  useful,  has  not  been 
granted  me.  In  the  meantime  vain  airs  have  been  taken 
up  and  lessening  things  said  of  me  by  those  who,  upon 
many  accounts,  should  have  acted  otherwise ;  and  they 
have  ventured  even  to  boast  that  the  most  secret  parts  of 
my  correspondence  have  been  sent  back  to  them.  I  have 
complained,  declared  the  grounds,  and  proved  the  truth  of 
my  complaints  without  redress.  What  has  given  rise  to 
this  conduct,  I  forbear  to  conjecture  or  inquire.  Doubt- 
less your  Majesty  must  have  good  and  wise  reasons  for 
not  appearing  to  discourage  it.  I  acquiesce  in  them,  S  r, 
whatever  they  are,  and  from  my  heart  wish  that  all  the 
steps  you  take  towards  your  great  end,  may  be  well  ad- 
justed and  proper;  and  then  it  matters  not  much  who 
may  be  in  or  out  of  your  confidence,  or  who  has  or  has 
not  the  honour  of  serving  you. 


EARL  OF  STRAFFORD  TO  JAMES. 

June  21.  1727. 

THE  alteration  here*  was  so  sudden  and  surprising,  as 
no  doubt  it  was  to  you,  that  no  man  knew  at  first  what 
would  be  the  consequence.     The  people  in  the  streets  ran 
*  The  death  of  George  the  First. 


xxxii  APPENDIX.  1 727. 

backwards  and  forwards,  only  asking  news  and  inquiring 
of  one  another  what  was  to  be  done :  the  sudden  coming 
of  the  Prince  and  Princess  to  town,  and  calling  of  the 
Council,  immediately  turned  the  expectation  of  the  mob 
on  seeing  the  ceremony  of  a  proclamation  that  night, 
who  are  always  fond  of  any  show  or  a  new  thing.  They 
waited  till  midnight,  and  were  then  told  it  was  put  otf 
till  next  day,  when  all  things  were  performed  without 
the  least  disorder :  the  torrent  was  too  strong  for  your 
friends  to  resist,  so  they  thought  it  their  best  way  to  join 
with  the  rest  to  hinder  distinction,  that  their  party  ma)' 
be  the  stronger  whenever  dissatisfaction  breaks  out  again, 
which  is  generally  thought  will  not  be  long,  since  the 
expectation  of  many  who  were  very  patient  in  the  last 
reign,  with  a  view  of  alteration  in  this,  will  be  disap- 
pointed^  to  which  rage  must  succeed  to  see  their  adver- 
saries grin  and  triumph  over  them,  and  all  their  hopes 
dashed  for  ever  :  what  may  be  the  event  no  man  can  tell. 
I  hope  your  enemies  will  however  be  disappointed,  since 
I  am  convinced  the  same  violent  and  corrupt  measures 
taken  by  the  father  will  be  pursued  by  the  son,  who  is 
passionate,  proud,  and  peevish,  and  though  he  talks  of 
ruling  by  himself,  will  just  be  governed  as  his  father  was: 
his  declarations  that  he  will  make  no  distinction  of  par- 
ties, and  turning  off  the  Germans,  makes  him  popular  at 
present ;  I  am  satisfied  it  will  not  last. 

I  cannot  flatter  you  to  say  I  believe  you  will  have  a 
majority  of  friends  in  the  next  Parliament,  for  I  find 
them  already  desponding  and  complaining  they  have 
ruined  their  fortunes  and  are  not  able  to  resist  this  last 
effort  of  the  Whigs.  My  endeavours,  I  assure  you,  are 
not  wanting  to  try  to  keep  up  their  spirits,  but  the  mis- 
fortune that  has  lately  happened  abroad  with  this  acci- 
dent happening  on  the  back  of  it  has  quite  sunk  their 
spirits  for  the  present. 

You  have  still  a  great  many  friends  zealous  in  your 
cause,  who  only  want  an  opportunity  to  show  it,  but 
common  prudence  to  save  themselves  and  families  from 
immediate  ruin  obliges  them  at  present  to  play  a  very 
disagreeable  game ;  and  though  before  they  had  little 
hopes  of  mercy,  yet  should  they  be  found  out  now  they 
have  none. 


1727.  STUART   PAPERS.  XXxiii 

JAMES  TO  BISHOP  ATTEEBUEY. 
(Extract.} 
Near  Nancy,  August  9.  1727. 

I  RECEIVED  last  night  from  Luneville  yours  of  the  5th, 
and  at  the  same  time  a  letter  from  the  Duke  of  Lorraine, 
writ  in  his  own  hand,  in  which  he  desires  me  in  the 
strongest  terms  to  go  out  of  his  country  in  three  days, 
with  a  plain  intimation  that  if  I  delayed  it  longer  he 
should  be  forced  to  ohlige  me  to  it  by  force.  He  does 
not  name  the  French  in  his  letter,  but  it  is  very  manifest 
that  this  comes  chiefly  if  not  entirely  from  them,  and 
probably  upon  instances  Mr.  Walpole  made  to  the  Car- 
dinal upon  the  return  of  his  courier  from  England.  The 
Duke  of  Lorraine  expresses  the  greatest  concern  to  be 
forced  to  come  to  these  extremities,  which  are  certainly 
much  against  his  will.  But  he  cannot  resist  superior 
force,  neither  can  I,  so  that  I  leave  this  place  on  Monday 
next. 

Enfin,  in  my  present  situation  I  cannot  pretend  to  do 
any  thing  essential  for  my  interest,  so  that  all  that  remains 
is  that  the  world  should  see  that  I  have  done  my  part, 
and  have  not  returned  into  Italy  but  by  force.  The 
journey  I  have  made  on  one  side,  and  my  remaining  here 
till  I  was  forced  out,  may  be  thought  sufficient  proofs  of 
that,  and  the  circumstances  of  my  being  drove  from  hence 
are  such  as  may  sufficiently  justify  me  in  not  going  to 
Switzerland  without  that  people's  consent,  whose  counsels 
always  must  be  influenced  by  France  or  the  Emperor ; 
and  even  in  general  I  know  not  whether  it  would  be  a 
right  politic  for  me  to  expose  myself  manifestly  to  be 
drove  out  of  different  States  one  after  another. 


EARL  OF  ORRERY  TO  JAMES. 

(Extract?) 
No  date,  but  endorsed  (Received,  August  1727). 

FROM  the  instructions  I  have  given  the  bearer  (J.  Ha- 
milton), and  even  from  the  public  accounts,  you  will  be 


jxxiv  APPENDIX.  1727. 

convinced  that  there  is  not  any  room  to  expect  any  com- 
motion, or  disturbance  here  at  present We  are 

governed  by  men  of  arbitrary  principles,  and  I  doubt 
cruel  dispositions ;  our  Parliament  are  all  most  univer- 
sally corrupted  ;  our  nobility  and  gentry  are  for  the  most 
part  servile,  ignorant,  and  poor-spirited,  striving  who 
shall  sell  themselves  at  the  best  price  to  the  Court,  but 
resolved  to  sell  themselves  at  any ;  and  our  Constitution 
altered  into  despotic  by  the  aid  of  inercenary  Lords  and 

Commons For  my  own  part,  though  appearances 

are  too  melancholy,  I  do  not  despair  of  seeing  things  both 
at  home  and  abroad  put  on  a  better  aspect  in  a  little  time. 
I  flatter  myself  that  a  breach  betwixt  this  Court  and  some 
others  of  real  power,  is  not  unlikely  to  happen ;  and  any 
appearance  of  that,  much  more  any  hostile  stroke,  will 
soon  show  the  real  weakness  of  this  fabric,  which  now 
seems  very  strong  ;  and  though  there  do  not  yet  appear 
many  discontented  people  upon  this  change  of  Govern- 
ment, yet  it  is  probable  there  will  soon  arise  much  ani- 
mosity against  it,  and  perhaps  deeper  rooted  than  ever, 
from  the  incapacity,  stubbornness,  and  haughtiness  of 
the  present  King.  This  prospect  alleviates  something  of 
our  present  miseries,  which  would  otherwise  be  almost 
insupportable  to  men  of  generous  mind  and  well-wishers 
of  their  country.  Upon  the  whole,  Sir,  lot  me  beg  of  you 
never  to  think  of  making  any  rash  attempt. 


BISHOP  ATTERBURY  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.) 

Avg.  20.  1727. 

You  will  observe,  Sir,  what  a  spirit  of  caution  and 
fear  possesses  your  friends  at  home,  and  how  they  dread 
any  alarm  being  given  to  the  Government,  and  taken  by 
it.  Something,  indeed,  must  be  allowed  to  Jodrell's 
(Lord  Orrery's)  temper,  which  is  wary  to  excess.  How- 
ever, the  persons  he  consulted  with  have  a  deference  for 
his  advice:  and  though  not  perhaps  altogether  so  cautious 


1727.  STUART   PAPERS.  XXXV 

as  he,  yet  may  be  looked  upon  as  ready  to  join  in  his 
opinion.  2007  (Lord  Strafford),  if  in  town,  would  have 
answered  with  more  spirit :  but  he  was  at  a  distance. 

Upon  the  whole,  it  appears  that  nothing  is  to  be  ex- 
pected from  them  without  a  foreign  and  a  very  consider- 
able assistance  ;  and  it  slipt  from  Jodrell  (Lord  Orrery), 
in  his  conversation  with  the  person  sent,  that  that  num- 
ber should  not  be  much  less  than  20,000 ;  though  this 
particular  he  omitted  in  the  memoir,  and  I  mention  it 
only  to  show  their  extreme  timorousness. 

It  is  plain  that  the  Tories  at  this  turn  hoped  to  get 
into  place,  if  not  into  power  ;  and  though  they  resolved 
to  keep  their  principles  and  inclinations  if  they  had  done 
so,  yet  I  much  question  whether  they  really  would ;  or 
rather  I  am  satisfied  that  the  bulk  of  them  would  not ; 
and  therefore  it  is  a  happiness  to  you,  Sir,  that  their 
aims  have  hitherto  been,  and  will  probably  continue  to 
be,  defeated. 

From  the  character  of  Lintall  (Duke  of  Hanover)  and 
his  wife  given,  which  is  undoubtedly  a  true  one,  and 
from  that  circumstance  of  their  being  not  likely  long  to 
submit  to  any  man's  advice,  you  have  all  the  reason  in 
the  world  to  expect  that  their  aiFairs  will  soon  be  per- 
plexed, and  that  the  Whigs  they  employ  will  grow  tur- 
bulent and  quarrel  among  themselves.  It  cannot  be 
otherwise  while  Oily  (Walpole)  is  at  their  head,  and  yet 
not  entirely  possessed  of  all  the  power  and  credit  he  had, 
and  apprehensive  of  the  designs  of  enemies  of  the  same 
party,  as  the  case  certainly  is,  to  dislodge  and  disgrace 
him.  This  situation  will  make  him  naturally  cast  about 
how  to  save  himself,  either  by  remaining  in  power  or 
quitting  it:  and  whether  he  does  the  one  or  the  other, 
confusion  will  follow. 

The  war  between  Walpole  and  Pulteney  is  as  open 
and  violent  as  ever ;  as  a  proof  of  which  the  last  Crafts- 
man is  sent.  But  it  is  a  stronger  proof  that  Pulteney 
himself  is  not  employed  ;  and  that  the  Chetwynds,  his 
friends,  and  Gumly,  his  father-in-law,  are  turned  out ; 
and  Chesterfield,  who  has  mixed  in  all  his  resentments, 
is  to  be  sent  abroad  upon  an  embassy.  These  things 
will  not  extinguish  but  inflame  the  quarrel  between 
them ;  and  it  cannot  be  long  before  it  will  come  to  such 


xxxvi  APPENDIX.  1728. 

a  height  as  will  give  great  advantages  to  your  friends 
at  home  and  abroad. 

Walpole  will  always  fear  that  he  stands  upon  an  in- 
secure foundation ;  that  Lintall  (Duke  of  Hanover)  dis- 
sembles with  him  as  being  necessary  to  his  affairs  for  a 
time,  and  will  watch  the  first  opportunity  to  get  rid  of 
him.  Under  these  persuasions,  he  will  not  act  with  zeal 
and  cheerfulness,  but  will  probably  look  out  for  some 
supports  against  what  he  apprehends  may  happen  to 
him. 

Sir,  I  return  to,  and  humbly  persist  in  the  opinion  of 
your  endeavouring  by  all  manner  of  ways  to  fix  at 
Avignon,  or-somewhere  on  this  side  of  the  Alps.  1165 
(Cardinal  Fleury),  cannot  in  his  heart  blame  you  for  it, 
and  hitherto  seems  in  some  degree  to  favour  it.  And 
should  he  do  otherwise,  and  come  even  to  extremities, 
you  will  be  forced  to  yield  with  more  honour ;  and  he 
may  perhaps  open  himself  to  you  a  little  farther  than  he 
has  as  yet  done,  before  he  removes  you.  If  he  does,  that 
secret  will  make  amends  for  all  his  harsh  usage. 

Your  friends  at  home  are  apprehensive  of  your  ap- 
proaching too  near  the  coast,  chiefly  on  their  own  ac- 
count, as  they  reckon  they  should  feel  the  effects  of  it. 
But  they  can  have  no  just  objection  to  your  quitting 
Italy,  and  being,  though  still  at  a  distance,  yet  in  a 
greater  readiness  to  lay  hold  of  advantages. 


DUKE  OF  WHARTON  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.} 

Parma,  May  21.  1728. 

THE  transport  I  felt  at  the  sight  of  your  Majesty  pre- 
vented me  from  recollecting  many  things  which  I  had 
proposed  to  have  humbly  laid  before  you  ;  most  of  which 
were  rendered  useless  by  your  Majesty's  gracious  manner 
of  receiving  me. 

Your  Majesty's  goodness  in  writing  to  the  King  of 
Spain  and  the  Duke  of  Orrnond,  will  I  hope,  screen  me 


1731.  STUAHT   PAPERS.  XXXvii 

from  the  reflections  which  will  be  cast  upon  me  by  some 
gentlemen  who  brand  my  zeal  with  the  name  of  madness, 
and  adorn  their  own  indolence  with  the  pompous  title  of 
discretion ;  and  who,  without  your  Majesty's  gracious 
interposition,  will  never  comprehend  that  obedience  is 
true  loyalty. 


BISHOP  ATTERBUKY  TO  JAMES. 

Paris,  Nov.  12.  1731. 

I  HAVE  been  obliged  to  write  and  print  the  Paper  en- 
closed, partly  for  reasons  specified  in  the  Paper  itself, 
and  partly  at  the  desire  of  some  friends  in  England ; 
which  I  comply  with  the  more  readily,  as  it  gave  me  an 
occasion  of  doing  some  little  justice  to  the  memory  of 
that  great  and  good  man,  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  ;  equally 
eminent  for  his  fidelity  to  the  Crown,  and  his  ill  usage 
on  that  very  account. 

Whilst  I  was  justifying  his  History,  I  own  myself  to 
have  been  tempted  to  say  somewhat  likewise  in  defence 
of  his  character  and  conduct,  particularly  as  to  the  asper- 
sion with  which  he  has  been  loaded  of  advising  King 
Charles  II.  to  gain  his  enemies  and  neglect  his  friends. 
A  fatal  advice !  which  he  certainly  never  gave,  though 
he  smarted  under  the  effects  of  it,  and  was  sacrificed  by 
his  Master  to  please  those  who  were  not  afterwards  found 
to  be  of  any  great  importance  to  his  service.  But  I 
considered  the  ill  use  that  might  be  made  of  such  an 
apology,  and  therefore  declined  it. 

You  may  perhaps  not  have  heard,  Sir,  that  what  hap- 
pened to  my  Lord  Clarendon,  was  the  first  instance  in 
the  English  story  of  banishing  any  person  by  an  Act  of 
Parliament  wherein  a  clause  was  expressly  inserted,  to 
make  all  correspondence  with  him  penal,  even  to  death. 
Permit  me  to  add,  that  I  am  the  second  instance  of  a 
subject  so  treated;  and  may  perhaps  be  the  last,  since 
even  the  inflictors  of  such  cruelties  seem  now  to  be 
a-weary  and  ashamed  of  them. 

VOL.  II.  Y 


xxxviii  APPENDIX.  1732. 

Having  the  honour  to  be  like  him,  as  I  am,  in  my 
sufferings,  I  wish  I  could  have  been  like  him  too  in  my 
services :  but  that  has  not  been  in  my  power.  I  can 
indeed  die  in  exile,  asserting  the  Royal  cause  as  he  did  ; 
but  I  see  not  what  other  way  is  now  left  me  of  contri- 
buting to  the  support  of  it. 

May  wisdom  govern  and  success  attend  all  your 
counsels ! 

I  am,  &c. 

F.  ROFFEN. 


BISHOP  ATTERBURY  TO  MR.  HAY  (LORD  INVERNESS) 
ON  HIS  ABJURATION  OF  THE  PROTESTANT  FAITH. 

[This  letter  has  no  date,  but  is  endorsed  "March  3.  1732,"  the  day 
it  was  received,  and  must  have  been  written  very  shortly  before 
Atterbury's  death  (Feb.  15.).  so  that,  in  all  probability,  it  was  the 
last  letter  composed  by  that  highly-gifted  man.  In  the  first  edition 
of  my  second  volume,  I  merely  alluded  to  this  letter,  but  I  found 
that  it  was  quite  unknown  to  many  of  my  readers,  it  being  only 
printed  in  a  fly-leaf  prefixed  to  the  third  volume  of  Atterbnry's 
Correspondence,  and  not  inserted  in  all  the  copies  of  that  publica- 
tion. I  was  therefore  induced  to  reprint  it.] 

MY  LORD, 

ABOUT  the  beginning  of  December  last  I  wrote  to  your 
Lordship,  and  sent  you  a  paper  which  I  had  lately  printed 
here.*  To  that  letter,  though  your  Lordship  used  to 
answer  all  mine  without  delay,  I  had  no  manner  of  re- 
turn. I  heard,  indeed,  soon  after  I  had  written  to  you, 
of  what  had  happened  on  St.  Andrew's  day  last  at 
Avignon  f,  but  I  did  not  think  a  change  of  religion  made 
any  change  in  the  forms  of  civility;  and  therefore  I  still 
wondered  at  your  silence.  Perhaps  a  reflection  on  your 
not  having  consulted  me  in  that  great  affair,  though  I 
was  the  only  Bishop  of  the  Church  of  England  on  this 
side  the  water,  might  make  you  very  shy  of  writing  to 

*  Vindication  of  Lord  Clarendon's  Editors. 

t  Lord  Inverness  renouncing  the  Protestant,  and  embracing  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion. 


1732.  STUART    PAPEIIS.  XXXIX 

me  on  any  other  account,  and  -willing  to  drop  the  corre- 
spondence. You  may  remember,  my  Lord,  that  when 
you  first  retired  from  the  King  at  Pisa,  and  when  you 
afterwards  left  Rome  and  went  to  Avignon ;  on  both 
these  occasions  you  opened  to  me  by  letter  the  reason  of 
your  conduct,  and  gave  me  an  opportunity  by  that  means 
of  expressing  my  thoughts  to  you,  in  the  manner  I  used 
always  to  do,  that  is,  frankly  and  without  reserve.  In 
this  last  step,  my  Lord,  you  have  acted  far  otherwise ; 
and  yet  in  this  I  had  most  reason  to  expect  that  you 
would  not  merely  have  informed  me  of  what  had  passed, 
but  even  consulted  me  before  you  took  your  full  and 
final  resolution.  My  character  and  course  of  studies 
qualified  me  much  better  for  such  an  application,  than 
for  passing  my  judgment  in  matters  of  state  and  political 
managements.  If  your  Lordship  entertained  any  doubts 
concerning  your  safety  in  that  religion  wherein  you  had 
been  bred,  I  might,  perhaps,  upon  your  proposing  them, 
have  been  so  happy  as  to  have  solved  them,  and  shown 
you  that  whatever  reason  you  might  have,  as  to  this 
world,  for  quitting  the  communion  you  were  of,  you  had 
none,  you  could  have  none,  as  to  another. 

Since  you  were  not  pleased  to  give  me  an  occasion  of 
writing  to  you  at  this  time,  I  have  determined  to  take  it, 
and  to  pursue  my  former  method  of  telling  you  with  such 
plainness  as  perhaps  nobody  else  will,  what  the  world 
says  of  your  late  conduct. 

My  Lord,  they  who  speak  of  it  most  softly,  and  with 
greatest  regard  to  your  Lordship,  say  that  it  is  a  coup  de 
desespoir ;  and  that  your  Lordship,  perceiving  the  preju- 
dices of  the  King's  Protestant  subjects  to  run  high  against 
you,  so  that  you  would  never  be  suffered  to  be  about  his 
person  and  in  the  secret  of  his  affairs  with  their  consent, 
was  resolved  to  try  what  could  be  done  by  changing 
sides,  and  whether  you  might  not,  at  the  long  run,  be 
able  to  gain  by  one  party  what  you  had  lost  by  another. 
They  represent  you  as  thinking  the  King's  restoration 
not  soon  likely  to  happen  ;  and  therefore  as  resolved, 
since  you  were  obliged  to  live  in  exile  in  Roman  Catholic 
countries,  to  make  the  best  of  your  circumstances,  and 
recommend  yourself,  as  much  as  you  could,  to  the  natives  : 
that  so,  if  his  cause  should  prove  desperate  for  a  time, 

T   2 


ll  APPENDIX.  1732. 

you  might  find  your  way  back  again  into  his  service, 
when  it  would  no  longer  be  reckoned  prejudicial  to  his 
affairs.  And  they  quote  some  words,  whicli  they  say  fell 
from  your  Lordship,  to  this  purpose :  "  That  since  you 
"  saw  nothing  was  likely  to  be  done  for  the  King,  you 
"  thought  it  high  time  to  take  care  of  your  soul."  I  hope 
in  God  they  belie  you,  since  it  gives  us,  who  are  at  a 
distance  from  the  secret  of  affairs,  but  a  very  discourag- 
ing prospect  of  the  King's  restoration,  of  the  probability 
or  improbability  of  which  you,  my  Lord,  must  be  allowed 
a  more  competent  judge.  And  withal,  such  a  saying 
carries  in  it  something  more  dishonourable  to  your  Lord- 
ship, since  it  implies,  that,  had  the  restoration  been  near 
and  probable,  you  would  not  have  troubled  your  head 
about  matters  of  religion,  but  suffered  your  soul  to  shift 
for  itself.  They  who  thus  interpret  your  last  step,  pro- 
ceed further,  and  say,  that  you  intended  by  that  means, 
if  you  could  not  find  your  way  again  into  the  general  and 
open  management  of  the  King's  affairs,  at  least  to  have 
that  part  of  them  attached  to  you  which  related  to  foreign 
Princes'  Courts,  to  whom  what  you  had  done  must  have 
rendered  you  grateful ;  and  thus,  while  your  brother-in- 
law  should  have  the  care  of  the  domestic  correspondence, 
and  you  all  the  rest,  the  whole  would  have  run  in  proper 
channels.  They  affirm,  that  even  upon  your  first  coming 
back  to  the  King  from  Pisa,  there  was  a  general  expect- 
ation at  Rome,  encouraged  by  the  Court  of  Rome  itself, 
that  you  would  then  have  declared  yourself  a  Roman 
Catholic,  and  that  it  was  prevented  only  by  the  repre- 
sentations made  at  that  time  to  your  disadvantage  from 
the  King's  friends,  which  occasioned  your  abrupt  retreat 
to  Avignon  :  and  they  suppose  some  private  audiences 
you  had  at  that  time  tended  to  this  point ;  that  happened 
then  to  be  defeated,  and  the  declaration  itself  was  post- 
poned to  a  more  convenient  opportunity.  This,  indeed, 
clashes  a  little  with  the  former  scheme  mentioned.  God 
forbid  I  should  suppose  either  of  them !  I  do  not ;  I 
merely  relate  them,  and  having  done  so,  leave  it  to  your 
Lordship  to  make  such  use  of  them  as  you,  in  your  wis- 
dom, shall  judge  proper. 

There  are  others,  my  Lord,  that  reflect  on  your  con- 
duct still  more  unkindly,  and  put  it  in  a  more  odious 


1732.  STUART   PAPERS.  xlt 

light ;  there  are  those  (nor  are  they  few)  who  are  so 
prejudiced  against  you  as  to  suppose,  for  none  of  them 
have  pretended  to  prove,  that  you  have  played  the  same 
game  as  my  Lord  Mar  did,  had  a  secret  understanding 
with  the  Ministers  on  the  other  side,  and  received  the 
reward  of  it.  These  men,  being,  as  they  are,  your  pro- 
fessed enemies,  stick  not  to  say,  that  since  you  could  not 
any  longer  derive  merit  to  yourself  from  your  manage- 
ment near  the  King,  you  were  resolved  to  do  as  much 
mischief  as  you  could  to  his  affairs  at  parting,  by  an 
action  which  naturally  tended  to  raise,  in  the  minds  of 
his  Protestant  subjects,  such  disadvantageous  opinions  of 
him  as  I  need  not  explain,  such  as  of  all  others  will  have 
the  greatest  influence  towards  hindering  his  restoration. 
They  consider  your  Lordship  as  one  that  has  studied 
your  master's  temper,  and  perfectly  knows  it;  as  one  that 
never  did  any  thing  but  what  you  judged  would  be  per- 
fectly agreeable  to  him  ;  nothing  but  with  his  privity 
and  by  his  direction.  In  this  light,  my  Lord,  when  they 
see  what  you  have  lately  done,  it  is  no  wonder  if  they 
draw  strange  inferences  from  it,  and  impute  to  your 
Lordship  views  which  your  heart,  I  hope,  abhors.  But 
they  will  certainly  persist  in  that  way  of  thinking,  if 
they  find  that  your  Lordship  has  still  credit  with  the 
King,  and  a  share  in  his  confidence ;  and  this,  even  at 
this  distance,  my  Lord,  will,  in  a  little  time,  appear  to 
watchful  observers.  They  say  it  is  a  sure  rule,  not  to  do 
that  which  our  worst  enemies,  provided  they  are  wise  and 
understand  their  own  interest,  would  above  all  things 
have  us  do ;  and  yet  your  Lordship,  they  think,  has 
acted  after  that  manner  on  the  present  occasion,  there 
being  nothing  that  could  either  gratify  your  enemies 
more,  or  displease  your  friends  (such  I  mean,  as  are  also 
enemies  and  friends  to  the  Royal  cause),  then  the  step  you 
have  taken ;  and  they  will  not  believe,  but  that  if  you  had 
meant  the  King  as  well  as  you  ought  to  do,  this  single 
consideration  would  have  restrained  you.  They  urge, 
that  the  difficulties  into  which  the  King  is  brought  by 
this  means,  are  exceeding  great.  Let  him  be  ever  so  well 
persuaded  of  your  abilities,  integrity,  and  zeal ;  he  yet 
cannot  make  a  free  use  of  them,  without  exciting  new  jea- 
lousies, on  very  tender  points,  and  in  very  honest  hearts, 

T   3 


xlii  APPENDIX.  1732. 

where  one  would  wish  that  they  might,  by  all  possible 
means,  be  allayed.  Let  him  have  been  ever  so  much  a 
stranger  to  what  passed  at  Avignon  till  it  was  over,  he 
cannot  yet  prudently  declare  himself  on  that  head,  be- 
cause of  the  inconveniences  with  which  such  a  declara- 
tion, in  his  present  circumstances,  will  be  attended  on  the 
one  side,  as  his  total  silence  will  be  liable  to  misconstruc- 
tions on  the  other :  every  way  this  affair  will  perplex 
him  with  respect  to  the  different  interests  he  has  separ- 
ately to  manage.  Abroad,  if  he  were  thought  to  be  at 
the  bottom  of  it,  it  might  do  him  no  harm ;  at  home  it 
certainly  will,  and  there  his  great  interest  lies,  to  which 
he  is,  above  all  others,  to  attend.  Nor  will  the  judgment 
be  passed  on  this  occasion  in  haste,  since  it  cannot  be 
formed  on  any  thing  now  given  out,  but  will  depend  on 
future  facts  and  appearances. 

I  have  made  little  mention  all  this  while  of  what  your 
Lordship  may  think  a  full  answer  to  all  these  reflections 
and  refinements,  that  you  have  followed  a  motion  of  con- 
science in  what  you  have  done,  and  depended  on  that  for 
your  justification.  It  may,  my  Lord,  and  I  hope  will, 
justify  you  before  God,  if  you  sincerely  acted  on  that, 
principle ;  but  as  for  men,  the  misfortune  is  (and  I  beir 
your  Lordship's  pardon  for  venturing  to  tell  you  so),  that 
not  one  person  whom  I  have  seen  or  heard  of  will  allow 
what  you  have  done  to  be  the  effect  of  conviction.  In 
that  case,  they  say,  you  would  have  proceeded  otherwi.se 
than  merely  by  advising  with  those  into  whose  communion 
you  were  hastening  ;  especially  since  it  is  supposed  that 
your  Lordship  has  not  spent  much  time  in  qualifying 
yourself  for  the  discussion  of  such  points  by  a  perusal  of 
books  of  controversy.  Men,  they  say,  of  sincerity  and 
truth,  are  often  kept  in  a  religion  to  which  they  have 
been  accustomed,  without  enquiring  strictly  into  the 
grounds  of  it ;  but  seldom  any  man,  who  has  a  sense  of 
piety  and  honour,  quits  a  religion  in  which  he  has  been 
educated,  without  carefully  considering  what  may  be  said 
for  and  against  it.  Men,  indeed,  may  be  sometimes  en- 
lightened and  convinced  of  all  at  once  by  an  over-ruling 
impression  from  above.  But,  as  these  cases  are  exceed- 
ing rare,  so  I  need  not  tell  your  Lordship  that  in  yours, 
they  that  object  to  your  proceedings  are  by  no  means 


1733.  STUAR^  PAPERS.  xliii 

deposed  to  make  you  such  allowances.  They  think  that, 
had  you  aimed  only  at  satisfying  your  conscience,  you 
might  have  done  what  you  did  in  a  more  private  manner, 
and  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  it  in  secret,  without  giving 
a  public  and  needless  alarm ;  but,  when  you  chose  St. 
Andrew's  day  for  entering  on  the  work,  Christmas  day 
for  completing  it,  and  the  Pope's  Inquisitor  at  Avignon 
to  receive  your  abjuration,  they  conclude  that  you  in- 
tended to  make  an  eclat,  and  to  give  notice  to  all  the 
world  of  your  embracing  a  different  communion  ;  which 
might  be  useful  indeed,  with  regard  to  some  political 
views,  but  could  not  be  necessary  towards  satisfying  those 
of  mere  conscience. 

These,  my  Lord,  are  the  reflections  which  have  been 
made  in  various  conversations,  where  I  was  present,  on 
the  subject  of  what  lately  passed  at  Avignon.  Many  of 
them  cannot  be  more  unwelcome  to  you  than  they  are  to 
me,  who  suffer  in  a  cause  which  such  steps  are  far  from 
promoting.  I  am  mortified,  my  Lord,  to  see  it  thus  go 
backward,  instead  of  forward,  and  have  a  right  to  express 
my  own  free  sense  in  such  a  case,  though  I  have,  in  this 
letter,  chiefly  represented  the  sense  of  others  ;  losers  must 
have  leave  to  speak,  and  therefore  I  make  no  apology  for 
the  freedom  I  have  taken.  You  seem  to  have  approved  it 
on  other  occasions  ;  and  will  not,  I  hope,  blame  it  on  this, 
when  it  is  equally  intended  for  your  information  and 
service.  At  the  distance  we  are  now,  and  are  likely  to 
continue,  I  know  not  how  to  offer  a  better  proof  of  the 
regard  with  which  I  am,  my  Lord,  &c. 

FR.  ROFFEN. 


LORD  CORNBURY  TO  JAMES. 
(Extract.) 

Paris,  May  17.  1733. 

UPON  the  whole,  the  King's  cause  grows  stronger  in 
England,  though  there  are  some  very  unsteady  to  the 
King's  advantage,  and  some  relations  of  the  King's  friends 
who  are  not  quite  just  to  the  King's  cause ;  but  I  think 
the  Parliament  has  been  the  King's  friend,  for  its  way  of 

T   4 


xliv  APPENDIX.  1733. 

acting  lias  brought  the  people  of  England  very  much  more 
into  his  interest,  put  Wai  pole  to  great  straits,  quite 
ruined  the  Duke  of  Hanover  and  his  Government  with 
England,  and  at  the  same  time  taken  away  (which  I  am 
afraid  were  raised)  all  hopes  from  Lord  Bolingbroke  and 
his  few  friends  to  be  well  with  the  Court,  by  the  means 
of  Lord  Scarborough,  Lord  Chesterfield,  &c.  Lord  Car- 
teret  and  his  set  will,  I  dare  say,  be  determined  by  in- 
terest any  where  but  by  Walpole ;  and  when  they  find 
the  King  willing  to  be  friends,  I  guess  will  be  ready  to 
embrace  it  when  they  can  very  safely.  The  Whigs  are 
in  a  great  rage,  and  of  twenty  minds  at  the  same  time. 
The  Tories  very  consistent,  and  know  their  own  mind, 
though  they  have  differences  with  some  of  the  King's 
friends.  Mr.  Pulteney  has  done  every  tiling  for  the  King's 
service,  in  all  appearances,  that  could  be  with  prudence, 
and  some  think  rather  more.  So  that  I  am  fully  per- 
suaded that  the  King's  own  conduct  and  the  French 
Ministry's  friendship  will  effectually  provide  for  the 
King's  Restoration. 

For  the  Duchess  of  Buckingham  I  cannot  say  enough 
to  do  her  justice. 

What  I  mentioned  once  before  permit  me  to  mention 
again,  that  a  letter,  or  a  civil  message,  though  in  the 
strongest  terms,  with  an  eye  to  have  it  immediately  made 
public,  addressed  to  the  Duke  of  Hanover  and  his  Lady, 
offering  them  safe  return  to  Hanover ;  expressing  that 
the  King  has  been  proscribed  and  insulted,  yet  as  he  de- 
spised that  treatment  at  the  time,  so  he  abhors  it  now, 
and  never  can  forget  what  becomes  him  as  a  Prince,  even 
to  those  who  have  never  considered  themselves  but  as 
enemies  ;  I  think  it  cannot  but  have  an  effect  very  much 
for  the  King's  glory. 


xlv 

EXTRACTS 

FROM 

THE   STANHOPE  AND   HARDWICKE  PAPERS, 

AND  FROM 

COXE'S  COLLECTIONS. 


SECRETARY  STANHOPE  TO  LORD  TOWNSHEND. 

[Stanhope  Papers.] 

(Extract.) 

Du  Yacht,  sur  le  canal  qui  mene  a  Utrecht, 
ce  6me  de  Novembre,  N.  S.  1714. 

MY  LORD, 

JE  vous  ecris  en  Francais  pour  vous  epargner  la  peine 
de  faire  traduire  mes  lettres  * ;  vous  saurez  done  que 
nous  sommes  arrives  a  la  Haye  hier  au  matin,  et  en  sommes 
partis  ce  soir  a  huit  heures.  Nous  avons  vu  le  Pension- 
naire,  Mr.  Slingeland,  Mr.  Fagel,  Mr.  Hop,  et  Mr.  Du- 
venvorde,  et  avons  parle  avec  toute  confidence  aux  trois 
premiers.  Nous  leur  avons  declare  que  notre  commission 
principale,  ou  plutot  unique,  etait  de  porter  1'Erapereur  a 
oonclure  le  Traite  de  la  Barriere  a  la  satisfaction  des 
Etats,  afin  que  ces  deux  puissances,  n'ayant  plus  rien  a 
demeler  ensemble,  pussent  s'unir  tres-etroitement  1'une 
avec  1'autre,  et  toutes  deux  avec  le  Roi  notre  maitre,  pour 
maintenir  la  paix  de  1'Europe  selon  les  traites  d'Utrecht 
et  de  Bade,  lls  nous  ont  tous  remerci6  de  la  bont6  que  le 
Roi  a  de  s'interesser  si  fort  dans  ce  qui  les  touche  de  si 
pres  que  la  conclusion  de  la  Barriere,  et  ont  promis  en 
termes  generaux  d'y  apporter  de  leur  cote  toute  sorte  de 
facilites.  Mais  je  dois  vous  dire,  my  Lord,  que  la  France 

*  I  must  remind  the  reader  that  George  the  First  understood  no 
English  ;  and  that,  therefore,  all  the  despatches  to  be  laid  before  him 
were  written  in  French. 


xlvi  APPENDIX.  1714. 

a  ete  si  industrieuse  a  semer  des  bruits  que  1'Angleterre 
voulait  lea  engager  de  nouveau  dans  une  guerre,  que 
nous  les  avons  trouves  fort  alarmes  sur  ce  sujet.  II  est 
vrai  que  les  personnes  que  je  vous  ai  nominees  recon- 
naissaient  assez  meme  avant  notre  arrivee  combien  peu 
de  fondement  il  y  avait  pour  de  pareils  bruits,  mais  les 
peuples  dans  ces  provinces  n'en  ont  ete  que  trop  suscep- 
tibles ;  et  ccla  rend  le  Gouvernement  extremement 
timide,  si  bien  qu'a  peine  osent-ils  parler  d'aucune  nou- 
velle  alliance,  quoique  purement  defensive.  Ils  convien- 
nent  tous  qu'une  alliance  defensive  entre  1'Empereur,  le 
Roi  et  leur  Etat  est  1'unique  moyen  d'assurer  la  paix  et 
d'empecher  une  guerre,  qu'ils  craignent  tant,  et  cependant 
ils  croient  qu'il  faut  prendre  des  grandes  precautions 
pour  y  disposer  leurs  provinces,  tant  leur  a-t-on  fait  peur 
d'aucun  engagement  nouveau.  Nous  avons  tache  de  re- 
connaitre  s'ils  avaient  quelque  soup^on  que  la  Cour  de 
Vienne  songe  a  echanger  les  Pays  Bas  contre  la  Baviere, 
mais  ils  paraissent  fort  tranquilles  la-dessus.  Ils  parais- 
sent  plus  alarmes  sur  les  instances  reiterees,  et  faites  en 
dernier  lieu  aujourd'hui  meme  par  le  Ministre  de  1'Em- 
pereur, pour  que  cinq  ou  six  mille  hommes  des  troupes 
de  1'Empereur,  qui  sont  dans  les  environs  d'Aix  et  de 
Cologne,  puissent  entrer  dans  les  Pays  Bas,  et  occuper 
non  seulement  les  Duches  de  Luxembourg  et  de  Lim- 
bourg,  mais  aussi  s'etablir  sur  le  Darner  avant  que  la 
Convention  de  la  Barriere  soit  conclue.  Ils  m'ont  fort 
presse  la-dessus  de  faire  des  instances  a  la  Cour  de 
Vienne  pour  faire  suspendre  une  pareille  resolution,  ce 
que  j'ai  promis  de  faire ;  mais  quand  je  les  ai  presses  d'y 
apporter  de  leur  cote  des  facilites  en  moderant  leurs 
demandes,  et  en  offrant  de  leur  cote  a  1'Empereur  de  faire 
avec  sa  Majeste  une  alliance  defensive,  ils  m'ont  renvoye 
quant  au  premier  point  aux  instructions  qu'ils  enver- 
raient  a  leur  Ministre  a  Vienne,  apres  qu'ils  auraient 
confere  de  nouveau  sur  1'ultimatum  de  leurs  preventions. 
Quant  a  1'autre  point  qu'on  leur  a  touche,  savoir,  ce 
qu'on  pourrait  dire  a  Vienne  si  cette  Cour  demandait 
qu'ils  fisserit  une  alliance  defensive,  chacun  en  particulier 
a  ete  plus  embarrasse  d'y  repondre,  personne  n'osant 
prendre  la  moindre  chose  sur  soi.  Ils  souhaiteraient  tous 
que  le  Traite  de  Barriere  se  put  conclure  avant  qu'on  les 


1714.  STANHOPE   PAPERS. 

presse  sur  1'autre  point ;  et  donnent  tout  lieu  d'esperer 
que  dans  ce  cas-lu  il  leur  serait  plus  aise  de  porter  leurs 
provinces  a  y  consentir,  et  conviennent  tous  que  c'est  le 
seul  moyen  efficace  pour  maintenir  la  tranquillite  en 
Europe.  On  a  eu  beau  leur  dire  que  le  motif  le  plus 
puissant  pour  engager  la  Cour  de  Vienne  a  se  rendre 
raisonnable  sur  la  Barriere  serait  de  lui  offrir  cette 
alliance  qu'ils  conviennent  eux-meines  leur  etre  si  neces- 
saire:  ils  ne  sauraient  se  resoudre  a  le  faire  de  bonne 
grace,  et  dans  une  conjoncture  qui  leur  en  ferait  tirer 
avantage  par  rapport  a  leur  Barriere.  Voila,  my  Lord, 
ce  que  j'ai  pu  dccouvrir  de  leur  dispositions  dans  deux 
jours,  et  mon  sentiment  en  peu  de  mots  se  reduit  a  ceci ; 
qui  si  on  ne  les  aide  pas  a  faire' leurs  propres  affaires,  ils 
ne  les  feront  jamais,  car  il  n'y  a  personne  parmi  eux  qui 
ose  rien  prendre  sur  soi.  Mais  ils  ont  une  grande  con- 
fiance  dans  le  Roi,  et  pourvu  que  sa  Majeste  veuille  bien 
se  donner  la  peine  et  avoir  la  patience  de  les  diriger,  je 
crois  qu'il  leur  fera  faire  tout  ce  qu'il  voudra.  Le  Pen- 
sionnaire  m'a  paru  fort  souhaiter  que  le  Roi  y  ait  un 
Ministre  accredite  et  de  confiance.  Je  dois  aussi  vous 
dire,  my  Lord,  qu'ils  se  plaignent  fort  de  Mr.  Laws  a 
Anvers,  et  desirent  extrernement  qu'il  soit  employe  par- 
tout  ailleurs  plutot  que  la, ;  j'ai  promis  de  vous  le  niar- 
quer. 

M.  le  Due  d'Ossune  et  tous  les  Ministres  etrangers  nous 
sont  venus  voir,  hormis  I'ambassadeur  de  France.  M.  Le 
Due  d'Ossune  m'a  fait  beaucoup  d'honnetetes,  et  parait 
souhaiter  beaucoup  une  bonne  amide  entre  nos  maitres. 
Je  lui  ai  repondu  le  mieux  que  j'ai  pu  dans  le  meme  sens. 
Je  crois  vous  avoir  assez  ennuye  pour  une  fois,  et  suis,  &c. 


SECRETARY  STANHOPE  TO  LORD  TOWNSHEND. 

A  Vienne,  ce  13-24  Nov.  1714. 
MY  LORD, 

Nous  sommes  arrives  ici  1'onzieme  au  matin.  J'ai  <lo- 
mandc  audience  ce  meme  jour  dc  1'Empereur  et  des  trois 
Iinperatrices :  elle  m'a  ete  accordee  avec  des  marques  de 


xlviii  APPENDIX.  1714. 

distinction  peu  ordinaires,  a  ce  qu'on  dit.  J'ai  ete  plus 
d'une  demie-heure  aupres  de  1'Empcreur,  qui  a  prevenu 
le  compliment  que  je  lui  allais  faire  en  m'embrassant,  et 
en  te*moignant  une  joie  tres  grande  de  cette  marque  que 
le  Roi  lui  donnait  de  son  amitie.  Apres  avoir  repon- 
du  le  mieux  que  j'ai  pu  a  toutes  les  expressions  obli- 
geantes  de  S.  M.  1.,  je  lui  ai  expose  le  desir  tres  sincere 
du  Roi  mon  maitre  de  s'unir  tres  etroitement  avec  S.  M. 
pour  maintenir  la  paix  en  Europe ;  que  la  coriduite  passee 
et  presente  de  la  Cour  de  France  faisait  assez  connaitre 
1'unique  moyen  pour  assurer  le  repos  a  1'Europe  en  ge- 
neral, et  a  chacune  des  puissances  qui  ont  en  dernier  lieu 
fait  la  paix  avec  elle ;  que  1'observation  et  1'execution  de 
leurs  traites  respectifs  serait  une  liaison  entre  lesdites 
puissances,  qui  fit  connaitre  a  la  France  qu'elle  ne  pour- 
rait  violer  ses  traites  avec  une  puissance  sans  s'exposer 
au  ressentiment  de  toutes ;  que,  pour  former  une  telle 
union  de  mesures  et  d'interets  il  etait  fort  a  souhaiter, 
que  1'aifaire  des  Pays  Bas  fut  reglee  avec  les  Hollandais, 
de  maniere  que  la  Hollande,  n'ayant  plus  rien  a  demeler 
avec  cette  Cour,  put  aussi  s'unir  tres  etroitemement  avec 
elle  et  avec  le  Roi  mon  maitre  ;  qu'une  bonne  et  prompte 
conclusion  de  ce  Traite  de  Barriere  est  d'autant  plus 
necessaire,  que  tout  delai  ne  fournira  que  trop  d'occasion 
a  la  France  a  faire  de  nouvelles  brouilleries ;  qu'il  n'y  a 
que  trop  de  personnes  en  Hollande  susceptibles  de  mau- 
vaises  impressions ;  que  la  France  voudrait  les  suggerer ; 
que  le  Ministre  de  cette  Cour  en  Hollande,  attentif  a  pro- 
fiter  de  tout,  parcourait  Amsterdam  et  toutes  les  autres 
villes,  pour  semer  des  jalousies  contre  la  Maison  d'Au- 
triche  et  contre  1'Augleterre,  comme  si  on  voulait  d'abord 
replonger  leur  etat  dans  une  nouvelle  guerre ;  qu'il  leur 
offrait  une  alliance  telle  qu'ils  pourraient  souhaiter  avec 
le  Roi  son  maitre ;  que  si,  dans  le  temps  que  la  France 
leur  faisait  toute  sorte  d'avance,  1'Empereur  se  roidissait 
trop  a  leur  egard,  il  serait  fort  a  craindre  que  les  mal- 
intentionnes  n'en  profitassent.  Je  me  suis  etendu  sur 
ces  considerations  et  plusieurs  autres  avec  toute  la  force 
qu'il  m'a  ete  possible,  et  surtout  j'ai  tache  d'inculquer 
que  la  garde  d'une  place  de  plus  ou  de  moins  dans  les 
Pays  Bas>,  ou  un  revenu  de  4  ou  500,000  florins  de  plus 
ou  de  moins,  que  pourrait  avoir  1'Empereur  en  se  roidis- 


1714.  STANHOPE   PAPERS. 

sant,  n 'equivalent  en  aucune  maniere  aux  avantages  que 
retirerait  S.  M.  I.  de  la  sincere  amitie  et  bonne  intel- 
ligence qui  s'ensuivrait  necessairement  entre  ces  trois 
Puissances  ;  que  le  Roi,  quoique  garand  d'un  Traite  de 
Barriere  avec  la  Hollande,  emploierait  tous  ses  offices 
aupres  de  cette  Republique  pour  la  porter  a  se  relacher 
de  son  cote ;  que  8.  M.  se  tfattait  aussi  que  1'Empereur, 
connaissant  le  desir  sincere  qu'a  le  Roi  d'avancer  en  toute 
occasion  les  interets  de  S.  M.  I.,  voudrait  aussi  pour  le 
bien  du  public,  et  pour  retablir  part'aitement  cette  en- 
tiere  confiance  qui  est  si  necessaire  entre  ces  trois  Puis- 
sances, y  apporter  des  facilites.  L'Empereur  a  repondu 
de  la  maniere  du  monde  la  plus  obligeante  sur  ces  avances 
du  Roi,  et  a,  ternoigne  une  envie  tres  forte  de  s'allier  le 
plus  f'ortement  que  faire  se  pourrait  avec  S.  M. ;  pour  la 
Hollande  il  a  paru  n'en  etre  pas  trop  content,  mais  est 
convenu  cependant  qu'il  est  necessaire  de  la  menager,  et 
a  declare  qu'il  aura  dans  cette  affaire  beaucoup  d'egards 
pour  1'entreniise  du  Roi.  II  m'a  fait  1'honneur  de  me 
dire  que  je  pourrais  m'adresser  directement  a  lui  aussi 
souvent  que  je  voudrais,  pendant  mon  sejour  ici,  pour 
parler  plus  en  details  ;  qu'aussi  je  devrais  parler  au  Prince 
Eugene  ;  ce  que  je  n'ai  pu  faire  que  hier  1'apres  midi  avec 
my  Lord  Cobham.  Monsieur  le  Prince  a  commence  par 
nous  dire  que  nous  aurions  peut-etre  entendus  des  bruits 
qui  s'etaient  repandus  uvec  Industrie,  comrne  si  aux  con- 
ferences de  Rastadt  et  de  Bade  on  etait  entre  dans  des 
autres  engagements  que  ceux  qui  sont  publics :  il  nous  a 
assure  que  ni  1'Empereur  aurait  ete  capable  d'ordonner 
rien  de  pareil,  ni  lui  d'executer  de  pareils  ordres ;  que, 
veritablement,  par  le  traite  qui  est  publie,  on  est  en  li- 
berte  de  faire  des  echanges  avec  1'Electeur  de  Baviere. 
Apres  ce  debut  nous  lui  avons  dit  a-peu-pres  les  memes 
choses  que  j'avais  auparavant  opposees  a  1'Empereur  ; 
nous  1'avons  trouve  fort  irrite  contre  les  Ilollandais.  et 
fort  outre  de  leurs  dernreres  propositions,  jusques-la  qu'il 
s'est  declare  de  ne  vouloir  jamais  conseiller  a  1'Empereur 
d'accepter  les  Pays  Bas  a  des  pareilles  conditions ;  que 
les  Pays  Bas  importaient  peu  ou  a  1'Empereur  on  a  1'Ejn- 
pire ;  qu'ils  seraient  tonjours  a,  charge  a  rEmpereur,  et 
que,  s'il  les  acceptait,  c'etait  plutut  le  bien  de  ses  ancien.s 
allies  que  le  sien  propre ;  que  Ton  pouvait  traiter  avec 


1  APPENDIX.  1714 

1'Electeur  de  Baviere  pour  ce  qui  etait  plus  a  leur  con- 
venance,  et  qu'il  ne  niait  point  que  tant  a  Bade  que  de- 
puis  1'Electeur  leur  faisait  parler.  Vous  jugerez  bien, 
my  Lord,  que  notre  surprise  tut  tres  grande  d'entendre 
de  pareils  propos ;  nous  le  temoignames  au  Prince,  qui 
n'a  pas  laisse  de  paraitre  fort  pique  centre  la  Hollande, 
et  quand  nous  lui  avons  dit  qu'il  ne  fallait  point  regarder 
leurs  dernieres  demandes  cornme  des  conditions  qu'eux- 
memes  esperaient  de  pouvoir  obtenir,  qu'il  fullait  leur  en 
faire  d'ici  qui  fussent  raisonnables,  que  le  Hoi  emploiemit 
tout  le  credit  qu'il  peut  avoir  aupres  des  Etats,  pour  les 
porter  a  se  contenter  de  ce  qui  serait  raisonnable,  et 
qu'une  place  de  plus  ou  de  moins,  ou  quelques  centaines 
de  mille  florins  de  plus  n'importaient  point  a  1'Empereur  a 
beaucoup  pres  ce  que  lui  importerait  1'amitie  de  la  Grande 
Bretagne  et  des  Etats,  une  liaison  tres  etroite  avec  ces 
puissances,  pour  s'assurer  reciproquement  les  unes  aux 
autres  une  observation  des  traites  faits,  en  dernier  lieu, 
quand,  dis-je,  que  nous  lui  avons  allegues  ces  raisons,  je 
vous  avoue  qu'il  m'a  paru  y  faire  beaucoup  moins  d'atten- 
tion  que  nous  esperions :  cependant,  quand  on  a  dit  que 
si  on  veut  finir  cette  affaire,  il  faut  s'ouvrir  sur  les  con- 
ditions que  1'Empereur  voudrait  accorder,  du  moins  s'en 
ouvrir  a  nous,  il  a  paru  s'en  tenir  aux  dernieres  proposi- 
tions donnees  par  le  Comte  de  Konigseck.  Vous  voyez, 
my  Lord,  quelles  sont  les  dispositions  ici,  et  par  une  lettre 
que  j'ai  rec.  ue  aujourd'hui  de  M.  de  Clingrave,  j'apprends 
que  les  esprits  sont  fort  aigris  en  Hollande.  Nous  avons 
cependant  sonde  M.  de  Prince  sur  le  plan  dont  M.  Slin- 
geland  m'avait  parle,  et  il  s'  est  d'abord  revire  sur  Dender- 
monde,  Venlo,  et  les  forts  sur  1'Escaut  comme  n'etant  point 
fortifies  centre  la  France  :  quant  aux  places  qui  le  sont, 
il  a  dit  qu'on  ne  romprait  point  pour  une  place  de  plus  ou 
de  moins.  Et  quant  au  revenu  du  pays  conquis,  et  au 
reglement  des  troupes,  dont  on  etait  convenu  avec  1'Elec- 
teur de  Baviere  apres  la  derniere  paix,  il  a  dit  qu'il  en 
parlerait  a  1'Empereur.  Cependant,  my  Lord,  nous  avons 
suggeres  cela  seulement  comme  notre  pensee  particuliere, 
et  vous  ne  devez  point  craindre  que  nous  nous  avancions 
trop  ou  engagions  le  Roi  a  quoique  ce  soit :  tout  ce  que  je 
tacherai  de  faire  ici  sera  de  voir  jusqu'ou  ils  voudront  se 
relacher,  et  a  mon  retour  en  Iloilande  j'en  userai  de  meine 


1714.  STANHOPE   PAPERS.  H 

avec  les  Hollandais,  si  bien  que  je  cours  risque  de  ne  pas 
trop  obligor  ni  les  uns  ni  les  autres,  tant  ils  paraissent 
eloignes  a  present  de  s'accommoder.  Si  1'Empereur,  sur 
ce  que  j  'ai  eu  1'honneur  de  lui  dire,  juge  qu'une  alliance 
avec  le  Roi  et  la  Hollande  lui  convienne,  je  ferai  en  sorte 
que  1'Empereur  enverra  au  Roi  pour  en  faire  la  propo- 
sition, et  on  en  reglera  les  conditions  chez  vous :  cepend- 
ant,  permettez-moi  de  vous  dire,  my  Lord,  qu'il  faudra  que 
je  leur  fasse  esperer  que  dans  1'alliance  defensive  que  Ton 
pourra  faire  evec  eux,  les  etats  qu'ils  possedent  actuelle- 
ment  en  Italic  seront  compris  ;  sans  cela  je  vous  reponds 
qu'ils  n'auront  rien  a  faire  avec  nous :  et  Dieu  veuille 
qu'en  leur  accordant  ce  point-la,  on  puisse  les  porter  a  un 
accommodement  raisonnable  sur  la  Barriere.  Je  vous 
en  dirai  davantage  par  le  premier  ordinaire,  et,  en  attend- 
ant, je  suis,  &c. 


SECRETARY  STANHOPE  TO  LORD  TOWNSHEND. 

A  Vienne,  ce  8  Dec.  1714.  N.  S. 

MY  LORD, 

JE  compte  de  pouvoir  partir  d'ici  en  huit  jours,  et 
j'espere  que  je  n'aurai  pas  lieu  de  me  repentir  d'y  etre 
venu.  L'Empereur  est  assurement  tres  bien  dispose,  et 
quoique  la  plupart  de  ses  Ministres  aient  pris  a  tache 
de  1'aigrir  centre  les  Hollandais,  ce  que  plusieurs  auront 
fait,  par  des  vues  particulieres  de  conserver  les  terres 
qu'on  leur  avait  donnees  en  Baviere,  Sa  Majeste,  non- 
obstant  tous  les  artifices  dont  on  s'est  servi  pour  lui  faire 
envisager  ce  troc  des  Pays  Bas  contre  la  Baviere  comme 
avantageux,  ne  lais?e  pasde  reconnaitre  ses  veritables  in- 
terets,  et  je  me  flatte,  qu'etant  determine  a  conserver  les 
Pays  Bas,  par  la  raison  que  ces  provinces  sont  les  liens  et 
le  nceud  qtii  doivcnt  1'unir  d'interet  avec  nous  et  avec  la 
Hollande,  il  voudra  bien  aussi  conclure  le  traite  de  Bar- 
riere de  fa^on  qu'il  ne  reste  point  d'aigreur  entre  lui  et 
les  Hollandais.  J'espere  de  pouvoir  par  le  premier  ordi- 
naire vous  mandi-r  quelque  chose  de  plus  precis ;  en 
attendant  je  suis,  &c. 


lii  APPENDIX.  1715. 

LORD  LOVAT  TO  SECRETARY  STANHOPE. 

Inverness,  December  1.  1715. 

MONSIEUR, 

PERMETTEZ  mei  dans  ce  pays  du  nord  de  remercier 
Votre  Excellence  des  bontes  qu'Elle  a  eu  pour  moi  dans 
mes  malheurs  a  Londres.  J'en  serai  toute  ma  vie  tres  re- 
connaissant ;  et  c'est  avec  joie  que  je  suis  en  etat  d'assurer 
Votre  Excellence  que  mes  amis  n'ont  rien  promis  pour 
moi  que  je  n'ai  prouve  par  mes  actions  depuis  que  je  suis 
dans  ce  pays.  Les  ennemis  rebelles  etaient  les  maitres 
par  tout  dans  ce  pays  lorsque  j'ai  arrive  avec  Mr.  Forbes. 
Sitot  que  j'ai  pris  les  armes  avec  une  poignee  de  monde, 
j'ai  eu  le  bonheur  de  chasser  Keppoch  et  ses  Macdonalds, 
qui  venaient  rentbrcer  les  Rebelles,  alors  maitres  de  cette 
ville,  que  j'ai  serre  de  si  pres  que  les  Rebelles  1'abandon- 
nerent  par  mer ;  et  j'ai  contribue  avec  les  amis  du  Roi  de 
mettre  les  pays  voisins  sous  1'obeissance  du  Roi.  Mes 
gens,  qui  etaient  menes  par  une  force  ouverte  au  camp  de 
my  Lord  Mar,  par  Mackenzie  de  Fraserdale,  qui  usurpait 
mon  pays,  deserterent  tons  sitot  qu'ils  surent  que  j'etais 
dans  mon  pays  ;  et  cette  desertion  de  mes  gens  causa  une 
plus  grande  dans  le  camp  de  my  Lord  Mar.  Et  Fraser- 
dale, se  voyant  sans  battaillon,  quitta  de  honte  le  camp  des 
Rebelles,  et  pretend  presentement  obtenir  sa  grace  par 
my  Lord  Athol,  qui  joue  visiblement  des  deux  mains. 
Mais  si  le  Roi  pardonne  un  si  violent  rebelle  que  Fraser- 
dale, tous  les  amis  du  Roi  dans  ce  pays  mettront  assure- 
ment  les  armes  bas.  Ainsi  j'espere  que  Votre  Excellence, 
qui  connait  le  zele  de  my  Lord  Sutherland,  de  Mr.  Munro, 
et  de  Mr.  Forbes,  avec  qui  j'agis,  previendra  les  solici- 
tations dangereuses  qu'on  pourra  faire  en  faveur  de  ce 
Rebelle ;  et  je  supplie  Votre  Excellence  de  me  proteger, 
puisque  mes  actions  ont  assez  manifesto  mon  zele  pour  le 
service  du  Roi.  Et  j'ose  dire  que  la  Cour  ne  sauroit  rien 
faire  de  mieux  dans  le  nord  d'Ecosse  pour  les  interets  du 
Roi  que  de  me  soutenir  et  ma  tribu  ;  et  Votre  Excellence 
me  trouvera  toujours  avec  un  coeur  plein  de  reconnois- 
sance,  et  avec  un  profond  respect,  &c. 


COXE'S  COLLECTIONS.  liii 


LORD  TOWNSHEND  TO  THE  DUKE  OF  AEGYLE. 

[.Coxe's  Collections,  vol.  Ixxi.  p.  40.] 

Whitehall,  January  10.  1716. 
MY  LORD, 

I  AM  to  acknowledge  your  Grace's  of  the  3rd,  which  I 
have  laid  before  the  King,  who  was  very  much  surprised 
to  find  your  Grace  attribute  the  continuance  of  the 
rebellion  to  the  orders  his  Majesty  has  thought  fit  to  send 
you,  as  not  having  given  you  sufficient  powers,  till  you 
received  mine  of  the  27th  past. 

His  Majesty  was,  from  the  beginning  of  this  rebellion, 
of  an  opinion,  that  he  could  not  either  in  honour  or  con- 
science go  into  any  measures  in  relation  to  the  rebels,  but 
such  as  would  effectually  secure  the  future  peace  and 
quiet  of  his  faithful  subjects  ;  and  your  Grace  was  there- 
fore empowered  by  your  instructions,  which  were  drawn, 
as  you  must  well  remember,  by  yourself,  to  give  as- 
surances of  his  Majesty's  mercy  and  favour  to  such  only 
as  should,  by  submitting  themselves  to  his  Majesty,  and 
by  making  early  discoveries,  or  doing  some  other  signal 
services,  merit  them.  His  Majesty  has  since  several 
times  repeated  these  orders  to  your  Grace,  that  before 
any  of  the  rebels  could  expect  to  find  favour,  they  should 
surrender  themselves  to  your  Grace  ;  and  my  letter  of 
the  27th  December  can  be  understood  in  no  other  sense ; 
and  his  Majesty  having  received  all  your  Grace's  letters, 
cannot  find  in  them  any  one  instance,  where  any  of  the 
rebels  have  offered  to  comply  with  those  terms,  except 
the  Lord  Hollo  and  Master  of  Sinclair. 

His  Majesty  observes  that  the  offers  which  have  been 
made  by  Mar,  Huntly,  and  others,  have  been  made  only 
to  separate  themselves  from  the  body  of  the  rebels,  with- 
out any  offer  of  coming  to  your  Grace,  and  bringing 
their  followers  with  them,  or  making  any  discovery.  As 
to  the  Lord  Rollo  and  Master  of  Sinclair,  though  your 
Grace  in  your  letter  of  the  30th  November  mentions 
their  offering  to  join  your  Grace  with  the  Fife  squadron, 
yet,  besides  that,  in  your  preceding  letter,  which  was  of 
the  27th,  and  to  which  I  gave  a  return  by  mine  of  the 
6th  of  December,  your  Grace  only  speaks  of  their  offering 

VOL.  n.  z 


liv  APPENDIX.  1716. 

to  separate  themselves  from  the  rest  of  the  rebels.  His 
Majesty  would  have  thought  it  very  hard,  that  these 
persons  should  be  the  first  objects  of  his  Royal  clemency, 
who  had  most  signalised  themselves  in  the  ravaging  and 
destroying  of  their  country,  and  in  the  harassing  and 
pillaging  his  Majesty's  faithful  subjects,  as  by  particular 
advices  his  Majesty  is  informed  the  Lord  Rollo  and 
Master  of  Sinclair  did,  with  the  Fife  squadron,  and  par- 
ticularly in  a  most  barbarous  and  inhuman  manner 
against  the  Earl  of  Rothes,  who,  besides  his  being  one  of 
the  first  and  best  families  of  the  kingdom,  has  at  this 
time  distinguished  himself  by  his  singular  zeal  in  his 
Majesty's  and  his  country's  service. 

Upon  the  whole,  his  Majesty  is  persuaded  that  your 
Grace,  when  you  have  seriously  reflected  on  and  con- 
sidered this  whole  transaction,  will  in  justice  rather 
impute  the  continuance  of  this  rebellion  to  the  obstinacy 
of  the  rebels,  or  to  some  other  cause,  than  to  any  defect 
in  his  orders,  or  to  the  want  of  powers ;  and  since  they 
have  put  the  nation  to  such  vast  expense,  and  obliged 
the  King  to  call  for  the  assistance  of  foreign  troops,  the 
greater  the  preparations  are  for  the  suppressing  of  this 
rebellion,  the  less  reason  there  is  for  listening  to  any 
offers  of  the  rebels,  but  such  as  carry  with  them  evident 
advantages  to  his  Majesty's  service,  are  absolutely  con- 
sistent with  the  honour  of  his  government,  and  tending 
to  its  future  quiet  and  security. 

My  Lord,  if  in  my  letter  to  your  Grace  of  the  27th,  I 
mentioned  that  project  sent  up  by  Lieut.-General  Cado- 
gan  as  his,  it  was  because  it  was  transmitted  by  him 
to  Mr.  Secretary  Stanhope,  and  your  Grace  was  not 
pleased,  in  your  two  first  letters  after  it  came,  to  take  any 
notice  of  it.  As  to  the  alterations  that  may  be  thought 
necessary  to  make  in  the  scheme,  his  Majesty  leaves  that 
entirely  to  your  Grace,  not  doubting  but  they  will  be 
such  as  will  be  of  no  obstruction  to  the  execution  of  the 
project,  and  the  attempting  the  expedition  against  Perth  ; 
and  that  the  want  of  artillery,  by  reason  of  the  ships 
being  detained  by  contrary  winds,  may  be  as  well  sup- 
plied as  possibly  may  be,  orders  are  sent  by  his  Grace 
the  Duke  of  Marlborough  to  Berwick,  for  furnishing 
your  Grace  with  what  that  place  affords  of  cannon,  ball, 


1716.  STANHOPE  PAPERS.  Iv 

and  other  stores,  and  what  else  may  be  fit  for  them  ; 
though,  if  the  frost  be  such  in  your  parts  as  it  is  here  at 
present,  we  presume  your  Grace  will  have  little  occasion 
for  them. 

Though  your  Grace  mentions  the  arrival  of  the  Pre- 
tender as  not  absolutely  certain  in  yours  of  the  3d,  which 
is  the  last  I  have  received  from  you,  yet  from  all  our  advices 
from  France,  as  well  as  from  Scotland,  by  letters  of  the 
5th,  the  King  has  no  reason  to  doubt  but  that  he  is 
landed  in  Scotland  ;  I  am,  therefore,  by  his  particular 
command,  to  let  you  know,  that  he  thinks  it  of  the  last 
consequence  to  his  service  that  no  time  should  be  lost  in 
marching  to  the  enemy.  The  least  delay  of  that  kind  at 
this  juncture  may  be  dangerous,  and  grow  every  day,  as 
your  Grace  most  justly  observes,  more  difficult. 

I  am,  &c. 


REV.  MR  CHETWODE  TO  SECRETARY  STANHOPE. 
[Stanhope  Papers.] 

London,  June  29.  1716. 
SIR, 

GOING  out  of  town,  and  not  being  able  to  find  you 
tolerably  at  leisure,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  give  you 
some  account  of  the  state  of  York,  and  the  West  Riding, 
of  which  I  am  Archdeacon.  Seeing  whither  things 
tended,  about  nine  months  before  the  decease  of  the  late 
Queen,  I  went  over  that  country,  and  pressed  upon  the 
clergy,  and  very  numerous  audiences  (for  I  seem  to  have 
some  interest  there),  the  obligation  of  their  oath  for  the 
right  of  the  succession  in  the  Protestant  line  :  afterwards 
I  directed  them  to  preach  against  rebellion  and  riots,  and 
sent  them  printed  papers  to  that  effect  :  it  had  good 
success ;  and  his  Majesty  has  there,  I  am  persuaded,  a 
considerable  body  of  loyal  and  dutiful  clergy.  All  things 
continued  there  very  calm,  and  in  good  order.  Nor  were 
my  utmost  endeavours  wanting  in  the  county  of  Glouces- 
ter, where  I  continued  many  months  for  that  purpose. 
But  on  the  last  thanksgiving  day,  about  10  at  night, 
a  hundred  rascally  fellows  got  together,  crying  out, 

Z  2 


Ivi  APPENDIX.  1717. 

"  The  Church  and  Onnond  ! "  They  were  soon  dispersed, 
and  a  dozen  of  them  taken,  and  are  in  the  gaol  of  York. 
Upon  their  trial  I  believe  it  will  appear,  that  they  were 
set  on  by  Popish  emissaries,  which  have  swarmed  in 
town  and  country,  crying  up  the  Church,  in  order  to  ruin 
it.  Hot-headed  young  clergymen  have  been  very  much 
in  fault ;  but  those  of  weight  and  consideration,  of  whom 
I  know  a  considerable  number,  are  sensible  that  our  con- 
stitution in  Church  and  State  was  never  more  secure 
than  in  his  Majesty's  reign.  I  take  leave  to  write  this  as 
a  sincere  and  honest  man ;  nor  did  I  ever  think  life 
worth  a  lie.  Things  would  never  have  come  to  this  pass 
(and  it  seems  not  improbable  that  the  party  will  make  a 
campaign  of  despair,  as  they  have  made  one  already  of 
vain  hopes,)  if  the  number  had  not  been  as  great  of  those 
who  love  themselves  and  the  King,  as  of  those  who 
love  the  King  and  themselves.  This  is  a  mean  insulary 
spirit. 

I  hope  the  Survey  of  the  kingdom  of  Ireland,  which 
the  late  Queen  told  me  she  had  put  up  safe  in  the  Prince 
of  Denmark's  closet,  is  now  in  his  Majesty's  :  but  if  it 
be  again  stolen,  I  have  lost  my  money  and  my  pains ; 
but,  having  done  my  best,  I  have  reason  to  be  easy :  and 
though  my  forefathers  were  the  most  ancient  barons  of 
this  kingdom,  as  is  pretty  generally  known,  I  am  pleased 
in  the  turn  of  fortune,  at  my  country  parsonage. 

I  am,  &c. 


LE  MARE'CHAL  D'HUXELLES  TO  M.  IBERVILLE. 
(Extract.) 

Paris,  le  3  Mai,  1717. 

QCOIQUE  Ton  puisse  croire  avec  quelque  fondement  que 
Monsieur  Stanhope  et  son  parti  se  soutiendront  centre  les 
attaques  que  ceux  qui  leur  sont  opposes  meditent  de  leur 
porter,  il  arrive  si  souvent  des  changemens  imprevus 
dans  le  Gouvernement  d'Angleterre,  qu'il  est  bon  de  se 
menager  egalement  avec  tout  parti ;  et  il  est  important 
que  vous  continuez  d'agir  sur  ces  principes  comme  vous 
1'avez  fait  jusqu'a  present,  en  reservant,  cependant,  les 


1717.  STAXHOPB  PAPERS. 

ouvertures  et  la  eonfiance  sur  les  affaires  dont  vous  etes 
charge  pour  les  Ministres  regnans,  et  particuh'erement 
pour  Monsieur  Stanhope,  dont  le  credit  peut  beaucoup 
contribuer  au  maintien  de  1'union  etablie  par  le  traite 
d'alliance. 

H  est  bien  difficile  de  concevoir  quel  avantage  il  a  pr4- 
tendu  tirer  pour  le  Roi  son  maitre,  et  pour  lui-meme,  de 
la  maniere  dont  il  a  park'-  de  ce  traite  au  Parlement ; 
mais  il  est  certain  que  rien  n'est  moins  propre  a  relever 
le  meVite  de  son  ouvrage  et  a  y  donner  une  opinion  de 
stabilite,  que  de  supposer  que  Monsieur  le  Due  d'Orleans 
n'y  est  entre  que  par  la  consideration  de  ses  interets  par- 
tieuliers,  et  -centre  1'avis  des  chefs  et  de  toute  la  nation  de 
France :  il  pouvait  se  dispenser  de  faire  une  supposition 
aussi  denuee  de  toute  vraisemblance,  et  qui  ne  pouvait  lui 
attirer  que  les  reproches  qu*il  a  essuyes  en  cette  occasion. 

Non  seulement  S.  A.  R.  ne  s'est  point  d&erminee  par 
la  consideration  de  ses  interets,  mais  personne  n'ignore 
que  tout  oou x  qui  ont  part  au  Gouvernement  de  la  nation 
Franchise  en  general  desirent  le  maintien  du  repos  public, 
et  sont  persuades  que  rien  ne  pouvait  y  contribuer  plus 
essentiellement  que  de  cimenter  une  ot  roito  intelligence, 
telle  qu'elle  est  Itablie  entre  sa  Majest6  le  Roi  d'Angle- 
terre  et  la  Republique  de  Hollande ;  et  je  puis  vous  dire 
qu'en  mou  particuh'er,  ayant  toujours  agi  sur  ces  prin- 
cipes,  je  ne  les  ai  jamais  vu  contredits  par  les  gens  sages. 
Enfin,  si  les  interets  de  M.  le  Due  d'Orleans  se  trouvent 
dans  le  traite  d'alliance,  Ton  peut  dire  avec  verit^  que 
c'est  parcequ'ils  s'accordcnt  parfaitement  avec  ceux  du 
Roi  et  de  1'etat,  et  qu'ils  y  sont  si  intimement  unis,  que 
Ton  peut  regarder  eomme  une  meme  chose  de  travailler 
pour  le  bien  des  affaires  de  sa  Majeste,  et  pour  les  con- 
venances de  S.  A.  R, 

Monsieur  Stanhope  sait  meme  mieux  que  personne 
combien  Elle  a  £te  eloignee  d'entrer  dans  les  ouvortures 
qui  ont  6t6  faitos  ]>our  un  trait^  avec  le  Roi  d'Angleterre 
aussi  longtenas  qu'il  n':i  oto  question  quo  do  ses  inter^ts 
souls  et  que  la  negociation  a  «5te  suspoiuhio  pendant  plus 
de  six  mois  uniquement  sur  cette  ditViculto.  L'on  {nnit 
done  dire  que  Monsieur  Stanhope  s'est  laisso  entrainor  ^ 
sa  vivacit^  en  cette  occasion  ;  ot  jo  vous  avoue  que  je  ne 
serais  pas  tacho  que  vous  puissier.  trouver  dans  la  con- 

z  S 


Iviii  APPENDIX.  1717. 

versation  une  occasion  de  traiter  cette  matiere  avcc  lui ; 
mais  il  faudrait  que  ce  fut  avec  tous  les  menagemens 
necessaires  pour  ne  pas  blesser  sa  delicatesse,  en  lui 
faisant  connaitre  settlement  que  je  serais  bien  fache  qu'il 
pensat  ce  que  Ton  pretend  qu'il  a  dit  sur  ce  sujet. 


EARL  OF   STAIR  TO  MR.  STANHOPE,  FIRST  LORD  OF 
THE  TREASURY. 

(Extract.) 

Paris,  July  7.  1717. 

I  FIND  the  general  bent  of  this  kingdom  is  against  us. 
They  consider  us  their  natural  and  their  necessary 
enemies  ;  that  no  friendship  with  us  can  be  lasting  or  to 
be  depended  upon.  This  prejudice  prevails  with  a  good 
many  of  the  Ministers  ;  and  having  taken  their  impres- 
sions in  the  time  of  the  last  King,  they  can  think  of  no 
system  but  making  alliances  to  get  the  better  of  the 
Emperor.  I  have  endeavoured  as  much  as  I  could,  in 
proper  places,  to  show  the  weakness  of  these  notions.  I 
think  I  have  convinced  the  Regent and  my  doc- 
trine is  well  enforced  by  the  impossibility  there  is  of  his 
succeeding  to  the  Crown  of  France  by  any  other  means 
but  by  the  King's  friendship. 

The  Duke  of  Ormond  and  Lord  Mar  are  still  here.  I 
told  the  Regent  the  house  in  Versailles  where  the  Duke 
of  Ormond  lived :  he  said  he  would  instantly  give  his 
orders  to  M.  d'Argenson  to  have  him  seized.  I  am  of 
opinion  he  will  now  be  sent  away  in  good  earnest. 


LORD  BOLINGBROKE  TO  LORD  STANHOPE. 

Paris,  November  9.  1717. 
MY  LORD, 

THE  assistance  of  one  in  your  Lordship's  circumstances 
to  a  man  who  is  unfortunate  enough  to  be  in  mine,  must 
be  of  itself  a  great  satisfaction  ;  but  I  confess  to  you  that 
I  feel  another  which  enhances  the  first.  There  is  no 


1718.  STANHOPE    PAPERS.  lix 

man  to  whom  I  would  be  more  willingly  obliged  than  to 
your  Lordship.  If  you  can  reconcile  serving  me  to  the 
present  state  of  public  affairs,  I  depend  on  your  friend- 
ship. If  you  think  that  you  cannot,  I  will,  however, 
please  myself  with  the  thought  that  you  desired  to  have 
done  it.  In  all  events,  and  in  every  situation  of  life,  I 
shall  be,  with  the  utmost  truth,  my  Lord,  your  most 
obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

BOLINGBROKE. 


COLONEL  W.  STANHOPE  TO  LORD  STANHOPE. 

Madrid,  Jan.  10.  1718.  N.  S. 
MY  LORD, 

NOTWITHSTANDING  that  the  King  of  Spain's  health 
grows  apparently  better  every  day,  there  still  remains  a 
deep  melancholy  constantly  preying  upon  his  spirits, 
which  makes  him  avoid  all  the  world,  excepting  at  his 
levee,  and  then  he  never  speaks  a  single  word  to  any 
mortal.  This  strange  melancholy,  together  with  his  send- 
ing for  his  Confessor  sometimes  two  or  three  times  in  a 
night,  gives  occasion  to  believe  that  the  indisposition  of 
his  body  is  not  the  only  cause  of  his  uneasiness.  As  I 
thought  it  might  be  of  consequence  to  know  from  whence 
it  proceeded,  I  have  done  every  thing  in  my  power  to 
come  at  the  knowledge  of  it ;  and  am  informed,  by  what 
I  think  a  very  good  hand,  though  I  won't  presume  to 
answer  for  the  absolute  certainty  of  it,  that  his  conscience 
is  disturbed,  and  continually  alarms  him  with  frightful 
apprehensions  of  his  being  answerable  for  the  miseries, 
and  for  all  the  lives  that  shall  be  lost,  if  this  war  con- 
tinues, which  he  looks  upon  himself  as  the  author  of. 
Upon  this  occasion  I  shall  take  the  liberty  to  acquaint 
your  Lordship  with  an  affair  of  no  consequence,  but  as  it 
may  serve  in  some  measure  to  support  this  opinion.  The 
King's  Confessor,  who  has  the  direction  of  the  library, 
having  several  times  given  me  leave  to  take  books  from 
thence,  for  which  his  name  was  always  set  down  as  if 
they  were  for  himself,  about  ten  days  since  consented  to 
my  taking  Grotius  De  jure  Belli  et  Pads,  in  his  name, 

z  4 


IX  APPENDIX.  1718. 

as  usual ;  but  the  week  after  he  sent  to  desire  I  would  re- 
turn that  book,  for  that  he  apprehended  it  might  be  a  dis- 
service to  him,  in  this  juncture,  to  have  it  supposed  he  was 
reading  books  of  that  nature,  which  might  give  occasion 
to  have  it  believed  that  he  troubled  himself  more  with 
state  matters  than  he  desired  to  be  thought  to  do. 

If  what  I  have  mentioned  be  the  real  cause  of  the 
King's  melancholy,  I  thought  I  might  expect  to  find  some 
alteration  in  the  behaviour  of  the  Cardinal  Alberoni,  and 
for  that  reason  went  to  see  him  last  night,  and  stayed 
with  him  alone  an  hour  and  a  half.  He  entered  very 
freely  into  the  matter  of  the  present  negotiation,  and 
several  times  repeated  that  the  King  of  Spain  sincerely 
desired  to  see  a  peace  once  settled  upon  a  solid  and  last- 
ing foundation ;  and  that  if  the  Emperor  was  equally 
sincere,  the  mediators  would  meet  with  but  very  few  dif- 
ficulties :  that  the  Catholic  King  did  not  enter  upon  this 
war  to  aggrandise  himself,  but  was  forced  into  it  by  the 
continual  insults  he  daily  received  from  the  Emperor ; 
and  in  particular  that  to  Molines,  at  Milan,  determined 
him ;  that  the  only  view  in  continuing  it  is  to  settle  a 
balance  in  Italy :  and  though  he,  the  Cardinal,  is  of 
opinion  that  it  is  for  the  interest  of  all  Europe  that  part 
of  Italy  should  be  put  into  the  hands  of  Spain,  as  the 
most  effectual  means  to  preserve  that  balance,  yet,  if  any 
other  way  can  be  found  out  to  answer  the  same  end,  the 
King  will  readily  come  into  it.  But  upon  my  alleging  to 
him  that  the  guarantee  of  all  the  Powers  of  Europe,  as 
proposed  by  the  plan,  was  the  greatest  security  ah  affair 
of  that  nature  could  admit  of,  especially  when,  as  he  con- 
fessed himself,  it  was  equally  all  their  interests  to  observe 
it,  he  replied,  that  they  had  but  too  lately  proofs  of  the 
small  account  made  of  such  treaties,  by  the  expense  they 
were  at  to  reduce  Barcelona  and  Majorca.  Upon  my 
pressing  him  extremely  to  open  to  me  in  some  measure 
what  would  satisfy  the  King  of  Spain,  and  what  were  the 
objections  of  the  greatest  consequence  to  the  plan,  he  told 
me  that,  as  to  what  related  to  the  dominions  of  the 
House  of  Parma,  the  King  would  not. interest  himself  par- 
ticularly in  that  affair  in  the  lifetime  of  the  present  Duke, 
but  would  leave  it  to  the  treaty ;  but  as  for  the  domi- 
nions of  Tuscany,  before  he  entered  into  any  treaty,  he 


1718.  STANHOPE   PAPERS.  Ixi 

expected  to  have  some  expedient  found  out  more  effectual 
than  guarantees  that  should  secure  those  countries  from 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Emperor ;  and  if  that  was 
once  offered,  it  would  be  a  very  great  step  towards  his 
receiving  the  other  parts  of  the  plan. 

I  am  sensible  I  have  taken  up  too  much  of  your  Lord- 
ship's time  by  this  long  letter,  and  will  not,  therefore, 
increase  my  fault  by  endeavouring  to  excuse  it. 

I  am,  &c. 

W.  STANHOPE. 

I  never  see  the  Cardinal  but  he  always  professes  the 
very  great  esteem  and  respect  he  has  for  your  Lordship, 
and  desires  me  to  let  you  know  it. 


EAKL  OF  STATE  TO  LOKD  STANHOPE. 
(Extract?) 

Paris,  January  23.  1718. 

MR.  PULTENET,  who  is  here,  condemns  Walpole  for 
the  part  he  acts  in  joining  with  the  Tories,  and  distress- 
ing the  King's  service ;  and  declares  to  me  that,  if  he 
had  been  in  England,  he  would  most  heartily  have  con- 
curred with  the  King's  service  in  the  points  that  have 
been  before  the  House  of  Commons. 


LORD  STANHOPE  TO  THE  EAKL  OF  STAIR 

London,  Jan.  23.  1718. 
MY  LORD, 

WE  have  at  last  framed  our  project  of  the  treaty  to  be 
made,  which  will  be  delivered  to  your  Lordship  by  the 
bearer,  M.  Schaub.  As  he  has  been  present  at  all  the 
conferences  we  have  had  on  this  subject,  I  refer  your 
Lordship  to  him  for  whatever  may  want  explanation. 
The  Regent  will  perceive  by  this  plan  how  careful  the 
King  has  been,  in  what  concerns  the  renunciation,  to 
give  all  the  strength  possible  to  the  Regent's  title.  The 


Ixii  APPENDIX.  1718. 

same  regard  to  the  interest  of  his  Royal  Highness,  who 
has  so  frequently  and  so  strongly  represented  and  insisted, 
that  his  honour,  and  even  his  security  in  France,  depend 
upon  its  appearing  to  the  world  that  in  this  treaty  he 
shall  have  given  just  attention  to  the  interests  of  King 
Philip  ;  these  motives,  I  say,  have  engaged  his  Majesty 
to  such  a  complaisance  for  the  Regent's  sentiments  in  the 
article  of  Tuscany,  as  your  Lordship  will  see.  I  wish  we 
have  not  gone  too  far,  and  that  it  may  be  possible  to  get 
the  Court  of  Vienna  to  adjust  this  article,  as  it  is  pro- 
posed. We  have  yet  no  indication  but  to  the  contrary. 
This,  I  am  sure,  ought  to  be  an  invincible  argument  for 
the  Regent  to  give  in  every  other  part  of  the  treaty  all 
the  facility  he  can  ;  and  if  I  were  worthy  to  advise  him, 
he  should  not  aim  at  altering  what  is  mentioned  concern- 
ing Leghorn  and  Pisa.  Your  Lordship  will,  however, 
perceive  by  the  King's  intentions,  that  in  case  he  should 
rather  insist  to  break  off  the  negotiation  than  depart  from 
his  pretensions  to  all  Tuscany,  M.  Schaub  is,  in  such  case, 
to  carry  the  project  so  altered  by  the  Regent  to  Vienna, 
and  to  repeat  and  enforce,  in  the  best  manner  he  can,  the 
arguments  which  we  have  been  trying,  without  success, 
these  two  months. 

Since  your  Lordship's  letter  of  the  23d,  we  learn  that 
the  Regent  has  turned  out  the  Chancellor  and  the  Duke 
of  Noailles.  This  step  of  vigour  makes  us  hope  that  his 
Royal  Highness  will  continue  to  pursue  his  own  real 
interest,  and  to  show  less  regard  and  management  for 
those  who,  under  the  specious  pretence  of  making  this 
treaty  palatable  to  Spain,  are  endeavouring  to  set  up  that 
King's  title  to  France,  and  to  strip  the  Regent  of  all 
foreign  support,  by  breaking  off  this  negotiation.  I 
cannot  suggest  any  thing  new  to  your  Lordship  upon 
this  occasion,  but  shall  only,  therefore,  recommend  to  you 
to  repeat,  with  that  energy  you  are  master  of,  your  awn 
reasons  to  his  Royal  Highness,  who,  since  this  change  of 
ministry,  will  probably  be  more  susceptible  of  the  force 
of  them. 

We  have  from  several  other  hands  some  hints  of  what 
your  Lordship   intimates,  touching   some   new   stirring^ 
amongst  the  Jacobites.    I  therefore  beg  of  your  Lordship 
that  you  will  continue  to  be  alert.     Their  hopes  from 


1718.  STANHOPE   PAPERS.  Ixiii 

Muscovy,  or  even  from  any  understanding  between  the 
Czar  and  Sweden,  are  chimerical,  since  those  two  princes 
are  in  no  way  of  being  reconciled ;  on  the  contrary,  I 
may  tell  your  Lordship,  that  we  see  more  daylight  towards 
an  accommodation  with  Sweden  than  has  appeared  yet. 

I  am,  &c. 


LOED  STANHOPE  TO  THE  EAEL  OF  STAIR. 

Cockpit,  Feb.  17.  1718. 
MY  LORD, 

I  AM  to  acknowledge  the  favour  of  your  Lordship's 
despatch,  with  the  treaty  and  the  letter  of  his  Royal 
Highness  to  the  King ;  all  which  have  been  laid  before 
his  Majesty,  who  is  extremely  pleased  with  your  Lord- 
ship's whole  management  in  this  great  affair,  which  seems 
now  to  be  in  a  very  good  way.  I  hope  your  letter  to 
Prince  Eugene  will  not  a  little  contribute  to  the  Court  of 
Vienna's  taking  a  good  resolution  upon  this  conjuncture, 
which  I  think  the  most  critical  for  the  House  of  Austria 
that  ever  was.  I  will  own  to  your  Lordship  that  I  am 
not  much  concerned  at  the  alteration  made  by  the  Regent ; 
for  we  are  to  consider  that,  when  we  shall  have  signed 
with  the  Emperor  and  France,  it  will  remain  to  settle 
with  Spain ;  and  I  will  venture  to  say  to  your  Lordship, 
that  it  is  of  greater  consequence  than  any  man  who  is 
not  at  present  at  this  time  in  England  can  imagine,  that 
Spain  be  brought  into  our  scheme  without  force,  which 
will  certainly  be  more  easy  now,  than  if,  by  a  previous 
engagement  with  the  Emperor,  we  had  so  much  less  left 
to  tempt  them  with.  I  cannot  but  think  that  the  Em- 
peror, as  head  of  the  Empire,  will  have  a  prodigious 
bargain  as  it  is ;  since,  without  striking  a  stroke,  he  will 
get  not  only  the  state  of  Florence,  but  that  of  Siena  and 
that  of  Parma  recognised  to  be  fiefs  of  the  Empire ;  one 
of  which  is  unquestionably  a  fief  of  the  Crown  of  Spain, 
and,  as  such,  guaranteed  to  that  Crown  by  us,  in  a  secret 
article  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht;  and  the  other  is  as 
undoubtedly  a  fief  of  the  See  of  Rome.  There  are 


IxiV  APPENDIX.  1718. 

besides,  in  the  dominions  of  the  Great  Duke,  several  other 
parcels  to  which  the  Empire  has  no  pretensions.  I 
heartily  wish  that  upon  this  foot  we  may  induce  Spain 
to  come  in  amicably ;  and  you  will  agree  with  me  that 
it  very  much  behoves  us  in  England  to  be  very  cautious 
how  we  engage  in  any  war,  when  I  shall  tell  you  that 
the  united  strength  of  the  Tories  and  discontented  Whigs, 
headed  and  animated  by  one  you  may  guess  *,  are  to  give 
us  battle  to-morrow  in  the  House  of  Lords,  upon  the  Bill 
for  punishing  mutiny  and  desertion.  Upon  this  occasion 
they  intend,  by  disagreeing  with  the  preamble  of  the  Bill 
sent  up  by  the  Commons,  to  lessen  very  considerably  the 
number  of  forces  for  which  the  Commons  have  provided 
pay.  We  think  ourselves  sure  of  carrying  the  question ; 
but  I  am  sorry  to  tell  you  that  it  will  be  by  a  slender 
majority.  The  happiest  thing,  therefore,  for  us  is  to  hide 
from  foreign  nations,  if  possible,  our  nakedness ;  and 
depend  upon  it,  my  Lord,  that  if  the  Emperor  should 
refuse  our  scheme,  and  summon  us  to  perform  our 
guarantee,  which  in  that  case  he  will  strongly  insist 
upon ;  depend  upon  it,  I  say,  that  we  shall  make  a 
wretched  figure.  We  shall  not  be  without  our  difficulties 
nor  our  opposition,  even  though  the  Emperor,  acquiescing, 
and  being,  jointly  with  France,  engaged  with  us  against 
Spain,  we  should  still  be  forced  to  make  war ;  but  in 
this  case  I  hope  we  might  wade  through  it.  You  see  I 
open  my  heart  to  your  Lordship,  who  have,  in  our  former 
difficulties,  with  so  much  skill  and  success,  concealed  our 
weakness  from  the  Court  where  you  are.  The  same  task 
is  at  present  incumbent  upon  you.  I  have  withdrawn 
myself  for  a  few  minutes  from  a  great  meeting  of  Lords, 
who  are  now  at  my  house,  making  their  dispositions  for 
to-morrow,  to  write  this  letter,  which  I  shall  make  no 
longer  than  by  assuring  you  that  I  am  ever,  &c. 

STANHOPE. 

If  you  have  any  interest  with  Count  Konigseck,  and  he 
any  at  his  own  Court,  you  ought  to  spare  no  pains  to 
engage  him  to  persuade  his  master  to  accept  of  the 
treaty  as  it  stands. 

*  Kobert  Walpole. 


1718.  STANHOPE  PAPERS. 


ABBE  DUBOIS  TO  MR.  SCHAUB. 

A  Londres,  ce  ler  Mars,  1718. 

JE  suis  ravi,  Monsieur,  que  vous  ayez  etc  content  de  la 
candeur  et  de  le  droiture  de  S.  A.  R.  Credidisti,  Thoma, 
quia  vidisti,  Vous  etes  trop  honnete  homme,  pour  ne 
pas  rendre  temoignage  a  la  ve"rite ;  et  trop  eclaire,  pour 
ne  pas  juger  que  cela  part  de  source  et  de  principes  qui 
ne  peuvent  varier  ni  se  dementir.  Si  sa  Majeste  Im- 
periale et  M.  le  Prince  Eugene  en  avaient  autant  vu 
que  vous,  je  gagerais  pour  le  repos  de  1'Europe.  C'est  a 
vous,  Monsieur,  a  transporter  S.  A.  R.  a  la  Cour  Imperiale, 
et  a  la  lui  faire  voir  telle  qu'elle  est,  pour  dissiper  tous 
soup^ons,  tcutes  defiances,  toutes  inquietudes,  et  tous 
maneges  de  chicanes  et  de  negotiations.  Si  S.  A.  R.,  qui 
a  ajoute  meme  des  facilites  au  projet,  avait  pu  faire 
davantage  pour  marquer  ses  bonnes  intentions  pour  la  paix 
et  sa  consideration  pour  le  Roi  de  la  Grande  Bretagne, 
certainement  elle  1'aurait  fait ;  et  je  suis  assure*  que 
vous  avez  vu  qu'elle  ne  laissait  plus  rien  dans  le  sac. 
Le  Roi  m'a  fait  1'honneur  de  me  dire  hier  que  la  conduite 
du  Regent  etait  claire  et  nette,  et  qu'il  en  etait  aussi 
content  qu'on  pouvait  1'etre.  Je  souhaite  que  sa  sincerite, 
et  1'envie  qu'il  a  de  prendre  des  liaisons  particulieres  avec 
sa  Majeste  Imperiale,  fassent  le  meme  effet  a  Vienne 
qu'elles  ont  fait  ici ;  et  que  sa  Majeste  Imperiale  veuille 
bien  ne  se  laisser  pas  imputer  d'avoir  refuse*  le  repos  a 
tous  les  peuples  de  1'Europe.  Quoique  vous  ayez  bataille 
comme  un  grenadier  pour  les  interets  de  la  Cour  de 
Vienne,  S.  A.  R.,  bien  loin  de  vous  en  savoir  mauvais 
gre,  estime  votre  zele,  et  a  parle  de  vous  avec  e"loge.  II 
n'y  a  qu'a  prier  Dieu  qu'il  benisse  votre  mission ;  car  jo 
ne  crois  pas  que  jamais  apotre,  si  Catholique  et  si 
Protestant  qu'il  soit,  pourvu  qu'il  ne  soit  pas  Romain, 
puisse  faire  un  ouvrage  plus  agreable  au  Ciel,  que  celui 
dont  vous  etes  chargd.  J'espere  que  vos  negociations  ne 
vous  empecheront  pas  de  faire  mention  de  moi  a  M.  le 
Comte  de  Bonneval,  et  de  vous  souvenir  que  vous  m'avez 

Eromis  do  rendre  a  mon  intention  un  hommage  a  mon 
eros*,  que  je  n'ai  pas  perdu  de  vue  un  moment  depuis 

*  Prince  Eugene. 


APPENDIX.  1718. 

que  le  bon  homme  Martignac,  qui  n'etait  pas  un  sorcier, 
m'a  fait  des  propheties  au-dessous  a  la  verite  dc  ce  que 
nous  avons  vu,  mais  pourtant  assez  grandes  pour  m'in- 
spirer  un  grand  respect  pour  ce  Prince,  dans  les  terns 
memes  qu'il  etait  le  plus  cache.  Vous  jugez  bien  que 
nous  attendrons  votre  retour  avec  une  grande  impatience  : 
la  mienne  est  pleine  de  confiance,  comme  celle  des  devots 
de  bonne  foi.  Vous  serez  un  des  saints  de  ma  chapelle, 
surtout  si  vous  etes  persuade  autant  que  je  le  souhaite  de 
1'estime  avec  laquelle  je  suis,  &c. 

DDBOIS. 


ABBE  DUBOIS  TO  MR  SCHAUB. 

A  Londres,  ce  5me  Mai,  1718. 

JE  vois,  Monsieur,  avec  grand  plaisir,  approcher  le 
terns  ou  je  pourrai  vous  embrasser,  et  vous  feliciter  sur 
le  succes  de  vos  negotiations.  Je  ne  gronderai  point  du 
peu  de  cas  que  vous  avez  fait  de  mes  lettres,  et  de  votre 
indifference  a  me  donner  la  moindre  marque  de  votre 
souvenir.  Mais  je  suis  equitable,  et  reconnais  en  cette 
qualite,  que  quand  on  est  charge  d  aussi  grandes  affaires, 
et  qu'on  a  une  petite  maitresse,  on  n'a  point  de  terns  de 
reste  ;  et  que  quand  on  recjoit  de  grandes  satisfactions,  on 
ne  doit  pas  se  plaindre  d'etre  prive  des  petites.  Comme 
vous  m'avez  fait  1'honneur  de  m'ecrire  de  Paris,  que  vous 
aviez  reconnu  par  experience  que  les  avis  que  j'avais 
pris  la  liberte  de  vous  donner  etaient  raisonnables,  cela 
m'encourage  a  vous  avertir  que  la  vivacite  avec  laquelle 
vous  sollicitates,  en  passant  a  Paris,  ce  qui  pouvait  etre 
avantageux  a  la  Cour  de  Vienne,  fit  assez  d'impression 
pour  faire  croire  que  vous  etiez  tres-partial  pour  1'Empe- 
reur.  J'ai  repondu  que  la  chaleur  que  vous  aviez  montree 
pour  1'Empereur  ne  tendait  qu'a  mettre  les  choses  en  etat 
qu'il  put  accepter  le  projet.  et  que  si  vous  aviez  paru 
Imperialists  a  Paris,  vous  paraissiez  encore  plus  Fran£ais 
a  Vienne.  Malgre  cette  juste  remarque,  je  crois  que  la 
prudence  veut  que  si,  outre  les  choses  que  S.  A.  R.  a  ci- 


1718.  STANHOPE  PAPERS. 

devant  accordees,  les  Ministres  Imperiaux  ont  fait  des 
changemens  dans  le  traite,  vous  ne  devez  insister  que  sur 
ceux  sans  lesquels  vous  savez  positivement  que  1'Empereur 
ne  conclurait  pas,  quelque  merite  que  cela  vous  fit  a  la 
Cour  de  Vienne  de  les  faire  tous  passer;  et  j'ai  des 
raisons  solides  pour  vous  donner  ce  conseil,  dont  1'une  est 
pour  le  bien  de  la  chose ;  savoir,  que  plus  le  projet  sera 
charge  de  clauses  desagreables  a  1'Espagne,  plus  on  aura 
de  difficulte  pour  obtenir  son  accession,  qui  doit  mettre  la 
perfection  a  1'ouvrage,  et  qui  en  fera  tout  1'agrement  si 
elle  se  fait  sans  violence,  et  tirera  1'Angleterre  du  danger 
qu'il  y  aura  pour  elle,  c'est  a  dire,  pour  le  Roi,  pour  le 
gouvernement  et  pour  la  nation,  de  faire  des  hostilites 
contre  elle.  L'autre  raison  vous  regarde  en  particulier, 
et  consiste  dans  1'interet  que  vous  avez,  tant  pour  vous 
personnellement  que  pour  le  ministere  qui  vous  emploie, 
de  ne  pas  paraitre  devoue  sans  mesure  a  la  Cour  de 
Vienne.  Vous  avez  obtenu  de  S.  A.  R.  au-dela  de  ce 
qu'on  pouvait  esperer  a  Vienne  et  en  Angleterre ;  tenez- 
vous-en  la,  quand  meme  vous  pourriez  esperer  d'en  tirer 
autre  chose,  parceque  vous  courriez  risque  de  1'aliener,  et 
de  lui  faire  penser  que  vous  voulez  abuser  de  sa  generosite 
et  de  sa  facilite :  ce  qui  est  capable  de  faire  une  revolution 
en  Elle  a  votre  egard.  Je  vous  donne  ce  conseil  en  ami : 
et  si  vous  le  negligez,  je  crains  que  vous  vous  le  reprochiez, 
et  que  vous  n'essuyiez  meme  des  reproches  de  ceux  de 
cette  Cour  de  qui  vous  souhaitez  le  plus  1'approbation. 
J'attendrai  Totre  retour  avec  toute  1'impatience  qu'inspi- 
rent  la  confiance  que  j'ai  en  vous,  et  Testime  particuliere 
avec  laquelle  je  suis,  &c. 

DUBOIS. 


SECRETARY  CRAGGS  TO  EARL  STANHOPR 
(Extract.) 

Whitehall,  July  17.  1718. 

SINCE  I  began  this  letter  there  is  a  mail  arrived  from 
France,  which  brings  a  letter  from  your  Excellency  to 


Ixviii  APPENDIX.  1718. 

Lord  Sunderland ;  and  having  seen  it,  and  my  Lord 
Sunderland  having  laid  it  before  his  Majesty,  I,  am 
ordered  by  the  King  to  let  you  know  that  he  approves  of 
your  proposition  relating  to  Gibraltar ;  and  in  case  your 
Excellency  finds  it  will  conclude  and  settle  every  thing, 
you  are  hereby  authorised  to  make  that  offer  when  you 
shall  find  it  expedient. 


COL.  W.  STANHOPE  TO  THE  EARL  OF  STATE. 
(Extract.) 

Madrid,  the  18th  July,  N.  S.  1718. 

Two  days  since  I  had  the  honour  of  a  letter  from 
Paris,  of  the  4th  instant,  signed  by  your  Lordship  and 
my  Lord  Stanhope ;  but  not  having  been  at  the  Escurial 
since  I  received  it,  I  cannot  say  any  thing  positively  as 
to  the  present  disposition  the  Cardinal  *  is  in  with  regard 
to  our  merchants ;  but  as  I  shall  see  him  to-morrow,  I 
don't  in  the  least  question  but  his  natural  disposition, 
which  gives  him  great  pleasure  in  saying  what  he  thinks 
will  terrify  those  he  has  to  deal  with,  cannot  fail  leading 
him  to  open  himself  to  me  fully  upon  that  affair ;  and 
according  to  the  resolution  I  shall  find  he  has  taken,  I 
shall  govern  myself  in  relation  to  the  accounts  I  send  to 
Sir  George  Byng. 

I  don't  write  to  Lord  Stanhope,  as  taking  it  for  granted 
that  he  is,  before  this  time,  upon  his  journey  to  London 
or  Madrid ;  if  it  be  to  the  latter,  I  shall  be  extremely 
sorry  for  what  he  will  suffer  from  the  excessive  heats  we 
have  here  at  present ;  and  I  fear  affairs  here  are  gone  too 
far,  and  are  in  too  desperate  a  condition  to  be  retrieved. 

Lord  Essex  has  been  with  me  ten  days,  which  I  dare 
say  is  long  enough  to  make  him  repent  his  expedition, 
though  as  yet  he  is  too  brave  to  own  it.  I  take  him  with 
me  to-morrow  to  the  Escurial,  in  order  to  present  him  to 

*  AlberonL 


1718.  HARDWICKE   PAPERS. 

the  King  and  the  Cardinal,  which  latter  is  by  much  the 
greatest  curiosity  we  have  in  Spain. 


EARL  STANHOPE  TO   SECRETARY  CRAGGS. 

[Hardwicke  Papers,  vol.  IviL] 

Fresneda,  ce  15  Aout,  1718. 
MONSIEUB, 

APKES  un  voyage  fort  penible,  je  suis  arrive  de  Bayonne 
le  huitieme  jour  a  Madrid :  j'ai  du  m'y  arreter  un  jour 
pour  me  faire  habiller  de  noir,  la  Cour  etant  en  deuil ;  et 
je  suis  alle  hier  a  PEscurial.  M.  le  Cardinal  avait  eu 
1'attention  de  me  faire  preparer  un  logement  tres-commode, 
a  une  demie  lieue  de  ce  palais,  d'oii  je  vous  ecris.  Des 
que  j'y  fus  arrive  j'envojai  en  donner  part  a  son  Eminence, 
et  lui  demander  une  heure.  H  me  donna  depuis  cinq 
heures  apres  midi  jusqu'a  onze  du  soir.  J'y  allai  sur  les 
six  heures,  et  restai  environ  deux  heures  et  demie  avec 
lui.  II  me  re£ut  tres-obligeamment,  et  toutes  sortes 
d'honnetetes  se  sont  passees  de  part  et  d'autre.  Je  com- 
men9ai  de  parler  d'affaires  par  lui  presenter  deux  lettres 
de  creance  de  S.  M.  au  Roi  et  a  la  Heine  d'Espagne ;  et 
S.  E.  doit  me  faire  avertir  quand  je  dois  avoir  audience 
de  Leurs  Majestes.  U  n'est  point  aise",  ni  necessaire,  de 
vous  donner  les  details  d'une  conversation  qui  a  roule  sur 
beaucoup  de  choses.  M.  le  Cardinal  a  reconnu,  par  ce 
que  j'etais  autorise  a  lui  dire,  que  v  entablement  il  ne 
croyait  pas  que  le  Roi  ni  son  Gouvernoment  eussent  eu 
de  mauvaises  intentions  envers  le  Roi  d'Espagne ;  que 
Ton  avait  memo  probablement  eu  dessein  de  lui  faire 
plaisir,  et  a  la  Reine,  dans  cette  negotiation ;  mais  quo 
comme  LL.  MM.  Catholiques  n'envisageaient  point  les 
choses  ainsi,  ils  avaient  a  se  plaindre  que  nous  eussions 
pris  engagement ;  que  c'etait  un  grand  malheur,  et  qu'il 
en  prevoyait  de  tres-facheuses  suites,  et  meme  des 
catastrophes  tres-terribles ;  que  Dieu  savait  oii  cli  - 
pouvaient  tomber.  II  s'est  recrie  le  plus  centre  la  desti- 
nation de  la  Sicile  pour  1'Ernpereur ;  et,  autant  que  j'ai 

VOL.  H.  A  A 


1XX  APPENDIX.  1718. 

pu  juger  par  cette  conference,  je  vois  peu  ou  point  d'ap- 
parence  d'un  accommodement.  Ce  qui  m'a  paru,  cependant, 
le  plus  singulier,  c'est  qu'il  m'a  proteste  a  diverses  reprises 
que  lui  n'avait  point  ete  auteur  de  cette  guerre,  et  que  s'il 
etait  le  maitre  presentement  il  ne  la  continuerait  pas. 
Que  meme  il  ne  voudrait  point  d'etats  en  Italie :  que 
1'Espagne  serait  beaucoup  plus  puissante,  et  plus  en  etat 
de  se  faire  respecter  en  se  renfermant  dans  son  continent 
et  les  Indes,  et  les  gouvernant  bien,  qu'en  se  dispersant, 
comme  elle  a  ete  par  le  passe.  II  dit  aussi,  (a  1'occasion 
que  me  fournit  une  carte  qui  etait  aupres  de  nous,  ou  je 
lui  montrai  la  cote  de  1'Afrique  opposee  a  1'Espagne, 
comme  une  conquete  tres-aisee  a  faire,  meme  cette  cam- 
pagne,  avec  les  forces  qu'il  a,)  qu'il  aimerait  mieux,  s'il 
etait  le  maitre,  Oran  que  1'Italie ;  mais  que  le  Roi  et  la 
Heine  avaient  pris  a  cosur  les  affaires  d'ltalie,  et  ne 
souffriraient  point  que  1'Empereur  s'en  rendit  le  maitre ; 
qu'il  sentait  bien  que  la  paix  et  1'amitie  de  ses  voisins 
etait  ce  qui  convenait  le  plus  a  ses  interets  particuliers,  et 
le  mettrait  en  etat  de  soutenir  la  forme  du  gouvernement 
qu'il  a  etabli  ici,  laquelle,  il  avoue,  ne  pourrait  durer 
trois  jours  apres  qu'il  aura  quitte  les  affaires.  Mais  par 
toutes  les  memes  raisons  qu'il  prouve  qu'il  ne  convient  ni  a 
1'Espagne,  ni  a  lui  personnellement,  de  se  meler  des  affaires 
d'ltalie,  il  voulait  conclure,  et  me  faire  sentir,  qu'il 
importait  extremement  a  toutes  les  autres  puissances  de 
n'y  point  souffrir  1'agrandissement  de  1'Empereur,  et  de 
ne  point  s'opposer  a  un  Roi  qui,  bien  loin  d'agir  par 
motif  d'ambition,  agissait  centre  ses  propres  interets  pour 
etablir  et  maintenir  un  juste  equilibre  en  Europe.  Ce 
qui  m'a  le  moins  plu  est,  quil  n'a  pas  dit  un  mot  de 
notre  flotte,  de  laquelle  il  devrait  certainement  proposer 
1'inaction,  s'il  avait  en  vie  de  s'accommoder.  M.  de 
Nancre,  du  precede  duquel  je  ne  puis  que  me  louer 
extremement,  est  convenu  avec  moi  que  nous  remettrons 
ensemble  chacun  une  copie  de  la  convention  signee  a 
Paris.  M.  de  Nancre  augure  moins  mal  que  moi  de  ma 
conference  avec  M.  le  Cardinal,  dont  je  lui  ai  fait  un 
recit  circonstancie ;  mais  je  crois  qu'il  ne  fond  ce  peu 
d'espe'rance  que  sur  les  manieres  de  M.  le  Cardinal,  qui 
en  a  agi  avec  moi  avec  une  honnetete  et  une  politesse 
extreme,  et  duquel  je  n'ai  essuye  aucune  des  saillies  que 


1718.  HARDWICKE   PAPERS.  IxXI 

Ton  dit  lui  etre  familieres.  Pour  moi,  je  vous  avoue  que 
j'en  raisonne  differemment,  et  que  son  sangfroid  me  fait 
plus  de  peine  que  n'en  auraient  fait  des  vivacites.  Au 
reste,  Monsieur,  je  tacherai  d'executer  le  plus  exactement 
que  je  pourrai  les  ordres  que  S.  M.  me  donne  par  votre 
lettre  du  17  Juillet  V.  S.  de  mener  les  choses  a  une  con- 
clusion, bonne  ou  mauvaise,  le  plutot  qu'il  se  pourra,  et 
de  sortir  dans  peu  de  jours  de  ce  pays-ci. 


EARL  STANHOPE   TO  SECRETAKY  CRAGGS. 
[Hardwicke  Papers,  vol.  Ivii.] 

A  Fresneda,  ce  22  Aout,  1718. 
MONSIEUR, 

DANS  la  premiere  visite  que  j  fis  a  M.  le  Cardinal, 
le  14.,  il  me  promit  de  m'avertir  quand  je  pourrais  avoir 
audience  du  Roi  et  de  la  Reine.  J'attendis  son  message 
le  15.  Et  comme  il  ne  me  fit  rien  dire,  j'allai  chez  lui 
le  16.  apres  midi  avec  M.  le  Marquis  de  Nancre ;  et  nous 
lui  remimes  chacun  un  exemplaire  de  la  convention  signee 
a  Paris.  II  raisonna  beaucoup  avec  nous,  et  il  nous  parla 
avec  plus  de  chaleur  qu'il  ne  m'avait  parle  la  premiere 
fois.  II  nous  invita  a  diner  avec  lui  pour  le  18.,  et  me 
dit  que  je  pourrais  voir  le  Roi  et  la  Reine  ce  jour-la. 
Le  17.  il  vint  me  faire  visite,  honneur  qu'il  n'a  fait 
encore  a  aucun  autre  Ministre  etranger;  mais  il  evita 
d'entrer  en  matiere  avec  moi.  Le  18.  je  me  rendis  chez 
lui  avec  M.  de  Nancre  un  peu  avant  le  diner ;  et  il  nous 
parla  de  maniere  a  nous  donner  plus  d'esperance  que 
jamais.  Pendant  que  nous  etions  a  table,  il  re£ut  un 
courrier  de  Sicile,  avec  la  nouvelle  que  les  troupes 
Espagnoles  s'etaient  emparees  de  Messine  a  la  citadelle 
pres.  Apres  le  repas  j'eus  audience  du  Roi  et  de  la 
Reine.  En  leur  delivrunt  les  lettres  du  Roi,  j'ai  reprd- 
sente  a  LL.  MM.  combien  il  leur  convenait  d'entrer  dans 
les  mesures  qui  leur  etaient  proposees  pour  le  retablisse- 
ment  de  la  tranquillite  publique,  et  combien  le  Roi 
s'etait  donne  de  soins  et  de  peine  pour  leur  procurer  dc» 
A  A  2 


Ixxii  APPENDIX.  1718. 

conditions  avantageuses.  Le  Roi  Catholique  m'a  repondu 
avec  beaucoup  de  fermete,  et  comme  etant  bien  determine 
a  rejeter  notre  traite.  Et  si  je  ne  me  trompe,  il  a  ajoute" 
qu'il  ecrirait  lui-meme  a  sa  Majeste.  La  Reine  m'a  dit 
qu'elle  etait  bien  obligee  au  Roi  mon  maitre  de  ses  bonnes 
intentions.  C'est  peut-Gtre  un  malheur  que  je  n'ai  vu 
LL.  MM.  qu'apres  qu'elles  ont  su  que  la  ville  de  Messine 
etait  en  leurs  mains,  oe  qui  aura  bien  pu  contribuer  a  les 
rendre  plus  difficiles.  Ensuite  je  suis  retourne  aupres  de 
M.  le  Cardinal,  qui  nous  a  aussi  parle,  a  M.  de  Nancre  et 
moi,  d'un  ton  different  de  celui  du  matin,  et  a  ne  nous 
laisser  plus  guere  d'esperance.  A  peine  e"tais-je  de  retour 
chez  moi  que  je  re9us  le  messager  Randall,  que  my  Lord 
Stair  m'avait  envoye  avec  les  extraits  de  vos  depeches 
lu  25.  Juillet  V.  S.,  dont  le  contenu  m'a  fort  edifie. 
Sur  la  nouvelle  de  la  signature  faite  a  Londres  le  2.  de 
ce  mois,  M.  de  Nancre  et  moi  allames  d'abord,  le  19.  au 
matin,  remettre  a  M.  le  Cardinal  chacun  un  exemplaire 
de  1'extrait  ci-joint  des  articles  secrets.  Nous  avons  juge 
qu'il  serait  mieux  d'extraire  pour  S.  E.  ce  qui  concerne  le 
Roi  d'Espagne  dans  les  articles  secrets,  que  de  lui  donner 
copie  de  ces  articles  memes,  puisqu'ils  contiennent  diverses 
choses  qui  ne  regardent  point  S.  M.  Catholique.  M.  le 
Cardinal  ayant  lu  nos  extraits,  nous  dit  que  les  cngage- 
mens  qu'ils  contiennent  etaient  dans  les  regies ;  et  que  si 
on  ne  voulait  pas  la  paix,  il  fallait  bien  faire  la  guerre. 
Apres  quoi  nous  lui  avons  demande  que  comme  par  ces 
engagemens  on  avait  laisse  au  Roi  d'Espagne  trois  mois 
depuis  la  signature  pour  accepter  le  traite,  pourvu  que 
pendant  ce  terns  il  s'abstint  de  toute  hostilite ;  nous  lui 
avons  demande,  dis-je,  si  une  pareille  suspension  d'armes 
serait  agreable  a  S.  M.  Catholique.  II  a  paru  gouter 
cette  proposition.  II  nous  a  dit  qu'il  en  parlerait  au  Roi. 
Le  soir  du  meme  jour  il  m'ecrivit  une  lettre,  dont  je  joins 
la  copie,  de  meme  que  de  la  reponse  que  j'y  fis.  Le  20. 
nous  allames  voir  si  S.  E.  avait  quelque  chose  a  nous 
repondre  sur  la  communication  et  la  proposition  que  nous 
lui  avions  fait  le  19.  Mais  il  nous  dit  qu'il  avait  remis 
ma  lettre  au  Roi ;  qui  ne  lui  avait  pas  encore  donne 
aucune  reponse  la-dessus.  Et  les  discours  qu'il  nous  tint, 
et  ce  que  le  Roi  m'a  dit  lui-merne,  ne  nous  permettent 
pas  de  rien  esperer  de  notre  negotiation  ici ;  uiais  M.  le 


1718.  HARDWICKE   PAPERS. 

Cardinal  continue  toujours  a  nous  parler  comme  si  en  son 
particulier  il  souhaitait  1'accommodement  tant  pour  ses 
propres  interets  que  pour  ceux  de  S.  M.  Catholique.  Et 
les  raisons  qu'il  nous  en  dit  sont  si  fortes,  et  si  solides, 
que  je  suis  quelquefois  tente  de  croire  que  ce  sont  la  ses 
sentimens.  Par  exemple,  il  reconnait  ingenument  que  la 
guerre  va  ruiner  tous  les  arrangemens  qu'il  a  fait  en 
Espagne,et  qui  lui  font  veritablement  beaucoup  d'honneur ; 
et  il  ne  cesse  de  repeter  qu'il  convient  beaucoup  mieux  a 
un  Roi  d'Espagne  d'avoir  les  affaires  bien  reglees  en 
Espagne  et  dans  les  Indes,  et  d'etre  bien  le  maitre  chez 
soi,  que  de  porter  ses  vues  en  dehors ;  et  il  a  dit  souvent 
que  si  la  guerre  se  fait,  elle  ne  pourra  finir  que  par  la 
ruine  entiere  de  quelqu'une  des  parties.  Cependant  il  lui 
echappa  de  temps  en  temps  des  expressions  qui  feraient 
croire  qu'il  a  de  grandes  esperances  de  pouvoir  exciter 
des  troubles  en  Angleterre  et  en  France.  Si  bien  qu'a 
prendre  ensemble  toute  sa  conduite,  le  jugement  le  plus 
naturel  qu'on  en  puisse  faire,  est  qu'il  roule  de  grands 
desseins  dans  sa  tete,  qu'il  est  bien  agite,  et  qu'il  n'a  pas 
encore  pris  de  parti  bien  fixe. 

Nous  avons  cru  devoir  lui  donner  lajournee  de  hier  de 
re*pit ;  mais  nous  sommes  alles  le  retrouver  ce  matin,  et 
lui  avons  demande  s'il  avait  quelque  chose  a  nous  dire. 
II  nous  a  repondu,  que  le  Roi  voulait  consulter  sur  cette 
affaire  avec  d'autres,  et  qu'il  en  etait  bien-aise  pour  son 
particulier.  Ceci  pourra  causer  un  delai  de  quelques 
jours ;  et  je  ne  deciderai  point  si  de  cette  resolution  de 
consultor  d'autres  Ministres  nous  devons  augurer  bien  ou 
mal.  Si  le  parti  est  pris  d'en  venir  aux  extremites,  il  se 
peut  fort  bien  que  M.  le  Cardinal  ait  voulu  se  couvrir,  et 
s'autoriser  par  1'avis  du  Conseil.  II  se  peut  aussi  que  si 
M.  le  Cardinal  ait  porte"  a  un  accommodement,  et  qu'il  7 
sent  une  forte  repugnance  de  la  part  du  Roi,  il  veuille  se 
fortifier  par  le  sentiment  de  gens  qui  naturellement  ne 
doivent  point  souhaiter  de  voir  1'Espagne  en  guerre  centre 
tout  le  reste  de  1'Europe.  Ce  qu'il  y  a  de  sur,  c'est  que 
M.  le  Cardinal  nous  a  par!6  aujourd'hui  en  homme  qui 
veut  nous  faire  accroire  qu'il  souhaite  un  accommode- 
ment. Au  reste,  il  nous  a  paru  extremement  abattu  et  in- 
quiet.  Peut-etre  qu'il  aura  rec,u  par  un  courrier,  que  nous 
savons  lui  etre  venu  hier  de  Barcelone,  quelques  nouvelles 

AA  3 


Ixxiv  APPENDIX.  1718. 

desagreables.  H  y  a  d'autant  plus  lieu  de  le  croire,  que 
Ton  ne  parle  point  de  ce  qu'il  a  apporte.  Peu  de  jours, 
vraisemblableraent,  nous  mettront  en  etat  de  vous  en- 
voyer  la  resolution  finale  de  cette  Cour. 


EARL  STANHOPE  TO  EARL   OF  STAIR 
[Hardwicke  Papers,  voL  xxxvii.] 

Bayonne,  Sept.  2.  1718. 
MY  LORD, 

I  FIND  here  your  Lordship's  letter  of  the  20th  of  Au- 
gust, being  the  duplicate  which  you  had  the  foresight 
to  lodge  here,  the  messenger  having,  as  you  judged, 
missed  me,  by  taking  the  post  road.  You  will  have  re- 
ceived by  M.  de  Nancre's  courier  my  letter  to  Mr.  Secre- 
tary Craggs  from  Madrid,  enclosed  in  one  from  Colonel 
Stanhope  to  your  Lordship.  Whether  the  Cardinal  de- 
ceives M.  de  Nancre  and  me,  I  cannot  determine ;  but  I 
will  own  to  your  Lordship  that  I  think  he  was  desirous 
to  have  had  the  suspension  of  arms,  and  that  he  will  still 
endeavour  to  accommodate  matters.  He  complains  bit- 
terly of  the  King's  obstinacy,  who  is  at  present  governed 
more  by  his  personal  animosity  against  the  Emperor  and 
Regent,  than  by  any  reason  of  state.  He  represents  him, 
besides,  as  excessively  jealous  and  mistrustful  of  all 
about  him ;  insomuch  that,  for  a  considerable  time  past, 
no  person  whatever,  not  the  Cardinal  himself,  has  ever 
spoken  about  business  to  the  King  or  Queen  asunder ; 
nor  does  any  other  Minister  ever  dare  to  speak  but  in 
the  presence  of  the  King,  Queen,  and  Cardinal,  who,  by 
what  I  can  judge,  are  every  one  jealous  of  each  other. 
The  Queen  has  taken  a  pli,  to  affect  being  more  angry 
than  any  body  at  our  treaty,  thereby  to  convince  the 
King  that  she  will  sacrifice  all  private  interest  to  his  will 
and  pleasure.  This  is  but  affectation ;  what  she  really 
stomachs  is,  that  more  regard  is  shown  to  her  issue  than 
to  herself;  and  I  really  think  care  should  have  been 
taken  to  have  secured  the  guardianship  of  her  children, 


1718.  HARDWICKE   PAPERS. 

and,  consequently,  the  administration  of  the  government 
of  those  two  fiefs,  to  her  Majesty  during  the  minority  of 
her  children ;  as  likewise  to  have  made  some  provision 
for  a  pension  to  her  during  life  out  of  those  dominions, 
if  her  children  should  die,  and  the  fiefs  consequently  be 
disposed  of  to  another  family.  Something  of  this  kind 
may  still  be  done ;  and  would,  I  verily  believe,  determine 
her  to  give  us  what  assistance  she  can ;  for,  if  I  mistake 
not,  she  is  far  from  being  insensible  of  the  advantages 
procured  to  her  family ;  and  this  I  gather  even  from  her 
behaviour  to  me,  at  my  taking  leave ;  for,  besides  a  more 
than  usual  affectation  of  being  civil  to  me,  she  did  in  a 
manner,  and  very  skilfully,  in  the  King's  presence,  be- 
seech my  friendship  for  the  future.  The  King  talked 
longer  to  me  than  he  does  usually,  with  less  heat  and 
emotion  than  the  first  time  I  saw  him,  but  with  an  air,  I 
think,  as  much  determined  as  possible  to  abide  all  extre- 
mities. The  Cardinal  shed  tears  when  I  parted  with 
him,  has  promised  to  write  to  me,  and  to  let  slip  no  oc- 
casion that  may  offer  of  adjusting  matters.  Upon  the 
whole,  I  am  of  opinion  that  before  next  spring  fata  viam 
inrenient  of  adjusting  this  business  amicably;  and,  not- 
withstanding the  ill  success  I  have  had,  I  am  far  from 
repenting  my  having  made  this  journey.  I  learn  here 
that  the  citadel  of  Messina  is  taken.  The  Cardinal 
seemed  very  doubtful  about  it,  and  still  more  so  of  Syra- 
cuse. The  best,  or  indeed  only  service  our  fleet  could 
do,  if  the  citadel  of  Messina  is  lost,  is  to  concert  measures 
with  the  Viceroy  of  Naples  to  save  Syracuse  ;  for  if  the 
Spaniards  are  entirely  masters  of  the  port  of  Messina,  he 
will  not  be  able  to  hurt  their  fleet.  I  hope  measures  are 
taken  in  England  for  a  squadron  wintering  in  the  Medi- 
terranean :  upon  that  will  depend  every  thing.  For  at 
the  same  time  that  I  will  own  to  you  that  it  is  my 
opinion  that  we  should  have  a  door  open  to  negotiate 
with  Spain,  —  and  that  I  believe  they  will  at  last  come 
to,  —  at  the  same  time,  I  say,  I  think  it  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  redouble  our  vigour,  upon  their  hanging  back, 
and  to  let  them  see  that  what  shall  not  be  complied  by 
fair  means  will  certainly  be  done  by  force.  For  that 
reason,  I  am  extremely  pleased  to  observe  in  your  Lord- 
ship's letter  the  style  in  which  the  Regent  speaks  to  you  ; 

A  A   4 


Ixxvi  APPEXDIX.  1718. 

lot  him  but  continue  that  language,  and  act  accordingly, 
one  may  venture  to  answer  for  success.  Enclosed  I  send 
you  a  copy  of  what  I  write  to  the  fleet. 

I  cannot  describe  to  you  how  troublesome  a  journey  I 
have  had ;  it  has  not,  I  thank  God,  affected  me  in  my 
health,  but  poor  Schaub  is  very  ill  of  a  fever.  I  had 
much  ado  to  bring  him  thus  far ;  here  I  must  leave  him, 
where  he  will  have  all  possible  help  ;  and  indeed  I  can- 
not say  enough  of  the  civilities  of  these  people  to  us. 
Having  nobody  with  me  to  copy,  I  shall  refer  Mr.  Secre- 
tary Craggs  to  what  I  write  to  your  Lordship,  and  pray 
you  to  have  a  copy  made  of  this  letter,  and  transmit  it 
to  him.* 


EAEL  STANHOPE  TO  SECRETARY  CRAGGS. 

[Hardwkke  Papers,  vol.  xxxvii.] 

(Extract.) 

Paris,  Sept.  14.  1718. 

THE  common  talk  of  Paris,  and  what  is  universally 
believed,  is,  that  the  plan  is  not  only  made,  but  the  fleets 
of  Moscow  and  Sweden  actually  joined,  and  have  a  great 
number  of  Tories  aboard,  bound  on  some  expedition 
against  the  King. 

I  forgot  to  mention  to  you,  in  my  several  relations 
from  Spain,  that  the  Cardinal  could  not  disguise  the 
hopes  he  had  of  something  considerable  from  that  quarter. 
I  had  likewise,  near  Bordeaux,  at  my  return,  a  conversa- 
tion with  the  Duke  of  Berwick,  who  told  me  he  had  the 
same  advices  of  the  Czar  and  King  of  Sweden  concur- 
ring, and  joining  their  forces  upon  some  great  expedition. 
He  seemed  to  believe  it  levelled  against  Mecklenburg ; 
and  the  judgment  he  made  upon  it,  and  which  seemed  to 
me  very  sensible,  was,  that  such  an  attempt  would,  or 

*  A  small  part  of  this  letter  has  been  already  printed,  but  not  very 
correctly,  from  the  Schaub  Papers  in  Coxe's  House  of  Bourbon,  vol. 
ii.  p.  331.  . 


1718.  HARDWICKE   PAPERS. 

would  not,  prove  to  be  of  great  consequence  and  trouble, 
according  to  the  part  the  King  of  Prussia  should  act  in 
that  affair. 


MEMORANDUM  ON  THE  FOLLOWING  PAPER,  BY 
PHILIP  SECOND  EAEL  STANHOPE. 

"  THE  original  paper  put  into  the  hands  of  the  Roman 
Catholics  was  written  by  James  Earl  Stanhope.  After 
having  been  approved  of  by  some  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
Roman  Catholics  in  England,  they  got  it  conveyed  to 
Rome.  The  scheme  was  prematurely  blabbed  by  the 
late  Earl  Waldegrave,  afterwards  ambassador  at  Paris ; 
which  having  been  found  out  by  Abbe  Strickland,  after- 
wards Bishop  of  Namur,  he  contrived  to  get  possession 
of  the  original  paper,  and  sent  it  back  to  James  Earl 
Stanhope.  His  son  Philip  Earl  Stanhope  obtained  this 
copy  from  George  Bubb  Dodington,  afterwards  Lord 
Melcombe." 

There  is  another  copy  among  the  Hardwicke  Papers. 

A  Paper  put  in  the  Hands  of  Roman  Catholics. 

In  order  to  put  the  Roman  Catholics  in  a  way  of  de- 
serving some  share  in  the  mercy  and  protection  of  the 
government,  it  is  required  that  some  of  the  most  con- 
siderable depute  a  proper  person  with  a  letter  to  the 
Pope,  to  inform  him  that,  whereas  they  must  be  otherwise 
utterly  ruined,  they  may  yet  obtain  some  liberty  and 
security  for  their  religion  upon  four  conditions,  all  in  his 
own  power,  and  evidently  consistent  with  the  Roman 
Catholic  principles. 

I.  It  is  required  that  he  order  his  former  decree  about 
the  oath  of  allegiance,  now  dormant  in  the  hands  of  the 
Internuncio  at  Brussels,  to  be  published  and  executed 
by  proper  delegates,  and  in  the  most  effectual  manner, 
for  the  information  of  the  people. 

II.  That  he  take  from  Cardinal  Gualtieri,  the  Pretender's 


Ixxviii  APPENDIX.  1718 

declared  agent  at  Rome,  the  title  and  office  of  Protector 
of  England,  and  confer  the  same  on  one  no  ways  en- 
gaged in  any  national  faction,  or  otherwise  obnoxious 
to  the  government. 

HL  That  he  revoke  the  indult  granted  the  Pretender  for 
the  nomination  of  Irish  Bishops,  and  solemnly  promise 
the  Emperor  to  govern  the  mission  without  any  direct 
or  indirect  communication  with  the  Pretender,  or  regard 
to  his  interest. 

IV.  That  any  person  hereafter  employed  in  the  mission 
shall  immediately  be  revoked  and  called  away  bona 
fide  upon  information  of  any  offence  by  him  given  to 
the  government.  As  the  Emperor  has  engaged  to  bring 
the  Pope  to  these  terms,  it  will  be  necessary  to  send 
also  a  proper  person  to  him,  with  a  letter,  to  desire  his 
mediation  in  this  affair. 

As  any  delays  or  tergiversation  in  coming  into  these 
measures  can  never  be  coloured  with  any  pretence  of 
conscience  or  religion,  so,  if  any  should  be  made  by  per- 
sons obstinately  disaffected  to  the  government,  they  would 
have  no  means  left  to  secure  the  peace  of  the  realm,  but 
in  the  real  and  full  execution  of  the  penal  laws,  and  more 
particularly  of  the  act  for  transferring  the  rights  of  suc- 
cession of  the  next  Protestant  heir,  the  immediate  heir 
not  conforming  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  of  the  late  Register 
Act,  and  all  the  consequences  it  may  have. 

FORM  OF   OATH. 

I,  A.  B.,  do  promise  and  swear  that  I  will  pay  a  true  and 
entire  submission  to  his  Majesty  King  George,  and  no 
way  disturb  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  this  realm  ; 
and  that  I  will  not  assist  any  person  whatever,  directly 
or  indirectly,  against  his  said  Majesty,  or  the  present 
government. 

I  also  desire  that  I  detest  the  abominable  doctrine  of  the 
Pope's  having  power  to  dispense  with  allegiance  or 
submission  solemnly  sworn  to  princes,  or  to  dethrone 
or  murder  them. 


1719.  COXE   PAPERS.  1XX1X 

SECRETAEY  CRAGGS  TO  MR.  SCHAUB. 
[Coxe  Papers,  vol.  Ixxii.  p.  143.] 

Whitehall,  June  30.  1719.  O.S. 

I  CANNOT  sufficiently  thank  you  for  the  useful  intelli- 
gence you  gave  me  in  your  letters  of  the  24th  and  30th 
N.  S.,  nor  can  I  sufficiently  lament  with  you  the  bad 
situation  of  affairs  in  the  North.  I  should  not,  however, 
regard  it  in  that  light,  were  we  permitted  to  employ  such 
means  as  may  be  found  to  extricate  ourselves  with  honour. 
But  as  long  as  that  mischievous  old  man  *  retains  his 
influence,  it  will  hardly  be  possible.  So  contracted  are 
his  views  with  regard  to  the  public,  and  so  confined  his 
ideas  to  his  own  Mecklenburg  and  his  three  villages,  that 
the  credit  and  security  of  all  Europe  are  not  able  to  rouse 
him.  Besides,  as  he  minds  nothing  but  his  own  interest 
and  prerogatives  in  particular  districts,  and  the  gratify- 
ing of  his  resentment  against  Monsieur  Ugen,  &c.,  such 
principles  will  never  advance  our  affairs.  Wherefore, 
happen  what  may,  I  am  entirely  of  opinion,  that  we  should 
adopt  the  method  proposed  by  the  Duchess  f,  of  making 
every  one  speak  who  possesses  the  least  degree  of  influence. 

You  see  that,  at  the  rate  we  are  now  going  on,  Lord 
Stanhope  is  on  the  point  of  resigning  every  day.  It  is 
possible  that  his  friends  may  continue  in,  out  of  pure 
respect  to  the  King ;  but  without  hoping  to  do  the  least 
good,  and  thus  becoming  certain  victims  to  an  useless 
point  of  honour.  Besides,  you  would  see  a  new  faction. 
Those  who  serve  the  King  would  have  just  credit  enough 
to  be  sacrificed  to  the  rage  of  one  party,  or  to  the  inter- 
ested views  and  adulations  of  another.  Believe  me,  my 
friend,  consult  with  the  Duchess  and  Lord  Stanhope, 
and  exert  your  utmost  efforts  ;  for  nothing  worse  can 
happen  than  what  I  foresee.  My  most  humble  and  sincere 
compliments  to  the  Duchess.  Show  her  this  letter,  which 
will  save  her  the  trouble  of  one  from  me.  I  have  but 
one  objection  to  Gortz's  coming,  which  is,  the  filling  of  a 
new  purse  It  is  incredible  what  prejudice  all  these  sales 

*  Bcrnsilorf.  f  Of  Kendd. 


1XXX  APPENDIX.  1719. 

of  offices  and  other  underhand  dealings  occasion  to  the 
King's  service  ;  for,  to  complete  our  misfortunes,  I  have 
remarked  that  there  is  no  distinction  of  persons  or  cir- 
cumstances :  Jacobites,  Tories,  Papists,  at  the  Exchange 
or  in  the  Church,  by  land  or  by  sea,  during  the  Ses- 
sion or  in  the  Recess, — nothing  is  objected  to,  provided 
there  is  money.  You  see  that  I,  too,  write  pretty  freely 
to  you.  I  have  burnt  your  letters.  Should  you  show 
mine,  there  is  not  a  thought  of  which  I  am  ashamed,  nor 
any  consequences  that  I  dread.  tBut,  to  conclude,  as  long 
as  we  are  in  the  boat  we  must  pull  with  all  our  might, 
and  meet  difficulties  only  to  surmount  them.  I  desire 
you  will  continue  your  informations  with  the  same  punc- 
tuality. Among  the  very  few  reasons  which  induce  me 
to  support  the  burthen  of  business  as  well  as  I  am  able, 
the  hope  of  being  one  day  of  some  use  to  you  is  not  the 
least. 


EARL  STANHOPE  TO  SECRETARY  CRAGGS. 
[Hardwicke  Papers,  voL  xxxix.] 

Hanover,  July  10.  1719.  KS. 

WE  have  been  in  very  great  agitation  here  for  some 
time,  but  have,  at  last,  got  a  complete  victory  over  the 
old  man.*  The  King  has  twice,  in  council,  before  all  his 
German  Ministers,  overruled  him  with  an  air  of  authority 
in  relation  to  our  negotiation  with  Prussia.  One  of  these 
rebukes  ought  to  be  the  more  sensible  to  him,  as  it  con- 
cerned the  three  villages  you  have  so  often  heard  of. 
The  old  gentleman  affects  to  appear  very  supple  to  me 
since,  and  the  new  instructions  for  M.  Hensch  are  pre- 
paring as  I  would  have  them. 

*  Bernsdorf. 


1719.  STANHOPE  PAPERS. 


EARL  OF  SUNDERLAND  TO  EARL  STANHOPE. 

[Stanhope  Papers.] 

London,  July  31.  1719. 
MY  LORD, 

I  HAVE  the  honour  of  your  Lordship's  letter  of  the  3d 
of  August  N.  S.  The  affairs  of  the  North  do,  indeed, 
seem  to  be  in  a  very  confused  condition  ;  but  you  have 
already  got  the  better  of  so  many  difficulties  in  relation 
to  them,  that  I  cannot  help  thinking  you  will  get  through 
the  rest  at  last.  We  had,  yesterday,  an  account  of  St. 
Sebastian  being  taken  :  things  in  Spain  seem  to  be  in  as 
good  a  way  as  one  could  wish.  We  have,  yesterday, 
ordered  another  man-of-war,  of  70  guns,  a  clean  ship,  and 
full-manned,  to  join  Sir  John  Norris,  besides  the  former 
four  :  she  was  ready  in  the  Downs,  and  will  sail  to-night 
or  to-morrow  morning,  the  wind  being  fair.  If  these 
ships  can  get  to  him  in  time,  I  cannot  but  think  he  will 
be  strong  enough  to  make  his  party  good  with  the  Musco- 
vites ;  for  though  their  fleet  may  be  something  more 
numerous,  doubtlessly  they  are  but  sad  wretches  at  the 
manoeuvre  of  a  ship  ;  and  their  case,  if  there  is  an  action, 
will  be  like  that  of  the  Spaniards  last  year. 

I  send  you,  enclosed,  a  warrant  for  the  King's  licence 
to  me  to  go  over,  which  M.  de  la  Faye  has  drawn  up  ;  if 
the  King  approves  of  my  going,  you  will  get  his  hand  to 
it,  and  send  it  me  as  soon  as  you  can,  that  I  may  prepare 
for  my  journey. 


EARL  OF  SUNDERLAND  TO  EARL  STANHOPE. 

London^  Aug.  4.  1719. 
MY  LORD, 

I  HEARTILY  congratulate  with  your  Lordship  upon  the 
conclusion  of  the  treaty  with  Sweden,  because,  among 
many  good  consequences  that  will  attend  it,  it  will  give 
us  a  just  occasion  of  joining  them  against  the  Czar,  and 


Ixxxii  APPENDIX.  1719. 

fiving  his  naval  force  a  like  blow  to  what  was  given  the 
paniards  in  the  Mediterranean.  I  am  indeed  very  much 
concerned  to  see  the  difficulties  Sir  John  Norris  makes, 
for  I  think  I  never  saw  a  stranger  letter  than  that  which 
he  wrote  to  your  Lordship,  and  of  which  you  sent  me  a 
copy.  I  own  I  never  did  expect  better  from  him,  for  he 
is  one  of  those  unreasonable,  blustering  men,  that  make 
a  great  noise,  and  are  capable  of  doing  nothing.  I  have 
talked  with  Sir  John  Jennings  and  Sir  Charles  Wager 
upon  all  this  matter :  and  when  I  told  them  of  the  cer- 
tainty of  the  four  Swedish  men-of-war  and  the  two 
frigates,  which  Spar  had  acquainted  Norris  were  ready 
to  join  him,  besides  the  probability  of  several  more,  which 
Lord  Carteret  sends  you  an  account  of,  they  lifted  up 
their  shoulders,  and  were  astonished,  thinking  it  was  a 
sure  thing,  in  case  he  did  join  them,  and  attack  the  Czar. 
For  besides  that  his  ships  are  but  of  the  middling  size, 
there  is  no  such  thing  as  for  a  nation,  never  accustomed 
to  the  manoeuvre  of  ships,  to  be  able  to  cope  with  those 
that  are,  though  their  numbers  are  greater.  This  was 
the  case  of  the  Spaniards,  who  struck  in  the  very  line  ; 
for  God's  sake,  therefore,  let  positive  orders  go  to  Norris 
forthwith  to  join  the  Swedes,  and  not  lose  this  opportunity, 
now  the  Czar's  fleet  is  in  a  pound ;  for  that  seems  to  be 
their  case  now,  in  the  river  of  Stockholm.  Your  Lord- 
ship will  see,  by  M.  de  la  Faye's  letter,  the  opinion  of 
the  Lords  Justices,  which  they  humbly  lay  before  the 
King,  that  Norris  should  immediately  join  the  Swedes, 
and  not  lose  this  opportunity.  I  own  my  poor  opinion  is, 
that  if  Norris  should  persist  in  making  his  difficulties, 
the  King  should  send  express  for  Sir  John  Jennings  to 
go  and  take  upon  him  the  command  of  the  fleet,  besides 
the  70-gun  ship  which  I  acquainted  you  was  ordered  to 
join  Norris.  We  have  ordered  the  Prince  Frederick, 
another  70-gun  ship,,  clean  and  full-manned,  to  sail  forth- 
with to  him,  with  a  fire-ship  ;  so  that  when  all  these  come, 
the  last  of  which  will  sail  to-night  from  the  Downs,  he 
will  have  a  reinforcement  of  six  ships  of  the  line,  and  a 
fire-ship,  if  it  be  not  too  late  when  they  come.  This  sure 
will  leave  him  no  room  to  hesitate,  though  I  hope  the 
King's  orders  will  not  have  allowed  him  to  stay  for  these 
ships,  but  that  he  will  have  joined  the  Swedes  before. 


1719.  STANHOPE   PAPERS. 

You  see  we  have  sent  all  we  can,  that  can  be  there  in  any 
time,  and  with  as  much  expedition  as  could  be.  We 
expect  with  great  impatience  your  next  letters,  hoping  to 
hear  then  of  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  at  Berlin.  I 
must  not  forget  telling  you  that  Bothmar  has  shown  me 
his  letters  from  his  brother  at  Copenhagen,  in  which  he 
has  the  same  opinion  that  we  have  of  Norris's  backward- 
ness ;  and  says  that,  if  he  was  in  his  place,  he  would  join 
the  Swedes  immediately,  thinking  the  success  sure.  He 
confirms  what  Lord  Carteret  writes  of  the  number  of  the 
Swedish  ships  that  are  ready,  and  seems  to  think  there 
is  no  reason  to  apprehend  the  Danes  doing  any  thing 
against  us.  I  must  beg  leave  to  put  you  in  mind  of  the 
warrant  for  the  Saxon  arrears,  the  Commissioners  of 
Accounts  being  very  uneasy  about  it. 

My  compliments  to  the  good  Duchess.  * 


EAEL   OF  SUNDERLAND  TO  EARL  STANHOPE. 

London,  Aug.  7.  1719. 
MY  LORD, 

I  RETURN  your  Lordship  many  thanks  for  the  favour 
of  your  letters,  with  the  King's  licence,  and  your  kind 
invitation  to  Hanover,  which  I  shall  make  use  of  as  soon 
as  possibly  I  can ;  I  reckon  to  be  going  in  less  than  a 
fortnight.  I  have  read  the  draft  you  sent  of  the  treaty 
with  Sweden,  and  I  think  it  is  in  every  particular  right. 
I  sent  immediately  to  the  Commissioners  of  Accounts, 
who  are  so  pleased  with  the  signing  of  the  Saxon  warrant 
that  they  are  ready  to  do  whatever  one  will,  and  they  are 
making  so  much  haste  in  the  Danish  account,  that  I  be- 
lieve it  will  be  ready  for  me  to  send  you  the  warrant  for 
the  King's  hand  by  the  next  post,  so  that  you  may  depend 
upon  the  money  being  ready  the  moment  the  treaty  is 
finished.  I  hope,  by  the  middle  of  next  week,  the  six 
line-of-battle  ships  and  the  fire-ship  that  have  been  or- 

*  KcndoL 


Ixxxiv  APPENDIX.  1719. 

dered  to  go  to  Norris  will  be  with  him,  for  they  are  all 
sailed,  and  the  wind  has  been  and  is  as  fair  as  one  can 
wish.  I  own  I  have  set  ray  heart  upon  not  losing  this 
opportunity  of  giving  a  blow  to  the  Czar's  fleet ;  for,  be- 
sides the  solid  and  lasting  good,  no  one  thing  would  be 
more  popular  here.  But  if  that  cannot  be,  one  must  do 
the  next  best,  and  in  all  events  the  treaty  with  Sweden 
will  secure  us,  and,  if  the  King  of  Prussia  acts  like  a 
reasonable  man,  will  hasten  his  signing  with  us.  For 
God's  sake,  hasten  the  King's  going  to  the  Gohr,  for  I 
hear  he  thinks  of  being  in  England  not  sooner  than  the 
middle  of  November :  if  so,  that  entirely  defeats  the  doing 
any  considerable  business  before  the  holidays,  the  ill 
consequences  of  which  are  but  too  plain  :  whereas,  if,  by 
meeting  early,  as  has  been  for  these  two  last  Sessions, 
the  main  of  the  money  affairs  are  got  over  by  that  time, 
the  King  has  the  Session  in  his  hand. 


EARL  OF  SUNDERLAND  TO  EARL  STANHOPE. 

London,  Aug.  14.  1719. 
MY  LORD, 

I  MOST  heartily  congratulate  with  your  Lordship  upon 
the  signing  of  our  Prussia  treaty.  The  King  is  really 
now  master  of  the  affairs  of  the  North,  and  you  will  most 
justly  have  the  honour  of  being  the  projector  and  finisher 
of  the  peace,  both  in  North  and  South.  Your  project  of 
the  preliminary  treaty  with  Sweden,  and  the  orders  you 
have  s^nt  in  all  events  to  Lord  Carteret,  are  the  justest 
and  Tightest  that  ever  were  formed,  and  what  strikes  one 
as  soon  as  one  reads  them ;  and,  without  a  compliment 
to  you,  they  are  what  nobody  but  yourself  could  have 
formed  in  so  nice  and  just  a  manner.  Our  six  ships  of 
the  line  and  the  fire-ship  must  have  reached  Sir  J.  Norris 
before  this ;  if,  after  that,  he  should  persist  in  making 
difficulties  in  the  execution  of  what  you  shall  expect  from 
him,  I  must  beg  leave  to  repeat,  what  I  wrote  before, 
that  you  should  forthwith  send  for  Sir  John  Jennings  to 
take  the  command.  If  this  does  agree  with  your  opinion, 
I  am  very  willing  it  should  be  known  to  be  mine,  to  take 


1719.  STANHOPE  PAPERS.  IxXXV 

my  share  in  the  advice :  for,  to  lose  such  an  opportunity, 
is  what  one  cannot  think  of  with  patience.  There  is  one 
Mr.  Crisp,  a  gentleman  of  estate  in  Lancashire,  a  sensible 
worthy  man  in  every  respect,  who  has  this  particular 
merit,  that,  in  the  time  of  the  late  rebellion,  he  undertook 
the  office  of  sheriff  in  that  county  when  nobody  else  would, 
and  executed  it  with  the  greatest  zeal  and  vigour  for  the 
Government;  so  much,  that  he  has  never  been  able  to 
live  in  the  country  since  :  he  has  been,  for  nearly  two 
years  past,  in  treaty,  by  the  King's  permission,  with  Mr. 
Hide,  for  the  place  of  Commissary-general  of  the  army, 
who  had  that  place  for  life.  This  Hide  is  now  dead,  and 
Mr.  Crisp  hopes  he  may  have  the  place  ;  with  this  differ- 
ence, that  he  only  desires  it  during  pleasure,  and  does 
not  pretend  to  it  for  life.  I  think  that,  considering  the 
King  had  allowed  him  to  treat  for  it  upon  that  other  foot, 
and  that  he  has  had  the  promises  of  every  body  in  busi- 
ness to  do  something  for  him,  his  pretensions  have  a  just 
foundation.  If  you  think  so,  I  must  beg  you  would  men- 
tion it  to  the  King ;  for,  in  justice,  something  ought  to 
be  done  for  this  gentleman.  I  shall  embark  on  Thursday, 
and  make  what  haste  I  can  to  kiss  your  hands  at  Hanover. 
Mr.  Johnson  goes  thither  by  to-day's  packet-boat.  Hamer- 
stein  and  the  Grand  Mareschal  have  written  to  him  to 
come  about  the  King's  gardens :  as  far  as  his  talking  may 
be  of  any  use  in  any  thing,  he  will  be  entirely  governed 
by  you  and  the  Duchess  of  Kendal. 


EAEL  OF  SUNDERLAND  TO  EAEL  STANHOPE. 

Hague,  Aug.  25.  0.  S.  1719. 
MY  LORD, 

I  CAME  yesterday  to  this  place,  where  I  shall  stay  till 
Friday,  and  then  make  the  best  of  my  way  to  Hanover. 
I  have  seen  the  Pensionary  and  the  rest  of  the  Ministers, 
who  are  in  the  dispositions  one  would  wish  them ;  but, 
notwithstanding  that,  the  factions  are  so  high,  and  par- 
ticularly at  Amsterdam,  that  their  accession  seems  as 
uncertain  as  ever.  I  suppose  you  will  have  received  at 

VOL.  n.  B  B 


APPEKDK.  1719 

Hanover,  as  soon  as  they  had  it  here,  the  good  news  of 
Messina's  being  surrendered ;  this  will  make  us  masters 
of  five  or  six  more  Spanish  men-of-war  that  were  in  that 
port.  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  Norris  is  at  last  sailed  to 
join  the  Swedes ;  I  only  wish  he  does  not  come  too  late, 
for  the  Czar  will,  I  believe,  hardly  stay  for  him,  notwith- 
standing the  other  seemed  to  reckon  him  so  terrible.  I 
am  very  much  concerned  to  hear  the  King  has  put  off  his 
going  to  the  Gohr  so  late  as  to  the  24th  N.S.  of  September ; 
for  I  know  the  consequence  of  that  will  be,  that  we  shall 
run  the  hazard  of  losing  the  advantage  of  the  Session  be- 
fore the  holidays.  Holding  the  Parliament  by  the  middle 
of  November,  as  the  King  has  done  these  two  last  years, 
with  the  wonderful  success  you  have  had  both  in  the 
North  and  in  the  South,  would  make  every  thing  easy, 
and  fix  his  authority  in  England  as  much  as  it  is  every 
where  abroad.  I  hope  your  Lordship  and  our  good 
Duchess  will  be  able  to  bring  this  about ;  for  it  is  of 
more  consequence  than  can  be  imagined.  We  received 
yesterday  at  Helvoeytsluis  the  Danish  warrant,  and  other 
Treasury  papers,  which  you  sent  by  Hayward  the  mes- 
senger ;  so  that  you  may  depend  upon  the  money  being 
ready  for  Sweden  whenever  you  shall  want  it. 


EARL  STANHOPE  TO  ADMIRAL  SIR  JOHN  NORRIS. 
(Extract.) 

Hanover,  Aug.  17.  1719.  N.S. 

You  will,  after  sending  a  letter  to  the  Czar  by  an 
officer,  wait  at  Hanoe  such  a  competent  time  as  you  may 
judge  sufficient  to  receive  an  answer.  If  the  answer  be 
to  your  satisfaction,  the  King  will  obtain  his  end,  in  the 
manner  he  likes  best,  of  saving  a  brave  people,  without 
any  loss  of  his  own  subjects ;  but  if  either  an  insolent  or 
a  captious  answer  be  sent,  or  none  at  all,  you  will  then 
join  the  Swedes,  and  act  together  in  the  manner  you  shall 
judge  most  effectual  to  destroy  the  Czar's  fleet,  than  which 
a  greater  service  cannot  be  done  to  your  country.  It  is 


1719.  STAXHOPE  PAPERS.  Ixxxvii 

impossible,  under  the  circumstances  we  are,  for  the  King 
to  give  you  more  positive  and  unconditional  orders  ;  he 
judges  it  a  happiness  to  have  at  the  head  of  his  fleet,  at 
this  juncture,  a  man  so  able  to  help  out  the  lameness  or 
imperfections  of  any  orders.  You  know  His  Majesty's 
view,  which  is  to  save  Sweden,  if  possible,  and  to  destroy 
the  Czar's  fleet ;  you  are  the  only  judge  whether  the 
means  you  have  are  sufficient.  If  you  think  not,  you 
must  not  attempt,  and,  consequently,  not  send  the  letter 
to  the  Czar.  If  you  think  you  are  likely  to  succeed,  at- 
tempt, in  the  name  of  God ;  and  be  sure  of  all  the  support 
the  King  can  give  you,  even  though  the  event  should  not 
answer  your  expectations. 


EARL  OF  PETERBOKOUGH  TO  EAEL  STANHOPE. 

Norn,  November  20.  1719. 
MY  LORD, 

HAVING  contributed  to  obtain  a  liberty  to  the  Duke  of 
Parma,  that  he  might  send  a  Minister  to  Spain,  in  order  to 
facilitate  a  peace,  and  the  Cardinal  having,  in  so  priestly 
a  manner,  imposed  upon  that  gentleman  *,  only  to  remove 
him  from  Madrid,  you  cannot  conceive,  my  Lord,  how 
great  the  concern  of  the  Duke  of  Parma  has  been,  nor 
how  much  he  desires  the  opportunity  of  making  that 
insolent  Minister  repent  that,  and  all  his  other  mistaken 
measures.  I  assure  your  Lordship  I  have  had  my  share 
of  uneasiness  for  the  disappointment. 

The  Duke  having  desired  me,  if  possibly  I  could  allow 
the  time,  that  I  would  meet  one  of  hi»  Ministers  on  the 
confines  of  Lombardy,  I  took  post  from  Paris,  to  give 
him  the  satisfaction  he  expected,  and  I  find  that  Prince 
in  dispositions  which  I  think  may  be  made  useful. 

Italian  princes  are  great  lovers  of  negotiation,  but  sel- 
dom disposed  to  take  the  proper  methods  to  bring  mat- 
ters to  a  conclusion ;  but  the  Duke  of  Parma  will  and 
must  exert  himself,  and  sees  the  necessity  of  getting  rid 
of  Alberoni  at  any  rate,  or  reducing  him,  without  loss  of 

*  Marquis  Scotti. 

BBS 


Ixxxviii  APPENDIX.  1719. 

time,  to  reason ;  and,  certainly,  the  Duke  of  Parma  is 
the  most  proper  person  to  make  these  representations  to 
their  Catholic  Majesties,  which,  in  the  present  circum- 
stances, cannot  but  have  speedy  effect. 

The  interest  of  the  King  of  Spain,  rightly  understood, 
the  relief  of  his  country,  the  deplorable  condition  of  the 
Italian  Princes,  require  that  an  end  should  be  put  to  the 
follies  and  visions  of  this  turbulent  Minister ;  and  I  am 
of  opinion  it  would  be  a  great  ease  to  our  English  Minis- 
ters, in  the  ensuing  Session,  that  the  war  of  Spain  were 
ending,  if  there  be  danger  of  a  new  one  beginning  with 
the  Muscovites. 

I  have  writ  at  large  to  the  Abbe  Dubois  upon  this 
subject,  and  have  acquainted  him  with  what  the  Duke  of 
Parma  thinks  might  bring  the  war  to  a  speedy  conclu- 
sion ;  proposing  to  him  what  the  Prince  esteems  neces- 
sary, on  the  part  of  the  Allies,  to  give  authority  to  his 
endeavours. 

The  Cardinal,  to  obviate  the  Duke  of  Parma's  repre- 
sentations to  their  Catholic  Majesties,  endeavours  to  per- 
suade that  the  Duke  is  willing  to  sacrifice  the  interests 
of  the  King  of  Spain,  to  get  rid  of  MB  present  pressures 
by  the  German  contributions :  he  desires  therefore  a  let- 
ter from  the  Regent,  to  intimate  that  the  Allies  will  have 
no  longer  patience,  but  are  taking  the  resolution  to  enter 
into  no  negotiations  of  peace  till  the  Cardinal  be  removed 
from  the  Ministry.  The  Duke  is  of  opinion,  that  if  he 
can  represent  this  as  the  determined  resolution  of  the 
Allies,  he  shall  be  able  to  deal  with  the  Cardinal,  and 
persuade  their  Catholic  Majesties  to  an  immediate  com- 
pliance to  what  is  desired.  When  I  was  at  Paris,  I  left 
the  Abbe  Dubois  in  the  sentiments  that  this  was  neces- 
sary and  proper  to  bring  matters  to  a  conclusion. 

My  Lord,  as  soon  as  I  receive  an  answer  to  my  letters 
from  Paris,  I  take  my  post-chaise  to  come  northwards,  in 
an  improper  season ;  I  shall  not  fail  to  meet  your  Lord- 
ship in  the  middle  of  this  critical  Parliament.  I  wish  I 
could  contribute  as  I  desire  to  the  measures  necessary  to 
preserve  the  Government  from  contempt  and  ruin.  For- 
give the  expression.  No  person  can  better  judge  of  our 
circumstances,  and  those  of  our  neighbours,  than  your- 
self. You  must  give  me  leave  to  say,  it  is  high  time  to 


1719.  STANHOPE  PAPERS. 

make  the  utmost  efforts ;  ordinary  remedies  will  not 
overcome  the  national  disease  of  near  sixty  millions  of 
debt,  to  which  must  be  added  our  unfortunate  divisions, 
and  all  those  other  circumstances  which  render  all  en- 
deavours for  the  public  good  difficult,  if  not  impossible. 

My  Lord,  I  shall  add  but  one  word.  Pray  consider  all 
I  have  done,  and  suffered,  for  the  interest  of  the  present 
Emperor.  The  jealousies  of  the  Court  of  Vienna,  upon 
my  subject,  are  as  pitiful  as  unjust :  I  am  confident  you 
will  answer  for  me.  I  endeavour  nothing  but  a  peace, 
upon  those  terms  which  might  satisfy,  in  my  opinion,  his 
Imperial  Majesty. 

My  Lord,  I  am  persuaded  you  will  tell  some  of  their 
Ministers  they  are  in  the  wrong.  I  am  fully  persuaded 
of  your  friendship,  and  your  Lordship  shall  be  convinced 
I  am  with  all  sincerity,  &c. 

PETERBOROUGH. 


EARL  STANHOPE  TO  ABBE  DUBOIS. 
(Extract.) 

A  Londres,  ce  18  Decembre,  V.  S.  1719. 

RIEN  ne  pouvait  nous  arriver  de  plus  affligeant  que  la 
malheureuse  animosite  qui  s'est  elevee  entre  Milord  Stair 
et  M.  Law ;  nous  en  sommes  d'autant  plus  en  peine,  que 
Milord  Stair  nous  1'apprend  lui-meme,  et  s'en  fait  un 
merite.  11  attribue  k  M.  Law  beaucoup  de  mauvaise 
volonte  contre  nous ;  d'avoir  fait  a  S.  A.  R.  des  rapports 
aussi  contraires  a  la  verite  qu'a  notre  amitie ;  et  d'avoir 
tenu  a  beaucoup  de  gens  des  discours  comme  s'il  etait  le 
maitre  de  notre  credit,  et  resolu  de  le  detruire. 

Je  vous  avoue,  Monsieur,  que  je  ne  saurais  m'imaginer 
que  ce  soient  la  les  sentimens  de  M.  Law ;  je  sais  com- 
bien  il  s'est  interesse  au  traite  qui  devait  affermir  notre 
union,  et  qu'il  a  regarde  1'union  des  deux  Couronnes 
comme  la  base  de  ses  projets.  Les  suites  doivent  1'avoir 
continue  dans  cette  opinion:  et  s'il  lui  est echappe*  qucl- 
ques  paroles  qui  pouvaient  faire  croire  qu'il  commence  a 
B  B  3 


XC  APPENDIX.  1719. 

envisager  les  choses  autrement,  je  suis  persuade  que  ce 
n'etait  que  pour  piquer  Milord  Stair  personnellement,  et  a 
nul  autre  dessein  ;  car  s'il  en  avait  reellement  centre 
notre  credit,  et  qu'il  fut  en  etat  de  pouvoir  lui  nuire,  sans 
nuire  au  sien  propre,  il  n'y  a  pas  d'apparence  qu'il  cut 
voulu  nous  en  avertir.  Mais  vous,  Monsieur,  qui  etes 
Bur  les  lieux,  pourrez  mieux  juger  que  nous  de  ce  diffe- 
rend.  Et  telle  est  notre  confiance  dans  V.  Exc.,  que  le 
Hoi  ne  balance  point  de  vous  en  faire  arbitre,  et  ne  veut 
avoir  recoura  qu'a  vos  soins,  et  a  votre  prudence,  pour  y 
trouver  le  remede  necessaire  ;  soit  en  rectifiant  les  idees 
de  M.  Law,  si  elles  pouvaient  tendre  a  notre  prejudice, 
soit  en  retirant  Milord  Stair,  si  le  mal  ne  vient  que  de 
ses  defauts  personnels,  comme  nous  n'avons  que  trop 
sujet  de  le  supposer.  Que  V.  Exc.  examine  done  ce  de- 
inele  et  ses  sources ;  qu'elle  songe  aux  moyens  de  le  com- 
poser, ou  de  prevenir,  du  moins,  qu'il  n'ait  de  facheuses 
suites  pour  nos  deux  maitres.  Qu'elle  en  consulte  S.  A. 
R.  Et  si  vous  trouvez  que  le  seul  rappel  de  Milord  Stair 
puisse  y  mettre  fin,  dites  le  nous  franchement ;  et  je  vous 
promets  que  le  Roi  le  lui  fera  expedier  aussitot  que  cette 
seance  de  notre  Parlement  sera  finie. 


SECRETARY  CRAGGS  TO  EARL  STANHOPE. 
(Extract.) 

Cockpit,  December  27.  1719. 

THE  town  is  very  empty.  That  fool,  Tom  Vernon,  moved 
for  a  call  of  the  House,  which  I  was  forced  to  second  for 
the  appearance,  the  day  we  adjourned.  I  believe  our 
project  to  pay  the  debts,  or  rather  to  lessen  them,  will 
succeed :  and  I  do  not  despair  of  the  Civil  List,  but  I  am 
not  so  sanguine  as  our  good  friend  the  Earl  of  Sunder- 
laml.  When  that  is  done,  we  shall  have,  in  my  mind, 
made  no  bad  Session.  We  may  begin  next  year,  at  least 
by  the  Scotch  part  of  the  Peerage  Bill ;  and  I  will  tell 
you  that  the  report  of  a  new  Parliament  seems  to  me  to 
frighten  several  of  our  mutinous  friends  into  better 
manners. 


1720.  COXE'S  COLLECTIONS.  yci 

The  alternative  of  having  a  more  consistent  tractable 
majority  does  not  suit  with  these  petulant  and  interested 
humours,  always  ready  to  take  advantage  of  the  King's 
necessities. 


LOED  STANHOPE   OF  SHELFORD  ( AFTER WAKDS 
EAEL  OF  CHESTERFIELD)  TO . 

[This  Letter  is  in  Coxe's  Collections,  vol.  bcxii.  It  has  no  address 
nor  date  of  year,  but  was,  in  all  probability,  addressed  to  some  one 
in  office  or  at  Court,  and  dated  in  1 720,  just  after  the  Ministers  had 
been  joined  by  Walpole  and  Townshend.] 

Paris,  June  27. 
DEAR  SIR, 

I  REMEMBER  when  I  left  England,  I  threatened  you  that 
I  would  write  to  you,  and  you  promised  you  would  write 
to  me ;  and  it  has  happened,  as  it  generally  does  in  the 
world,  that  the  threats  are  performed  and  the  promises 
broke.  It  would  sincerely  have  been  a  very  great  satis- 
faction to  me  to  have  heard  from  you,  though  I  know 
you  have  so  much  other  business  that  I  scarce  expected 
it.  You  may  possibly  now  have  some  idle  time  upon 
your  hands  since  the  recess  of  the  Parliament  and  the 
King's  journey.  If  you  have,  I  can  assure  you,  you  can- 
not bestow  any  part  of  it  upon  one  that  will  be  more 
obliged  to  you  for  it  than  myself.  I  must  congratulate 
you  upon  the  great  addition  of  strength  you  have  ac- 
quired by  the  late  changes,  and  must  own  you  are  liberal 
rewarders  of  true  penitents ;  but  still  remember  a  line  in 
Othello,  "  Look  to  her,  Moor :  she  has  deceived  her 
father  and  may  thee." 

I  cannot  help  mentioning  to  .you  what  I  spoke  to  you 
of  in  England,  and  desiring  to  know  whether  you  have 
taken  any  step  in  it  yet.  I  own,  the  more  I  think  of 
it,  the  more  I  wish  it  may  be  thought  either- proper  or 
practicable ;  it  being,  in  my  mind,  the  only  way  of  my 
coming  into  any  business,  and  leaving  an  idle  life  that  I 
am  grown  weary  of.  I  leave  entirely  to  you  as  the  best 
judge  what  methods  to  take  in  it,  and  rely  so  much  upon 
your  friendship  that  I  am  convinced  you  will  not  omit 
B  B  4 


xcii  APPENDIX.  1720. 

any  that  may  promote  it.  I  should  only  be  glad  to  know 
whether  you  think  there  is  any  probability  of  success, 
that  I  may  regulate  my  conduct  in  the  next  Session  ac- 
cordingly, for  as  on  the  one  side  I  should  be  very  willing 
to  engage  in  debate,  and  the  business  of  the  House,  as 
well  as  I  am  able ;  which  though  I  should  do  very  indif- 
ferently, I  could  not  do  worse  than  the  present  pos- 
sessors :  so  on  the  other  side  to  enter  the  lists  and  get  a 
broken  head  merely  as  a  volunteer,  would  be  childish 
and  impertinent. 


SECRETARY  CRAGGS  TO  EARL  STANHOPE. 

[Stanhope  Papers.] 

(Extract.) 

Cockpit,  July  15.  1720. 

WOULD  you  believe  that  the  Duke  of  Marlborough,  at 
a  visit  he  and  his  good  Duchess  made  at  Richmond,  told 
the  Prince  he  was  ashamed  to  see  his  Royal  Highness  in 
such  a  country-house,  like  a  private  gentleman,  while 
such  an  insignificant  creature  as  the  Duke  of  Marlborough 
was  playing  the  King ;  that  he  had  out  of  decency  at- 
tended the  Lords  Justices  once  at  the  first  summons, 
but  that  he  would  return  no  more  ?  Last  Saturday  when 
I  was  at  that  Court,  I  observed  that  the  Prince  talked  of 
the  present  state  of  His  Grace's  understanding ;  but  Mr. 
Walpole  told  me  afterwards,  that  his  Royal  Highness  had 
trusted  him  with  this  secret. 


SECRETARY  CRAGGS  TO  EARL  STANHOPE. 

[Stanhope  Papers.] 

(Extract.) 

Cockpit,  July  19.  1720. 

I  AM  to  add  to  what  I  wrote  you  about  Lord  Marlbo- 
rough's  conversation  with  the  Prince  and  Princess,  that 


/'xciii   J 


1720.  COXE'S  COLLECTIONS. 

V^.,*"^ 

by  a  farther  account  I  have  received  from  Walpole,  the 
Duke  expressed  himself  with  bitterness,  saying  that, 
although  he  did  not  expect  to  recover  his  health  and 
strength  to  the  degree  he  formerly  enjoyed  it,  he  found 
himself  well  enough  to  make  those  people's  heart  ache 
who  had  been  waiting  for  his  spoils.  He  complimented  the 
Prince  extremely  upon  his  military  capacity,  and  advised 
him,  whenever  he  wore  the  Crown,  never  to  have  a  Cap- 
tain-General. 


DUCHESS   OF  JMAgLBQBQUGH  TO  MKS.  CLAYTON. 
[Coxe's  Collections,  voL  xliii.] 

August  12.  1720. 

AFTER  I  had  writ  to  you  of  Mr.  Jennens,  he  began  the 
discourse  again,  and  told  me  he  believed  the  Company 
would  give  me  what  conditions  I  would  for  our  annuities, 
or  to  that  purpose,  adding,  "  What  will  satisfy  you  ?"  and 
then  ended  the  discourse  with  saying,  that  he  had  no 
commission  from  any  body  to  make  me  offers,  but  he  be- 
lieved they  would  do  it,  because  it  was  their  interest  to 
bring  people  with  great  effects  into  them.  This  assur- 
ance which  he  gave  me,  that  he  was  not  employed,  made 
me  think  that  he  certainly  was,  for  I  have  found  him 
very  insincere  and  very  interested. 

You  seem  to  think  that  money  may  be  got  by  sub- 
scribing in  annuities,  but  that  does  not  yet  appear  plain 
to  me.  I  do  believe  some  have  sold  their  lottery  and 
long  annuities  for  good  advantage  after  they  were  sub- 
scribed in ;  but  there  are  not  near  so  many  as  are  said 
to  be  that  have  sold  and  are  entirely  out  of  the  power  of 
the  South  Sea ;  and  I  am  certain  such  an  estate  as  the 
Duke  of  Marlborough  and  I  have  upon  those  funds,  can- 
not be  sold  for  ready  money  ;  and  if  one  should  take 
security  upon  bargains  made,  if  any  stock  should  come  to 
that  stock,  how  will  such  securities  be  made  good,  where 
so  many  people  are  deep  in  it  ?  Every  mortal  that  has 
common  sense,  or  that  knows  any  thing  of  figures,  says 
that  it  is  not  possible,  by  all  the  arts  and  tricks  upon 


AfPENDIX.  1 720. 

earth,  long  to  carry  on  four  hundred  millions  of  paper 
credit  with  fifteen  millions  of  specie.  This  makes  me 
think  that  this  project  must  burst  in  a  little  while  and  fall 
to  nothing,  unless  by  the  correction  of  the  Legislature  they 
will  carry  their  projects  on  with  the  French  government. 
If  that  happens,  I  think  there  is  no  great  difference  in 
what  place  it  is  put ;  therefore  I  am  determined  to  keep 
my  fortune  as  long  as  there  is  a  law  as  it  is,  though  that 
is  but  a  slender  twig  to  hang  by ;  yet  I  still  like  it  better 
than  the  South  Sea,  and,  like  a  true  Briton,  I  am  resolved 
to  stand  or  fall  by  it.  I  can't  believe  that  our  governors 
would  let  the  Stock  fall  if  they  could  help  it.  I  am  much 
inclined  to  believe  it  proceeds  from  great  numbers  of 
people's  selling,  that  had  a  mind  to  secure  themselves, 
though  it  is  probable  that  they  may  find  out  new  tricks 
to  get  it  up  again.  Every  body  says  that  Law  has  un- 
done France,  and  that  their  affairs  grow  worse  and  worse 
every  day.  The  Daily  Courant  gives  a  dreadful  account 
of  what  they  do  there,  and  I  always  think,  when  I  read 
it,  that  it  is  what  we  shall  come  to  here.  But  it  is  a 
strange  paradox  that  the  South  Sea  men  shall  give 
134,000  for  45,000  in  land,  and  at  the  same  time  people 
should  crowd  to  subscribe  into  their  stock,  and  give  a 
thousand  pounds. 


M.  DESTOUCHES,  THE    FRENCH   ENVOY,    TO  DUBOIS, 
ARCHBISHOP  OF  CAMBRAY. 

[Stanhope  Papers.] 

A  Hanovre,  ce  8  Septembre,  1720. 

LA  maniere  dont  My  Lord  Stanhope  et  M.  Schaub 
s'interessent  a  la  gloire  et  au  maintien  de  1'autorite  de 
S.  A.  R.,  paraitra  plus  evidemment  que  jamais,  Mon- 
seigneur,  dans  le  conseil  qu'ils  jugent  a  propos  de  vous 
donner. 

M.  Schaub  a  rapporte  a  My  Lord  Stanhope  que  par 
tout  ou  il  a  passe  en  France,  il  a  trouve  les  peuples  si 


1720.  STANHOPE    PAPERS.  XCV 

alienes  et  si  dechalnes  centre  M.  Law,  qu'il  y  a  lieu  de 
craindre  un  eclat  dangereux,  et,  pour  parler  naturelle- 
ment,  un  soulevement  prochain  et  general ;  etant  indubi- 
table que  la  haine  qu'on  a  pour  M.  Law  ne  peut  manquer 
de  retomber  sur  S.  A.  R. 

On  ne  saurait  douter,  disent  My  Lord  Stanhope  et  M. 
Schaub,  que  les  Parlemens,  et  surtout  celui  de  Paris,  qui 
garde  un  profond  ressentiment  de  1'ordre  qu'il  a  eu  de  se 
retirer  a  Pontoise,  n'emploient  tout  leur  credit,  qui  aug- 
mente  a  mesure  que  celui  du  Prince  diminue,  a  fomenter 
la  haine  et  1'animosite  des  peuples. 

Ce  qui  augmente  les  craintes  de  My  Lord  Stanhope  et 
de  M.  Schaub  a  cet  egard,  c'est  qu'il  sont  surs  que  le  Roi 
d'Espagne  sera  ravi  de  profiter  de  ces  dispositions,  et 
qu'outre  qu'il  est  en  etat  de  le  faire  par  les  intelligences 
qu'il  conserve  en  France,  il  peut  y  joindre  la  force  des 
armes. 

Voici  le  moyen  que  My  Lord  Stanhope  imagine  pour 
calmer  au  plutot  les  esprits,  et  relever  les  esperances. 

1.  II  pose  pour  principe  avec  S.  A.  R.  qu'il  est  essen- 
tiellement  necessaire  de  renoncer  au  systeme  de  M.  Law, 
et  de  remettre  autant  qu'il  sera  possible  les  choses  dans 
leur  ancien  ordre. 

2.  II  va  plus  loin,  et  il  est  persuade  que  quelque  projet 
que  1'on  mette  en  usage,  quand  meme  il  ne  serait  pas 
meilleur  que  celui  de  M.  Law,  ce  qu'il  ne  croit  gueres 
possible,  du  moment  qu'il  paraitra  le  detruire  ou  du  moins 
s'en  eloigner,  et  le  reformer  considerablement,  il  suffira 
pour  rappeller  la  confiance,  remettre  la  tranquillite  dans 
les  esprits,  et  donner  le  temps  a  S.  A.  R.  de  perfectionner 
un  nouvel  arrangement. 

3.  Mais  il  croit  que  ce  sera  la  maniere  de  s'y  prendre 
plutot  que  la  chose  meme,  qui  assurera  le  succes  de  cette 
affaire. 

II  suppose,  Monseigneur,  que  vous  conriaissez  ce  qu'il  y 
a  dc  plus  habiles  gens  a  Paris  pour  les  finances.  II  est 
d'avis  que  parmi  ces  gens  la  vous  prenniez  quelques  per- 
sonnes  des  plus  eclairees,  et  dont  vous  soyez  sur ;  qu'apres 
un  mur  examen  avec  eux  vous  conveniez  secretement 
d'un  systeme  nouveau,  et  que  quand  vous  1'aurez  en  main 
bien  dresse"  et  bien  digere,  vous  alliez  k  S.  A.  R.  pour 
achever  de  le  convaincre  de  la  necessite  absolue  d'aban- 


xcvi  APPENDIX.  1720. 

donner  les  arrangemens  de  M.  Law,  et  qn'en  meme  temps 
vous  lui  proposiez  les  votres  pour  y  suppleer  sur  le  champ, 
afin  que  ce  dernier,  n'etant  pas  averti  des  mesures  que 
vous  avez  prises,  n'ait  pas  le  loisir  de  les  traverser,  et 
qu'il  n'en  soit  informe  que  par  1'evenement. 

II  croit  que  lorsque  ce  plan  sera  dresse,  il  faut  que  vous 
le  communiquiez  en  secret,  et  comme  de  vous-meme,  a 
quelques  Membres  du  Parlement  que  vous  jugerez  assez 
des  amis  de  S.  A.  R.  et  des  votres  pour  les  mettre  dans 
cette  confidence.  Que  ces  amis  proposent  ce  nouveau 
projet  comme  une  chose  qu'ils  auraient  imagine  eux- 
memes  pour  le  bien  public  a  ceux  qui  sont  les  plus  accre- 
dites  dans  le  meme  corps ;  qu'apres  le  leur  avoir  fait 
gouter  ils  cherchent  les  moyens  de  le  faire  approuver  par 
tout  le  Parlement,  et  de  le  porter  a  prendre  la'  resolution 
de  le  proposer  a  S.  A.R.  comme  un  expedient  que  la 
Compagnie  a  imagine  pour  le  soulagement  des  peuples,  et 
auquel  elle  supplie  S.  A.  R.  de  donner  son  agrement. 

Que  S.  A.  R.,  apres  avoir  pris  quelques  jours  comme 
pour  examiner  ce  projet  nouveau,  paraisse  1'approuver  en 
tout  ou  en  partie,  et  que,  sous  pretexte  de  le  perfectionner, 
elle  charge  le  Parlement  de  nommer  une  deputation  pour 
venir  examiner  ce  projet  avec  elle. 

Qu'apres  qu'on  sera  convenu  de  part  et  d'autre  qu'il  est 
bon,  S.  A.  R.  fasse  dresser  une  declaration  du  Roi,  qui, 
apres  avoir  detaille  avec  noblesse  et  simplicite  les  differens 
efforts  que  S.  A.  R.  a  faits  pour  le  bien  du  royaume,  le 
soulagement  des  peuples,  1'acquit  des  dettes,  et  1'augmen- 
tation  du  commerce,  marque,  qu'afin  de  porter  plutot  ce 
louable  dessein  a  sa  perfection,  Elle  a  pris  1'avis  des  plus 
habiles  sujets  de  S.  M.,  et  principalement  du  Parlement 
de  Paris,  et  que  Ton  est  demeure  d'accord  de  ce  qui  s'en 
suivra,  &c. 

Que  cette  conduite  et  la  tournure  du  preambule  de  la 
declaration  non-seulement  toucheront  le  Parlement,  qui 
la  regardera  comme  son  propre  ouvrage,  et  qui  1'enre- 
gistrera  d'une  maniere  solemnelle,  mais  charmera  les 
peuples,  et  les  ramenera  a  un  tel  degre*  de  confiance  que 
S.  A.  R.  se  trouvera  tout  d'un  coup  plus  aimee,  plus  accre- 
ditee,  et  plus  affermie  que  jamais,  d'autant  plus  que  pour 
1'accomplissement  de  son  ouvrage,  Elle  devra  faire  en 
meme  temps  deux  choses  essentielles  :  1'une  de  rappeller 


1720.  HARDWICKE   PAPERS.  XCvii 

le  Parlement  a  Paris,  et  1'autre  de  faire  sortir  M.  Law  du 
royaume,  en  lui  permettant  neanmoins  d'emporter  assez 
de  bien  pour  jouir  d'une  retraite  agreable. 

My  Lord  Stanhope  se  flatte  que  S.  A.  R.  considerera 
que  tant  qu'on  n'a  alarme  le  Roi  de  la  Grande  Bretagne 
et  ses  Ministres  que  sur  les  vues  que  M.  Law  pouvait 
avoir  au  prejudice  de  1'Angleterre,  il  se  sont  tenus  en 
repos  et  n'ont  fait  nulle  tentative  pour  le  faire  eloigner, 
comptant  bien  que  S.  A.  R.  elle-meme  saurait  le  contenir 
et  I'empecher  de  leur  nuire.  Mais  a  present  qu'ils  sont 
persuades  qu'il  s'agit  de  S.  A.  R.  elle-meme,  dont  la  situa- 
tion sera  tous  les  jours  plus  violente  tant  que  M.  Law  se 
melera  de  nos  finances  et  restera  dans  le  royaume,  ils 
croiraient  se  rendre  complices  en  quelque  sorte  de  toua 
les  malheurs  dont  Elle  est  menacee,  s'ils  ne  lui  donnaient 
pas  les  meilleurs  conseils  qu'ils  puissent  lui  suggerer, 
pour  la  mettre  en  etat  de  regagner  promptement  la  con- 
fiance  publique,  et  la  determiner  a  renvoyer  M.  Law. 


EARL  STANHOPE  TO  SECRETARY  CRAGGS. 

[Hardwicke  Papers,  vol.  xxxviii.] 

A  Hanovre,  ce  1  Octobre,  1720. 
MONSIEUR, 

A  MESURE  que  le  Congres  de  Cambray  approche  et 
que  le  Roi  considere  le  tour  que  prennent  les  affaires 
de  1'Europe,  sa  Majeste  se  persuade  que  ses  interets  et 
ceux  de  la  nation  exigent,  que  ce  que  nous  pouvons  avoir 
a  regler  avec  1'Espagne,  soit  regie  avant  ce  Congres,  ou 
de  maniere,  au  moins,  que  les  demandes  respectives  entre 
nous  et  1'Espagne  n'y  puissent  pas  etre  discutees.  Sa 
Majeste  croit  que  rien  ne  nous  est  plus  essentiel,  a  tous 
egards,  que  de  ne  laisser  aucune  prise  sur  nous  aux  autres 
Puissances  qui  assisteront  au  dit  Congres.  La  France, 
jalouse  de  notre  commerce,  s'intriguerait  a  nous  rendre 
difficiles  les  choses  les  plus  claires,  lorsque  nous  viendrions 
a  en  traiter  sous  ses  yeux ;  et  il  est  fort  a  presumer, 
qu'elle  s'efforcerait  a  nous  susciter  bien  d'autres  embar- 
ras,  si  elle  voyait  jour  a  nous  commettre  avec  1'Espagne. 


xcviii  APPENDIX.  1 720. 

Nous  avons  contenu  jusqu'a  present  le  Regent ;  mais  il 
ne  nous  a  menage  qu'autant  qu'il  craignait  pour  lui- 
meme ;  et  au  milieu  des  demarches  publiques  de  bonne 
foi  que  nous  lui  extorquions,  il  n'a  cesse  de  travailler  sous 
main  a  detourner  de  dessus  lui  les  vues  du  Roi  d'Espagne 
en  lui  pre"sentant  d'autres  objets.  Nous  devrions  natu- 
rellement  faire  fond  sur  1'Empereur.  Mais  non-seulement 
il  ne  croit  point  nous  devoir  de  la  reconnaissance  pour  les 
secours  que  nous  lui  avons  fournis  en  vertu  de  nos  engage- 
mens ;  il  parait  meme  nous  savoir  mauvais  gre  d'avoir 
plus  figure  que  lui  en  le  sauvant  et  ajoutant  la  Sicile  a 
ses  autres  etats.  H  en  use  mal  avec  nous  dans  le  Nord. 
II  se  cache  a  nous  de  ses  intentions,  et  elude  nos  instances, 
tantot  sous  un  pretexte,  tantot  sous  un  autre.  II  fait 
meme  des  demarches  qui  le  feraient  plutot  croire  dans 
les  interets  du  Czar,  que  dans  les  notres.  Nos  liaisons 
avec  les  Puissances  Protestantes  lui  font  ombrage ;  et 
tandis  qu'il  reste  spectateur  tranquille  de  nos  embarras 
dans  le  Nord,  quelque  urgent  interet  qu'il  ait  a  y  prendre 
part,  peut-etre  verrait-il  volontiers  qu'il  nous  en  survint 
dans  le  Sud,  afin  que  nous  en  fussions  moins  en  etat  de 
soutenir  les  Protestans  opprimes  dans  1'Empire.  Mais 
quand  1'Empereur  n'aurait  nulle  seconde  vue  a  notre  egard, 
du  moins  n'aurions  nous  pas  a  attendre  de  lui  qu'il  se  mit 
en  peine  de  nos  conveniences,  des  qu'en  les  sacrifiant  il 
pourrait  menager  pour  lui-meme  le  moindre  avantage,  ou 
e*viter  le  moindre  inconvenient. 

Non-seulement  traiterions  nous  avec  beaucoup  de  desa- 
vantage  au  Congres  de  Cambray ;  mais  nous  y  perdrions 
aussi  tout  notre  poids,  en  ce  que  les  autres  Puissances 
traiteraient  ensemble,  s'il  fallait  que  nous  eussions  recours 
a  elles  pour  nos  propres  affaires.  Nous  dependrions  de 
tous  en  quelque  maniere,  et  nous  leur  serions  inutiles  a 
tous,  puisque  nous  n'oserions  appuyer  sur  rien  avec  dignite, 
ni  vers  la  France,  ni  vers  1'Espagne,  ni  vers  1'Empereur, 
crainte  de  nous  en  ressentir :  au  lieu  que  si  nous  et  1'Es- 
pagne  n'avions  plus  rien  a  nous  demander  1'un  a  1'autre, 
nous  aurions  ensuite  les  mains  libres  pour  obliger  qui 
nous  voudrions,  et  pour  faire  rechercher  et  respecter  nos 
offices  par  tous  les  divers  contractans. 

Mais  s'il  nous  est  essentiel  d'arreter  incessamment  avec 
I'Espagne  tout  ce  qui  doit  entrer  dans  notre  paix  par- 


1720.  HARDWICKE   PAPERS. 

ticuliere  avec  elle,  sans  en  rien  reserver  pour  le  Congres, 
nous  ne  devons  pas  nous  flatter  que  le  Roi  d'Espagne  y 
donne  les  mains,  sans  que  nous  fassions  rien  pour  lui.  II 
ne  se  propose  point  de  nous  retablir  et  faire  jouir  des 
avantages  stipules  en  notre  faveur  par  les  traites  precedens, 
et  moins  encore  de  les  mieux  regler  on  d'y  en  aj  outer  de 
nouveaux,  a  moins  que  nous  ne  Ten  tentions  par  quelque 
endroit.  Des  que  nous  lui  proposerons  de  traiter  avec 
nous,  il  nous  proposera  de  son  cote  la  cession  de  Gibraltar ; 
et  si  nous  la  lui  refusons,  il  renverra  notre  traite  au  Con- 
gres, ou  il  sera  sur  d'etre  appuye  dans  cette  demande  par 
la  France,  et  peut-etre  encore  par  d'autres  Puissances. 
Ce  point  doit  done  etre  determine  avant  que  nous  com- 
mencions  a  negocier  avec  1'Espagne. 

Sa  Majeste  avait  permis  que  Gibraltar  fut  offert  au  Roi 
d'Espagne,  pour  eviter  la  rupture,  et  les  frais  et  les  pertes 
qu'elle  entrainerait.  La  rupture  qui  a  suivie  a  annulle 
cette  offre,  et  ensuite  le  Roi  d  Espagne  a  purement  et 
simplement  accepte  le  traite  de  la  Quadruple  Alliance, 
duquel  la  cession  de  Gibraltar  n'a  jamais  e"te  une  condition. 
A  la  verite  le  Roi  d'Espagne  a  pretendu  Ten  faire  une, 
depuis  son  acceptation,  et  la  France  1'a  hautement  soutenu ; 
deux  motifs  egalement  forts,  pour  que  sa  Majeste  s'opposat 
constamment  a  cette  pretension.  Elle  a  fait  voir  au  Roi 
d'Espagne  qu'il  a  nulle  espece  de  droit  de  la  former ;  mais 
c'est  tout  qu'elle  a  pu  faire.  Et  si  elle  1'a  convaincu  qu'il 
n'est  point  fonde  a  pretendre  a  Gibraltar,  elle  n'a  pas  pu 
parvenir  a  lui  en  oter  le  desir. 

Le  Roi  d'Espagne  se  pique  personnellement  du  recouvre- 
ment  de  cette  place  par  point  d'honneur  et  par  scrupule 
de  conscience.  II  a  compte  sur  les  assurances  que  le 
Regent  lui  en  avait  renouvelees  a  notre  insu  que  Gibraltar 
lui  serait  cede  a  la  paix.  H  1'a  annonce  aux  Espagnols 
avec  la  paix,  et  il  ne  voudrait  pas  volontiers  s'en  dedire ; 
et  il  sera  inquiet,  tant  qu'il  verra  une  garnison  Protestanto 
dans  le  Continent  de  1'Espagne.  Ce  sont  les  raisons  qu'il 
a  lui-meme  remontrees  £  nos  Ministres,  ne  pouvant  dis- 
convenir,  que  sa  Majeste  est  en  droit  de  lui  refuser 
Gibraltar. 

Ces  raisons  ont  induit  sa  Majeste  a  m'ordonner  de  faire 
considerer  aux  Seigneurs  Justiciers,  si  1'on  ne  devrait 
profiler  de  cette  forte  envie  qu'a  le  Roi  d'Espagne  de  re- 


C  APPENDIX,  1720. 

couvrer  Gibraltar,  pour  tacher  d'en  obtenir  un  equivalent 
avantageux  a  notre  commerce,  et  qui  mette  solidement  a 
couvert  les  branches  que  les  traites  precedens  out  laisse 
les  plus  exposees.  En  ce  cas  il  paraitrait  a  sa  Majeste  que 
Gibraltar  ne  serait  guere  a  regretter  pour  nous. 

Le  Roi  d'Espagne,  apres  s'etre  ouvert  a  nos  Ministres 
des  raisons  qui  lui  font  soubaiter  Gibraltar,  y  ajouta 
celles  qui  pourraient  prouver  que  la  conservation  de  cette 
place  nous  est  de  peu  d'importance.  II  dit  qu'en  terns  de 
paix  nous  en  aurions  1'usage  sans  les  depenses,  quand  elle 
serait  entre  ses  mains ;  et  qu'en  terns  de  guerre  il  peut  nous 
1'enlever  a  peu  de  frais,  ou  nous  en  rendre  le  port  inutile, 
par  des  batteries  dressees  sur  son  propre  terrain. 

Quant  a  1'utilite  que  nous  pouvons  tirer  de  Gibraltar, 
en  terns  de  guerre,  quelle  qu'elle  soit,  on  doit  la  peser, 
non-seulement  contre  1'equivalent  qu'on  tacherait  d'en  re- 
tirer,  mais  aussi  contre  1'apparence  quasi  certaine,  que, 
moyennant  cette  complaisance,  nous  pourrions  empecher 
que  de  longtems  1'Espagne  ne  s'unisse  a  la  France,  pour 
conjointement  avec  elle  nous  faire  la  guerre. 

L'aversion  qu'a  le  Roi  d'Espagne  pour  le  Regent  pourra 
nous  aider  a  faire  valoir  avec  succes  la  cession  de  Gibraltar 
pour  1'une  et  1'autre  de  ces  deux  fins.  Ni  nos  engage- 
mens,  ni  nos  interets  ne  sauraient  nous  permettre  de  con- 
niver  aux  vues  du  Roi  d'Espagne  contre  le  Regent ;  mais 
ses  vues  pourront  nous  servir  pour  entretenir  ces  deux 
princes  dans  un  eloignement  salutaire.  Notre  surete  et 
la  tranquillite  publique  1'exigent,  parcequ'ils  ne  sauraient 
s'entendre  ensemble,  que  ce  ne  soit  contre  un  tiers,  trop 
faible  a  leur  resister.  Or,  il  semble  que  ce  serait  agir  con- 
tradictoirement  a  ce  principe  que  de  persister  a  refuser 
Gibraltar  au  Roi  d'Espagne  contre  un  equivalent.  Nous 
savons  combien  la  restitution  de  cette  place  lui  tient  a 
coeur.  S'il  ne  peut  1'obtenir  de  notre  bonne  volonte,  il 
aura  de  nouveau  recours  a  1'assistance  du  Regent;  celui-ci 
serait  pret  a  se  faire  un  merite  aupres  de  lui  en  1'obli- 
geant  a  nos  depens,  et  consequemment  en  le  commettant 
avec  nous ;  et  quand  une  fois  ils  seraient  d'accord  contre 
nous,  il  serait  fort  a  craindre  que  leur  intelligence  n'al- 
lat  plus  loin,  et  que  nous  ne  serions  plus  a  temps  de  1'ar- 
reter.  Alors  nous  ferions  egalement  le  jeu  de  la  France, 
en  refusant  Gibraltar,  ou  en  le  cedant. 


1720.  HARDWICKE   PAPERS.  CI 

Le  Roi  d'Espagne  nous  temoigne  vouloir  vivre  en  bonne 
amitie  avec  nous,  et  il  nous  importe  sans  doute  de  ne  pas 
Ten  decourager.  Or,  nous  venons  de  lui  imposer  un  traite 
auquel  il  avait  refuse  de  concourir;  nous  avons  detruit  sa 
marine ;  nous  lui  avons  arrache  la  Sicile,  pour  la  donner  a 
1'Empereur ;  il  nous  voit  resolu  de  nous  opposer  de  toutes 
nos  forces  aux  desseins  qu'il  a  sur  la  France ;  et  qu'espere- 
t-il  de  notre  amitie  si  en  ce  que  nous  pourrions  lui  ac- 
corder,  sans  manquer  ni  a  nous-memes,  ni  a  nos  allies,  il 
nous  trouvait  tout  aussi  inebranlables  que  dans  la  foi  de 
nos  traites  ? 

Sa  Majeste  sait  qu'il  ne  conviendrait  ni  a  sa  dignite,  ni 
au  bien  de  ses  affaires  de  ceder  Gibraltar  aux  instances 
de  la  France,  a  qui  1'Espagne  s'en  croirait  alors  redevable. 
Sa  Majeste  sait  aussi  qu'il  serait  de  dangereuse  conse- 
quence de  ceder  Gibraltar  au  Roi  d'Espagne,  tant  qu'il  le 
pretendrait  de  droit,  puisque  alors  il  ne  nous  en  tiendrait 
nul  compte,  et  pourrait  meme  de  la  prendre  pretexte  pour 
taxer  a  1'avenir  par  de  nouvelles  pretensions  ce  que  nous 
exigerions  de  lui  en  vertu  de  nos  traites.  Mais  Sa  Ma- 
jeste croit  que  ce  serait  nous  exposer  de  gaiete  de  coeur  a 
bien  des  embarras  et  des  perils,  que  de  refuser  Gibraltar 
au  Roi  d'Espagne,  lorsqu'il  ne  le  recherche  plus  que 
comrue  une  faveur,  et  de  nous  immediatement ;  au  lieu 
qu'en  lui  en  assurant  la  restitution,  avant  qu'il  vient  a 
traiter  avec  ses  autres  ennemis,  nous  assurerions  nos 
avantages,  nous  tournerions  toutes  ses  esperances  vers 
nous,  nous  influerions  meme  ses  conseils,  et  pourrions  par 
nos  soins  acquerir  sur  lui  un  ascendant,  que  le  Regent 
aurait  ensuite  peine  a  detruire. 

Sa  Majeste  Itant  ainsi  d'opinion  que  c'est  presentement 
le  terns  ou  nous  pourrions  tirer  le  meilleur  parti  de 
Gibraltar,  par  rapport  au  personnel  du  Roi  d'Espagne, 
elle  expose  aux  Seigneurs  Justiciers  toutes  ces  consider- 
ations sur  ce  sujet,  afin  qu'ils  soient  d'autant  mieux  en 
etat  de  lui  donner  leurs  avis  sur  la  question  qu'il  s'agit  de 
resoudre  avant  toutes  choses,  si  en  aucun  cas  on  ne  doit 
ceder  Gibraltar,  ou  si  1'on  pourrait  en  faire  un  meilleur 
usage  que  d'en  retirer  un  equivalent. 

Quelques  favorables  que  nous  soient  les  dispositions  des 
Espagnols,  il  ne  faut  point  se  flatter  que  nous  puissions 
nous  emparer  de  leur  confiance,  tant  que  nous  nous  opi- 

VOL.  II.  C  C 


cii  APPENDIX.  1720. 

niatrerions  a  garder  Gibraltar;  monument  qui  leur  rappel- 
lerait  toujours  le  souvenir  des  maux  que  nous  leur  avons 
causes,  et  serait  aux  pretres  le  motif  le  plus  puissant  pour 
inspirer  centre  les  etrangers  heretiques  une  nation  fiere 
et  bigote.  II  s'agit  aussi  de  savoir  de"  quelle  importance 
il  est  de  garder  Gibraltar  comparativement  aux  frais  qu'il 
faut  pour  son  entretien  ordinaire,  et  aux  frais  extraor- 
dinaires  qu'il  faudrait  pour  en  faire  une  veritablement 
bonne  place. 


SIB  LUKE  SCHAUB  TO  MR.  WILLIAM  STANHOPE  AT 
MADRID. 

[Hardwicke  Papers,  voL  xxxviiL] 
(Extract.) 

A  Londres,  ce  17  Novembre,  1720. 

MY  Lord  Townshend  n'a  pas  ose  desapprouver  entiere- 
ment  la  lettre  de  my  Lord  Stanhope.*  It  dit  meme  qu'en 
gros  il  est  du  meme  sentiment,  mais  que  les  equivalens 
qui  7  sont  avances  ne  contenteront  pas  le  Parlement ;  et 
que  si  Ton  obtenait  du  Roi  d'Espagne  un  equivalent  en 
terre,  alors  il  ne  faudrait  pas  balancer  de  ceder  Gibraltar. 
Quand  on  lui  demande  quel  terrain  il  a  en  vue,  il  dit  que 
c'est  la  Floride,  ou  bien  la  partie  orientale  de  1'ile  Hispa- 
niola.  II  pretend  que  ces  pays  sont  tres  inutiles  aux  Es- 
pagnols,  et  que  meme  il  leur  conviendrait  beaucoup  mieux 
de  nous  remettre  la  Floride  que  de  la  garder. 

Vous,  Monsieur,  qui  etes  sur  les  lieux,  et  qui  vivez  en 
confiance  avec  Don  Andre  de  Fez,  prenez  occasion  en  lui 
racontant  les  difficultes  qui  se  rencontrent  dans  notre  na- 
tion par  rapport  a  Gibraltar,  de  lui  dire  qu'un  equivalent 
en  terre  pourrait  les  aplanir ;  et  demandez  lui  en  bonne 
amitie  s'il  ne  saurait  pas  quelque  morceau  de  terrain  dans 
les  Indes  qu'il  conviendrait  mieux  aux  Espagnols  de  nous 

*  The  preceding  letter. 


1720.  HARDWICKE   PAPERS.  ciii 

donner  que  de  posseder  eux-memes.  Vous  pourrez  meme 
dans  la  conversation  lui  glisser  un  mot  ou  de  la  Floride 
ou  d'Hispaniola,  et  donnez  nous  la-dessus  tous  les  eclair- 
cissements,  et  le  plutot  que  vous  pourrez. 

Je  vous  supplie  de  faire  mes  complimens  a  Monsieur 
de  Grimaldo,  comme  aussi  au  Pere  Confesseur,  en  le 
faisant  souvenir  du  Crucifix  dont  il  m'a  fait  present  a 
mon  depart. 

La  desolation  ici  est  tres-grande :  I'OH  espere  d'y  reme- 
dier  quant  au  public;  mais  quantite  de  particuliers  ne 
laisseront  pas  d'etre  abimes  sans  ressource. 


MR  W.  STANHOPE  TO  LORD  CARTERET. 

Madrid,  June  8.  N.  S.  1722. 

I  TTAT>  intelligence  to  be  relied  upon,  that  the  Duke  of 
Ormond  intended  speedily  to  pass  into  England,  with  a 
great  number  of  Irish  officers  now  in  the  service  of  His 
Catholic  Majesty,  in  order  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  rebels  there,  and  for  that  purpose  would  set  out  from 
hence  to-morrow,  under  the  pretence  of  going  for  the  rest 
of  the  summer  to  Ventosilla,  a  house  of  the  Duke  of  Me- 
dina Celi,  half  way  from  hence  to  Bilbao ;  but  in  reality 
to  be  thereby  readier  to  pass  to  that  port  with  less  sus- 
picion, and  embark  from  thence  for  England,  whenever 
matters  should  be  ripe  for  his  so  doing.  I  thought  it  my 
duty  to  use  my  utmost  endeavours  for  the  preventing 
him  from  putting  his  designs  in  execution ;  and  although 
I  had  not  been  commanded  by  His  Majesty  to  make  any 
instances  to  this  Court  in  relation  to  the  said  Duke,  &c., 
I  hoped,  if  I  should  have  erred  in  taking  upon  myself  the 
doing  of  it,  His  Majesty  would  be  graciously  pleased  to 
pardon  it,  as  an  effect  of  zeal,  that  would  not  suffer  me 
to  neglect  any  thing  that  carried  the  least  possibility 
of  being  for  his  service  in  an  affair  of  the  nature  of  the 
present  one,  and  therefore  I  ventured  to  send  a  private 
letter  to  the  Marquis  de  Grimaldo  (of  which  herewith  is 
a  copy) ;  who  immediately  on  the  receipt  of  it  writ  me 
c  c  2 


civ  APPENDIX.  1723. 

the  enclosed  answer,  which  I  received  this  morning ;  and 
although  the  success  fully  answers  what  I  proposed  by 
ray  said  letter,  yet  as  the  writing  of  it  might  possibly 
have  an  ill  effect  in  case  the  King  of  Spain  had  refused 
what  I  demanded,  as  carrying  an  appearance  of  his  not 
being  so  zealous  in  his  friendship  for  His  Majesty,  as  in 
the  present  circumstance  it  is  convenient  he  should  be 
thought  to  be,  I  hope  your  Lordship  will  excuse  my 
troubling  you  with  the  reasons  that  weighed  with  me  for 
the  getting  over  that  consideration,  namely  the  undoubted 
knowledge  I  flattered  myself  with  having  of  the  sincere 
friendship  of  His  Catholic  Majesty  for  the  King  our  mas- 
ter, and  of  his  having  entirely  abandoned  the  interests  of 
the  Pretender,  from  the  assurances  he  has  been  pleased 
to  give  me  himself  of  both ;  and  from  the  repeated  con- 
firmations of  the  same  things  from  the  Marquis  de  Gri- 
maldo.  I  am  assured  by  a  good  hand,  that  there  is  at 
present  in  Mr.  Browne's  hands,  an  Irish  merchant  at 
Bilbao,  near  12,000  arms  for  the  Pretender's  service; 
that  one  Captain  Morgan,  formerly  an  agent  in  England, 
and  at  present  commanding  three  small  ships  of  thirty 
odd  guns  upon  the  coast  of  Spain,  is  to  sail  to  the  Bay  of 
Biscay,  in  order  to  transport  the  said  arms  to  England, 
together  with  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  and  what  officers  and 
men  can  be  got ;  that  the  place  for  landing  is  most  cer- 
tainly either  Bristol,  Milford,  or  Hylake,  though  the  un- 
expected discovery  of  the  conspiracy  may  possibly  stop 
the  Duke  of  Ormond's  departure. 


LORD  TOWNSHEND  TO  ROBERT  WALPOLE. 

[Hardwicke  Papers.  ] 

(Extract.} 

Hanover,  Sept.  17.  N.  S.  1723. 

THE  chief  occasion  of  my  despatching  this  messenger 
is  to  let  you  know  that  I  have  received  His  Majesty's 


1724.  COXE'S  COLLECTIONS.  cv 

commands  to  draw  a  bill  on  the  treasury  for  500/.,  and 
another  bill  for  the  like  sum,  a  post  or  two  hence ;  for  a 
service  which  it  is  His  Majesty's  pleasure  should  remain 
an  entire  secret ;  and  which  I  must  therefore  beg  of  you 
may  be  kept  as  such  even  from  the  Duchess  of  Kendal. 
I  make  no  doubt  but  this  reservedness  towards,  her  Grace, 
towards  whom  we  have  sworn  an  eternal  and  inviolable 
attachment,  will  at  first  surprise  you  not  a  little ;  but  your 
astonishment  will  cease  when  I  acquaint  you,  that  the 
share  I  have  had  in  this  affair  has  been  in  obedience  to 
the  Countess  of  Walsingham. 


SIE  LUKE  SCHAUB  TO  MR.  W.  STANHOPE. 
[Coxe's  Collections,  vol.  Ixxv.  p.  14.] 

A  Calais,  ce  20  Juin,  N.  8.,  1724. 

JE  ne  quitterai  pas  la  France  entitlement  sans  prendre 
conge  de  vous.  Etant  appelle  a  Londres  il  y  a  deux 
mois,  je  vous  promis  de  vous  ecrire  de  la,  et  je  1'aurais 
fait,  si  Monsieur  votre  frere  ne  s'etait  charge  de  vous 
ecrire  pour  lui  et  pour  moi.  Ce  qui  m'a  console  dans  le 
changement  arrive  dans  notre  ministere,  c'est  1'assurance 
que  le  Due  de  Newcastle  signalera  tant  qu'il  le  pourra 
son  zele  pour  la  memoire  et  les  proches  de  feu  my  Lord 
Stanhope.  Quant  a  moi,  je  devrais  tout  esperer  des 
presens  Ministres  a  en  juger  parleurs  complimens  ;  mais 
vous  croyez  bien  que  cela  ne  me  retiendrait  pas  un  instant 
si  le  Roi  lui-meme  n'avait  exige  de  moi,  que  je  demeurasse 
avec  lui.  Et  eifectivement  je  ne  saurais  assez  vous  dire 
combien  il  m'a  marque  de  bontes,  et  combien  j'y  suis 
sensible.  S.  M.  m'a  renvoy6  en  France  pour  m'y  con- 
g^dier,  et  pour  assister  au  mariage  de  Mademoiselle  de 
Platen  avec  le  Cornte  de  St.  Florentin.  J'ai  pass6 
environ  six  semaines  tant  a  Paris  qu'a  Versailles,  et  vous 
auriez  eu  pendant  ce  terns  de  mes  nouvelles,  si  je  ne 
m'etais  fait  une  loi  de  n'ecrire  a  ame  vivante  tant  que 
c  c  3 


cvi  APPENDIX.  1724. 

je  serais  a  portee  de  la  Cour  de  France.  J'avais  deja 
essuye  assez  d'impostures,  pour  m'attendre  qu'on  m'accu- 
serait  de  traverser  Monsieur  Walpole,  si  je  me  melais  de 
la  moindre  chose,  ou  pour  peu  que  je  parusse  etre  instruit 
de  ce  qui  se  passait.  C'est  ce  qui  m'a  fait  cesser  ab- 
ruptement  toutes  mes  correspondances.  Encore  Monsieur 
Walpole  ne  laisse-t-il  pas  de  se  plaindre  de  moi ;  mais  je 
m'en  mets  peu  en  peine.  Je  me  soucie  moins  d'eviter  ses 
plaintes  que  de  n'y  pas  donner  lieu :  s'il  etait  juste  il  s'en 
prendrait  plutot  a  soi-meme  qu'a  moi  du  peu  d'empresse- 
ment  que  bien  des  gens  ont  pour  lui ;  et  vous  conviendrez 
que  s'il  ne  plait  guere,  c'est  plus  sa  faute  que  la  mienne. 
II  est  vrai  qu'il  s'est  assez  employe  a  me  faire  du  mal, 
pour  qu'il  me  fut  legitime  de  lui  en  rendre  quelque  peu ; 
mais  outre  que  je  ne  suis  pas  ne  vindicatif,  vous  serez 
aisement  persuade  que  je  le  suis  encore  moins  la  ou  je  ne 
le  pourrais  etre  sans  nuire  au  service  du  Roi  quand  ce 
ne  serait  que  par  le  mepris  de  son  Ministre.  Je  vais 
m'embarquer  pour  retourner  a  Londres.  Je  tacherai 
d'obtenir  de  Sa  Majeste  la  permission  de  me  retirer  dans 
ma  patrie. 


DUKE  OF  NEWCASTLE  TO  HORACE  WALPOLE. 
[Walpole  Papers.] 

Whitehall,  June  11.  0.  S.  1724. 

I  HEAR  Sir  L.  Schaub  arrived  here  last  night,  and  you 
may  be  assured  he  shall  not  be  better  treated  than  he 
deserves.  They  say  he  has  had  a  fall  from  his  horse, 
which  hinders  him  from  stirring  out ;  but  I  have  heard 
nothing  directly  from  him.  When  I  have  more  time  I 
shall  trouble  you  with  some  curiosities  that  I  have  learnt 
from  Chavigny.  You  will  not  wonder  if  we  all  here 
dread  Mr.  Broglio's  arrival ;  but  we  are  determined  to 
show  him  all  manner  of  respect  and  civility.  It  is  very 
plain,  by  Mr.  Morville's  way  of  talking  to  you  now,  that 


1724.  WALPOLE  PAPERS.  cvii 

he  has  been  so  idle  as  to  give  some  credit  to  Schaub's 
representations ;  but  I  hope  all  that  is  now  over ;  and  I 
doubt  not  but  you  will  endeavour,  as  far  as  is  consistent 
with  your  intimacy  and  correspondence  with  672  (Fleury), 
which  is  to  be  preferred  to  all  other  considerations,  to  set 
yourself  well  with  Monseigneur  le  Due  and  him.  But 
you  will  see  I  have  not  so  much  as  hinted  at  this  in  any 
of  my  other  letters,  lest  the  King  should  apprehend  the 
coolness  that  Mr.  Morville  shows  to  you  was  occasioned 
by  your  behaviour  towards  him,  when  it  is  very  certain 
that  Schaub  has  been  the  chief  occasion  of  it,  with  some 
jealousy  he  may  have  conceived  about  672.  The  last 
paragraph  in  your  letter,  relating  to  the  Duchess  of 
Kendal,  I  shall  not  fail  to  communicate  to  her ;  but  she 
has  been  of  late  so  ill,  and  we  have  been  in  such  fears  for 
her  (though  I  hope  she  is  now  out  of  danger),  that  we 
we  have  not  talked  of  any  business  to  her. 


HOEACE  WALPOLE  TO  KOBEET  WALPOLE. 

Paris,  August  28.  1724. 
DEAR  BROTHER, 

LORD  PETERBOROUGH  having  desired  that  an  express 
may  be  ready  to  carry  his  letters  for  Lord  Townshend  to 
Calais,  although  I  have  nothing  to  write  to  the  Secretary's 
Office,  having  not  yet  been  at  Fontainebleau,  as  well  on 
account  of  my  wife  having  miscarried,  as  because  I  have 
at  present  no  business  there ;  yet  I  think  I  cannot  well 
omit  this  opportunity  of  writing  to  some  of  you,  if  it  is 
only  to  give  you  a  plain  account  of  what  has  passed  since 
his  Lordship's  arrival. 

He  came  to  Paris  the  25th  instant ;  made  me  a  visit 
that  night ;  mentioned  his  having  talked  with  Lord 
Townshend  about  his  design  to  meet  Monteleon ;  that 
you  had  given  him  some  directions  which  Lord  T.  had 
since  put  in  writing  for  his  conduct ;  and  so  took  his 
leave  without  entering  into  particulars.  The  next  day 
cc  4 


cviii  APPENDIX.  1724. 

in  the  evening  his  Lordship  came  to  see  me  with  M.  de 
Monteleon ;    and   in   our    conversation    Monteleon   took 
occasion  to  tell  me  that  he  should,  in  what  he  had  to 
propose,  confine  himself  to  the  Quadruple  Alliance,  and 
the  execution  of  that  without  any  design  of  entering  into 
a  new  war ;  but  only  to  make  the  Emperor  sensible  that 
the  three  Powers  of  England,  France,  and   Spain,  are 
resolved  to  see  it  executed ;  but  that  he  was  not  such  a 
fool  as  to  enter  into  wild  projects,  &c.     After  this  general 
declaration,  Monteleon  took  his  leave ;  and  leaving  Lord 
Peterborough  with  me,  his  Lordship's  discourse  entirely 
turned  in  praise  of  Monteleon,  as  the  honestest  man  that 
was  ever  known,  and  as  the  greatest  friend  to  England; 
that  his  chief  view  was  to  please  the  King ;  but  that  he 
must  be  careful  not  to  disoblige  France  by  showing  too 
great  a  preference  to  His  Majesty ;  and  therefore  he 
would  propose  his  scheme  first  here,  and  make  a  merit 
with  France  by  it,  reserving  to  be  finally  regulated  and 
settled  in  England  according  to  His  Majesty's  intentions ; 
and  therefore  Lord  Peterborough  desired  me  to  be  easy 
in  letting  Monteleon  make  his  court  here  first,  without  a 
previous  communication  to  me  of  his  project,  as  a  means 
to  be  better  able  to  serve  England.     I  told  his  Lordship 
I  should  be  very  easy  in  the  matter ;  but,  indeed,  he 
would  find  the  French  Ministers  would  not  resolve  upon 
any  thing  without  His  Majesty's  approbation  ;  and  I  think 
we  had  little  discourse  besides,  except  it  was  a  few  words 
about  the  Czar,  wherein  I  told  him  that  I  was  persuaded 
this  Court  would  not  make  a  treaty  with  the  Czar  without 
us ;  and  that  was  all  which  passed  then.     His  Lordship 
dined  yesterday  with  me  en  famille  ;  but  nothing  passed 
about  business.     He  entertained  the  table  with  some  of 
his  old  frolics  in  Spain ;  with  my  having  been  his  enemy 
formerly ;  but  having  reconciled  himself  to  the  chief  of 
the  family,  he  believed  all  was  now  well  again  with  us. 

After  dinner  I  carried  him  to  see  Count  Landi,  the 
Minister  of  Parma,  where  Monteleon  and  a  great  deal  of 
company  had  dined ;  where,  after  he  and  his  friend  had 
entertained  the  company  some  time,  I  left  him,  being 
obliged  to  make  some  visits,  as  his  Lordship  was  to  go 
and  see  some  ladies. 


J727.  HARRINGTON  PAPERS.  OX 

ME.  W.  STANHOPE   TO  THE  DUKE  OF  NEWCASTLE. 

[Harrington  Papers.] 

(Extract?) 

Madrid,  Feb.  10.  N.  S.  1727. 

ALL  the  advices  that  come  this  day  from  Andalusia 
agree  that  the  Spanish  army  is  actually  encamped  in 
sight  of  and  within  a  little  half  league  of  Gibraltar,  with 
which  place  all  sort  of  communication  by  land  and  sea 
has  been  publicly  prohibited  upon  pain  of  death,  and  the 
utmost  diligence  and  preparations  made  use  of  for  the 
beginning  the  siege,  which  only  waited  for  the  coming  up 
of  the  artillery,  part  of  which  was  already  arrived,  and 
the  rest  upon  its  march,  as  fast  as  the  badness  of 'the 
weather  and  the  roads  would  possibly  allow ;  and'  as 
positive  orders  were  sent  from  hence  eight  days  ago  for 
the  immediate  opening  of  the  trenches,  this  Court  is  in 
hourly  expectation  of  a  courier  with  an  account  of  the 
siege  being  actually  begun ;  upon  whose  arrival  I  shall 
immediately  write  to  your  Grace  by  a  French  Officer, 
who  returns  post  to  Paris,  and  only  waits  here  for  that 
purpose. 

Every  thing  remains  in  the  same  situation  as  when  I 
had  the  honour  to  write  last  to  your  Grace,  no  courier 
being  since  arrived  from  Vienna,  which  is  the  only  thing 
capable  of  occasioning  any  alterations  in  the  systems  or 
proceedings  of  this  Court. 

As  I  am  fully  convinced  of  this  Court's  having  for  the 
present  laid  aside  their  intended  expedition  in  favour  of 
the  Pretender,  and  as  I  have  taken  the  most  effectual 
measures  to  be  informed  immediately,  though  absent,  of 
any  that  may  afterwards  be  retaken  of  that  nature,  I 
humbly  think  I  ought  to  demand  a  passport  from  this 
Court  as  soon  as  the  news  shall  arrive  of  Gibraltar's 
being  actually  attacked. 


CX  APPENDIX.  1730. 

MEMORANDUM  BY  EARL  WALDEGRAVE. 

[Waldegrave  Papers.] 
Notes  relating  to  my  coming  here. 

(Paris,  1730.) 

D.  of  Newcastle  childish  about  it.  Takes  it  to  be  an 
encroachment. 

Pleads  his  promise  to  Essex. 

Essex  grounded  on  a  former  promise  of  Lord  Carteret: 
a  very  bad  argument  at  this  time. 

D.  of  N.  insists  it's  a  job  of  Lord  Townshend  for  me, 
which  I  could  not  allow. 

Threats  used  to  make  me  decline  it,  ineffectual. 

Refer  myself  wholly  to  Lord  T. 

Writ  nothing  to  Lord  T.  of  the  difficulties  between  the 
first  advice,  and  my  declaring  I  would  wait  Lord  T.  fur- 
ther orders.  I  am  told  that  if  I  would  have  given  up  I 
might  have  a  pension  of  1200/.  till  a  place,  that  I  sowed 
discord  between  two  brothers,  that  I  could  hope  for  no 
advantage  but  from  the  Treasury. 

That  Mr.  Walpole  was  disobliged.  I  did  not  find  it  in 
the  sequel ;  but  found  the  D.  of  N.  to  be  angry. 

No  sort  of  lights  given  me  from  the  D.  of  N.'s  Office ; 
but  the  day  before  I  set  out,  received  some  small  favour 
from  D.  of  N.  in  copies  of  letters  from  Mr.  W.  the  am- 
bassador. 

The  directions  from  D.  of  N.  given  mighty  short,  and 
a  seeming  dislike  to  my  going,  though  after  my  arrival  at 
Paris  received  an  obliging  letter. 


EARL  OF  CHESTERFIELD  TO  THE  PLENIPO- 
TENTIARIES. 

Hague,  Sept.  15.  1730. 

Mr  last  letters  from  Berlin  inform  me  that  the  King  of 
Prussia  had  beaten  the  Princess  Royal,  his  daughter,  most 


1730.  JACOBITE  PROPHECY.  Cxi 

unmercifully ;  dragged  her  about  the  room  by  the  hair, 
kicking  her  in  the  belly  and  breast,  till  her  cries  alarmed 
the  officer  of  the  guards,  who  came  in.  She  keeps  her 
bed  of  the  bruises  she  received.  Twenty  pence  a  day  is 
allowed  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Prince  Royal  in  the 
Castle  of  Custrin  ;  and  the  enquiry  is  carried  on  with 
rigour,  under  the  direction  of  Monsieur  Grumkow. 


JACOBITE  PKOPHECY. 

BARON  POLNITZ  tells  us,  in  his  Memoirs  (vol.  ii.  p.  63. 
ed.  1737)  that  in  1731  the  following  Prophecy  was  in 
every  body's  mouth  at  Rome.  It  points  to  the  year  1734. 

CUM   MARCUS   CANTABIT   HALLELUJAH, 
ET   ANTONIUS  VENI   CREATOR, 
ET   JOANNES   BAPTISTA   C<ENABIT, 

TUM  REGNABIT  ET  TRIUMPHABIT  REX  IN  ANGLIA  JA- 
COBUS HL 

When  Easter  falls  on  St.  Mark's  Day, 
And  Whitsunday  on  St.  Antony's, 
And  when  St.  John  the  Baptist's  is  a  Sacrament  Day, 
Then  King  James  IIL  shall  reign   and  triumph  in 
England ! 


MR.  KEENE  TO  THE  DUKE  OF  NEWCASTLE. 

Seville,  Feb.  2.  1731. 

THERE  have  been  several  little  disputes  between  their 
Catholic  Majesties  about  their  irregular  way  of  life  and 
the  time  of  hearing  Mass ;  but  they  still  continue  in  the 
same  method,  and  go  to  bed  at  ten  in  the  morning  and 
rise  at  five  in  the  afternoon.  It  is  generally  thought  that 
the  Queen  is  with  child. 


cxii  APPENDIX.  1733. 

LORD  HARRINGTON  TO  THE  EARL  OF  ESSEX. 

[Harrington  Papers.] 

Whitehall,  March  15.  1733. 
Mr  LORD, 

THE  affair  of  the  intended  excises,  upon  which  so  much 
ferment  has  been  artfully  raised  in  the  nation,  came  on 
yesterday.  There  scarce  ever  was  a  greater  appearance 
of  Members  in  the  House,  and  a  more  numerous  crowd  in 
the  Court  of  Requests,  Westminster  Hall,  and  the  adjoin- 
ing places  and  passages.  The  precaution  usual  on  such  oc- 
casions, of  having  Justices  of  Peace  and  constables  at  hand 
was  taken,  but  proved  happily  quite  unnecessary,  for  there 
did  not  happen  the  least  incident  tending  to  a  tumult. 

The  debate  was  opened,  about  three  quarters  past  12  at 
noon,  by  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  who,  in  a  speech  that  lasted 
two  hours  and  a  quarter,  explained  his  scheme  as  to  the 
tobacco  (for  that  relating  to  wine  is  deferred  till  after  the 
.holidays),  which  he  did  with  so  much  perspicuity  and 
strength  of  argument,  that  it  was  allowed  to  exceed  any 
speech  he  ever  made.  I  will  next  name  the  speakers  in 
their  order,  underlining  those  who  were  against  the  ques- 
tion. Alderman  Perry,  Sir  W.  Yonge,  Sir  Paul  Me- 
thuen,  the  Attorney- General,  Sir  John  Barnard,  (here 
the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  were  called  in  and 
examined  as  to  certain  facts,)  Sir  John  Barnard  again, 
Mr.  Winnington,  Mr.  Henry  Pelham,  Mr.  Shippen,  the 
Master  of  the  Rolls,  Mr.  Heathcote,  the  Solicitor-General, 
Mr.  Pulteney,  Sir  William  Wyndham.  Sir  Robert  Wal- 
pole closed  the  debate  ;  and  about  half  an  hour  after  mid- 
night the  question  was  put  for  putting  fourpence  of  the 
duty  on  tobacco  under  the  Excise,  and  carried  by  265 
against  204.  The  fifth  penny,  which  goes  to  the  Civil 
List,  remains  in  the  Customs,  which  obviates  one  objec- 
tion, that  this  is  done  to  augment  the  Civil  List  revenue. 

The  debate  on  the  side  of  those  who  spoke  for  the  ques- 
tion was  urged  with  great  dignity  and  strength  of  reason- 
ing. The  speeches  that  were  most  admired  were  Sir 
Robert  Walpole's,  of  whom  it  was  observed  that  he  pos- 
sessed himself,  and  was  in  as  high  spirits  when  he  spoke 


1733.  HARRINGTON   PAPERS.  Cxiii 

last  as  at  the  beginning  of  the  day ;  the  Attorney's  and 
Solicitor's,  and  the  Master  of  the  Rolls  *,  which  last  gen- 
tleman, though  strongly  attached  to  the  Royal  Family  and 
Constitution,  does,  your  Excellency  knows,  through  a 
particular  turn  of  mind,  seldom  vote  with  the  Court 
party,  as  it  is  called.  He  solemnly  protested  (and  every 
body  believes  with  great  truth)  that  he  came  quite  un- 
biassed, and  fully  resolved  to  be  determined  by  the  de- 
bate, to  which  he  said  he  had  diligently  attended,  had 
heard  strong  arguments  on  one  side,  and  trifling  and 
evasive  ones  on  the  other,  which  he  recapitulated  fairly 
on  both  sides,  adding  some  good  reasons  of  his  own,  which 
induced  him  to  be  for  the  question.  Two  other  members 
have  been  named  to  me,  who  have  owned  that  they  came 
determined  to  have  voted  against  the  question  ;  and  from 
their  known  principles  and  conduct,  and  the  company 
they  keep,  it  could  not  well  be  otherwise ;  yet  they  were 
convinced  by  the  debate,  and  voted  for  the  question. 

I  must  own  the  majority  was  much  greater  than  I  ex- 
pected considering  what  art  has  been  used  to  inflame  the 
country  boroughs,  and  make  them  (though  in  several 
places  it  was  done  by  stratagem)  write  to  their  repre- 
sentatives to  oppose  the  scheme,  which  could  not  but 
influence  several  of  the  members,  with  an  eye  to  their 
future  re-elections,  which  your  Excellency  knows  are  not 
very  distant.  However,  the  debate  was  well  attended ; 
for  besides  471,  as  full  a  House,  perhaps,  as  was  ever 
known,  there  were  in  town  Sir  Robert  Furnese,  who  died 
that  morning,  and  eleven  more  that  are  so  ill,  that  the 
state  of  their  health  would  not  possibly  permit  them  to 
come  to  the  House. 

Give  me  leave,  my  Lord,  to  wish  you  joy  of  the  carry- 
ing a  point  of  as  great  importance  as  almost  any  one  that 
has  been  brought  into  debate  since  the  Revolution  ;  for 
besides  the  putting  an  end  to  frauds  and  perjuries,  &c., 
too  frequently  practised  in  the  Customs,  and  other  consi- 
derations relating  to  the  revenue,  this  event  will  show 
that  neither  the  Ministry  nor  the  Parliament  are  to  be 
deterred  by  popular  clamour  from  doing  what  is  for  the 
King's  and  country's  service.  Then,  my  Lord,  without 

*  Sir  Joseph  Jekyll. 


cxiv  APPENDIX.  1735. 

a  farthing  new  or  additional  impost  being  laid,  but  only 
an  alteration  in  the  manner  of  collecting  the  revenue, 
here  will  be  such  an  improvement  of  it  (calculated  at 
5  or  600,000/.  a  year)  as  will  enable  the  Parliament  to 
take  the  Land  Tax  off  entirely ;  which  will  always  be  a 
sure,  known,  ready  fund  of  two  millions  a  year  upon  any 
emergency,  and  might  produce  much  more  could  it  be 
equally  laid,  for  which  its  having  been  disused  might 
possibly  give  an  opportunity.  The  land-owners  having 
had  the  comfort  to  find  that  they  are  not  to  be  eternally 
burthened  with  this  tax,  will  upon  an  extraordinary  occa- 
sion pay  it  cheerfully,  when  they  find  it  is  to  end  with  the 
necessity,  whenever  it  should  unfortunately  happen,  that 
might  bring  it  upon  them.  Then,  as  to  the  present  time, 
the  shopkeepers  finding  this  excise,  in  the  practice,  not  to 
be  so  terrible  a  monster  as  it  has  been  painted  to  them, 
may  be  easy  with  it ;  and  if  any  dissatisfaction  should 
remain,  which  can  scarcely  be  expected  with  them  in  the 
country,  who  will  only  see  the  same  officer  who  already 
visits  them  on  account  of  their  tea,  coffee,  &c.,  the  gentle- 
men of  estates  in  their  neighbourhood,  being  put  into 
good  humour,  will  have  influence  enough  over  their 
tradesmen,  whose  subsistence  depends  upon  them,  to  bring 
them  likewise  into  temper.  This  takes  off  one  objection 
to  the  land  forces,  that  they  are  the  occasion  of  perpetua- 
ting the  Land  Tax.  The  taking  off  of  this  tax  ought 
surely  to  reconcile  all  those  who  are  eased  by  this  means 
to  the  present  administration,  and  incline  them  to  wish 
for  such  another  Parliament  when  a  new  one  shall  be 
chosen,  and  to  concilitate  their  interest  towards  it. 


LORD  HERVEY  TO  HORACE  WALPOLE. 

Kensington,  Sept.  9.  1735. 
DEAR  SIR, 

IF  you  find  this  prompt  payment  of  so  kind  a  letter  as 
you  honoured  me  with  by  the  last  post  a  troublesome  re- 
turn to  so  agreeable  a  distinction,  your  only  way  to  pre- 
vent it  for  the  future  is  not  to  put  me  in  your  debt :  for 


1735.  HERVET   PAPERS.  CXV 

whenever  I  am  so  obliged,  unless  you  will  point  me  out 
some  other  way,  it  must  be  so  acknowledged. 

The  natural  and  sensible  account  you  give  of  your 
present  situation  in  Holland  would  certainly  make  me 
pity  you  in  the  midst  of  all  the  difficulties  you  have  to 
struggle  with,  if  I  was  not  very  well  assured  that  the 
same  honesty  and  good  sense,  that  have  carried  you 
through  as  intricate  and  delicate  negotiations  in  former 
times,  will  now  extricate  you  out  of  these  with  credit  to 
yourself,  satisfaction  to  your  master,  pleasure  to  your 
friends,  and  benefit  to  your  country. 

I  took  the  liberty  to  repeat  to  the  Queen  that  part  of 
your  letter  that  related  to  her :  for  though,  to  people  I  am 
indifferent  to,  I  make  it  a  general  rule  to  repeat  nothing 
they  say  or  write  to  me,  yet  with  those  to  whom  I  feel  I 
mean  friendly  and  wish  well,  I  act  differently,  and  always 
think  there  is  a  discretionary  power  lodged  in  me  to 
make  the  use  I  think  fit  of  what  they  communicate.  If 
ever  therefore  I  err  in  this  way  towards  you,  you  may 
find  fault  with  me  perhaps  for  judging  ill,  but  I  am  sure 
it  will  never  be  in  your  power  to  reproach  me  with  not 
meaning  well. 

The  Queen  is  so  perfectly  recovered,  that  I  never  knew 
her  in  better  humour,  health,  and  spirits  than  she  has 
been  this  morning.  I  wish  some  of  those  wise  sanguine 
people  in  the  opposition  could  have  seen  her,  who  affect 
such  joy,  and  give  out  that  a  vacant  apartment  is  to  be 
inhabited  this  winter  by  a  new  favourite.  The  joy  this 
prospect  gives  them  might  perhaps  be  a  little  damped 
when  they  found  our  apprehensions  did  not  keep  pace 
with  their  hopes,  and  that  those  who  are  as  nearly  con- 
cerned, and  a  little  better  informed,  think  as  differently 
on  the  truth  of  this  report  as  they  would  feel  to  the  con- 
sequences of  it  if  it  were  true. 

It  is  no  news  to  you,  I  suppose,  that  the  Duchess  of 
Buckingham  and  her  son  are  gone  abroad  again,  any 
more  than  the  particulars  of  the  very  extraordinary  letter 
she  wrote  to  your  brother  to  notify  her  departure ;  how- 
ever, there  was  one  expression  I  cannot  help  repeating 
to  you,  which  perhaps  things  of  more  importance  pre- 
vented him  from  telling  you  of,  and  that  is  her  calling 
her  son  a  subject  of  this  place,  without  saying  of  whom. 


cxvi  APPENDIX.    -  1735. 

The  University  of  Oxford  have  lately  paid  my  Lord 
Chancellor  *  a  great  compliment  by  giving  him  his  de- 
grees in  person  in  the  theatre ;  which  is  a  distinction 
that  was  never  before  shown  to  any  body  but  a  prince  of 
the  blood.  I  remember  formerly  to  have  read  in  Cicero's 
epistles  to  Atticus,  that  when  the  Senate  of  Rome  con- 
ferred the  Senatorian  rank,  by  an  extraordinary  law,  on 
young  Octavius,  Tully  says  this  compliment  was  paid  as 
much  to  mortify  Antony  as  to  oblige  Octavius.  Whether 
the  Bishop  of  London  is  the  Antony  of  this  compliment 
I  know  not ;  but  whatever  the  University  and  the  clergy 
meant  by  this  act,  it  is  thus  the  world  and  the  laity  inter- 
pret it ;  and  though  the  father's  prudence  is  silent  on  this 
particular,  the  son's  triumph,  as  I  am  informed,  is  less 
private. 

The  Bishop  of  Winchester's  f  late  Book  upon  the  Sacra- 
ment has  made  many  enemies,  or  at  least  has  given  occa- 
sion to  many  people  to  show  themselves  such.  Those 
who  censure  him  on  this  occasion  say  it  is  written  to 
take  off  all  reverence  for  the  Sacrament;  those  who  jus- 
tify him  say  it  is  only  to  take  off  the  horror ;  but  those 
who  are  reasonable  about  it,  I  think  should  neither  cen- 
sure the  doctrine  nor  justify  the  publication.  Things 
are  very  well  as  they  are  :  why  stir  them  ? 

It  is  with  many  parts  of  policy,  both  in  government 
and  religion,  as  it  is  with  some  liquors  :  they  will  neither 
bear  being  shaken,  nor  going  too  near  the  bottom ;  for 
which  reason,  in  both  these  cases,  it  is  very  ill  judged  to 
run  the  risk  of  spoiling  all  that  is  clear  and  good,  only 
to  squeeze  a  little  more  out  of  what  is  bad.  When  I  re- 
proached the  Bishop  of  Winchester  for  publishing  this 
book,  without  ever  saying  one  word  to  me  about  it 
beforehand,  his  answer  was,  that  he  would  not  tell  me  of 
it,  because  he  knew  I  should  advise  him  against  it,  and 
he  was  determined  to  do  it.  Adieu ;  I  have  not  room 
for  a  formal  conclusion ;  but  am,  &c. 

HERVEY. 

*  Lord  Talbot.  t  Dr-  Hoadley. 


1735.  HERVET   PAPERS. 


LORD  HERVEY  TO  HORACE  WALPOLE. 

Kensington,  Sept.  12.  1735. 

You  need  not  fear  my  troubling  you,  dear  Sir,  with 
another  long  letter  this  post,  after  the  unreasonable  one 
you  had  by  the  last ;  for  I  now  write  to  you  from  the 
waiting-rooms,  with  Mrs.  Selwyn  and  her  family  talking 
so  fast  round  me,  that  I  hardly  know  whether  I  am 
writing  my  own  thoughts  or  their  words.  My  only  rea- 
son for  writing  at  all  is,  because  I  cannot  send  you  the 
enclosed  *  without  telling  you  it  gives  general  satisfac- 
tion on  a  point  that  has  long  been  the  occasion  of  a 
Craftsman  triumph  against  us.  Upon  the  whole,  I  think 
it  well  written ;  but  the  two  last  paragraphs  (I  do  not 
mean  the  advertisements)  incomparable :  they  are  per- 
fectly what  the  Italians  call  ben  trovato.  I  disapprove 
the  motto  extremely:  they  are  reflections  which  ought 
never  to  be  cast,  as  they  never,  with  sensible  people,  hurt 
those  on  whom  they  are  thrown,  if  they  are  true,  and 
always  hurt  those  who  throw  them,  true  or  false ;  and  I 
think,  too,  that  much  more  might  have  been  said  in  justi- 
fication of  Sir  Robert's  drawing  this  contract,  than  that 
he  was  implored  and  importuned  to  draw  it :  the  circum- 
stances of  those  times,  and  general  ruin  in  that  general 
confusion  being  apprehended,  was,  sure,  a  full  justifica- 
tion of  any  body  who  tried  to  prevent  it  by  the  only 
method  that  the  whole  world  then  thought  would  pre- 
vent it. 

The  news  of  Prince  Eugene's  having  left  the  camp, 
and  being  returned  to  Vienna,  is  at  present  the  topic  of 
every  coffee-house  conversation,  as  well  as  every  Court 
whisper ;  till  the  reason  of  this  sudden  unexpected  step 
becomes  as  public  as  the  fact,  it  will  occasion  great  specu- 
lation among  the  politicians,  and  give  birth  to  many  con- 
jectures among  the  refiners.  I  may  talk,  perhaps,  my  dear 
Mr.  Walpole,  extremely  en  ignorant;  but  to  one  who, 

*  Sir  Robert  Walpole's  vindication  for  drawing  the  outline  of  A 
contract  between  the  Bank  and  South  Sea  Companies,  in  the  autumn 
of  1720. 

VOL.  H.  D  D 


cxviii  APPENDIX.  1736. 

like  me,  sees  nothing  more  than  the  surface  of  events, 
and  knows  nothing  of  the  deeper  springs  of  causes,  surely 
this  war  must  seem  the  oddest  that  ever  was  carried  on : 
the  campaign  last  year  in  Italy  was  not  more  unreason- 
ably bloody,  than  that  of  this  year  on  the  Rhine  is  unac- 
countably bloodless.  France  is  refractory  in  all  reason- 
able proposals  for  peace,  and  yet  seems  afraid  to  prosecute 
the  war.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Emperor  ransacks  the 
remotest  parts  of  barbarism  under  the  pole,  to  fetch 
30,000  Russian  bears  to  strengthen  his  troops ;  and  the 
moment  he  has  fetched  an  army  to  his  general  he  sends 
for  his  general  from  the  army :  tout  cela  me  passe. 

I  set  out  with  a  promise  not  to  trouble  you  with  a  long 
letter ;  but  I  have  kept  my  word  very  ill,  and  I  fear, 
have  broken  it  very  ill  too ;  for  in  the  noise  I  write  I 
fear  the  little  meaning  I  have  to  boast  of  will  be  quite 
unintelligible.  There  is  one  truth  I  am  sure  I  can  answer 
for,  which  is  my  being, 

Most  sincerely  yours, 

HERVEY. 


MR  "WALTON  TO   THE  DUKE   OF  NEWCASTLE. 

[Coxe's  Collections,  vol.  iii.] 

(Extract.) 

Florence,  le  30  Juin,  1736. 

JE  n'ai  pas  eu  un  journal  suivi  d'Albano....  Je  sais 
seulement  que  Hay,  dit  Lord  Inverness,  est  revenu  a, 
Albano  de  son  voyage  de  Naples,  et  que  dans  peu  il  doit 
retourner  a  Avignon.  Le  Pretpndant,  pendant  cette  vil- 
leggiature,  a  ete  plus  qu'ordinairement  melancolique  et 
sombre,  et  sa  sante  devient  de  jour  en  jour  plus  faible. 

Depuis  les  vexations  souffertes  par  lea  Espagnols,  il  est 
entre  un  tel  enthousiasme  dans  1'esprit  du  menu  peuple 
habitant  1'Etat  Ecclesiastique  que  presque  tous  sont  de- 
venus  partisans  de  1'Empereur.  Un  vigneron  demeurant 
hors  de  la  Porte  Latine  de  Rome,  sur  son  lit  de  mort,  a 
institue  par  testament  1'Empereur  son  heriticr  universel, 


J714.  HARCOURT  PAPERS. 

lui  laissant  sa  vigne  et  habitation  y  annexee,  deux  sacs 
de  ble,  quatre  scudi  en  especes,  et  ses  meubles,  propor- 
tionnes  a  la  condition  du  testateur.  Le  Comte  de  Harrach, 
pour  seconder  1' affection  du  peuple  pour  son  maitre,  a 
envoye  prendre  inventaire  de  1'heritage,  ayant  donne  part 
a  1'Empereur  de  cette  etrange  aventure ! 


The  three  following  letters  of  Bolingbroke  to  Lord 
Harcourt  are  amongst  the  papers  at  Nuneham,  and  were 
communicated  to  me  by  the  kindness  of  George  G. 
Harcourt,  Esq.,  M.  P.,  since  the  publication  of  the  first 
edition  of  these  volumes. 


LORD  BOLINGBROKE  TO  LORD   CHANCELLOR 
HARCOURT. 

Kensington,  July  19.  1714. 
MY  LORD, 

THIS  messenger  comes  to  you  by  the  Queen's  command. 
Her  Majesty  desires  you  to  be  in  Town  on  Wednesday, 
as  early  as  conveniently  you  can.  Besides  the  Irish  dis- 
pute, of  which  some  consideration  must  be  had  upon 
Thursday  morning,  there  are  too  many  other  affairs  of 
consequence  now  on  foot  to  dispense  with  your  Lord- 
ship's absence. 

I  beg  your  Lordship's  answer  by  the  messenger,  who 
has  orders  to  return  with  all  possible  speed,  and  am, 
my  Lord,  &c. 

P.  S.  —  Pray,  my  Lord,  be  punctual,  and  bring  back 
with  you  a  more  sanguine  disposition  than  you  left  town 
with ;  at  least,  don't  fancy  that  the  Queen  and  all  the 
rest  of  us  are  to  be  the  slaves  of  him  *  who  was  raised  by 
the  favour  of  the  former,  and  the  friendship  of  the  latter. 

*  Lord  Oxford. 


u  2 


CXX  APPENDIX.  1725. 

LORD  BOLDsGBROKE  TO  LORD  HARCOURT. 

London,  July  26.  1723. 
MT  LORD, 

I  THINK  it  a  case  of  conscience  to  interrupt  your  Lord- 
ship iii  the  enjoyment  of  the  pleasures  of  the  country, 
which  you  love  so  well,  and  can  follow  so  little.  But  a 
return  of  my  fever,  which  Dr.  Mead  hopes  he  has  stopped 
by  the  bark,  makes  me  in  haste  to  be  going  for  Aix,  where 
he  thinks  I  may  promise  myself  to  find  a  radical  cure  for 
this  ill  habit  of  body. 

There  are  some  other  reasons  which  are  fortified  to 
my  apprehension  since  your  Lordship  left  us,  that  incline 
me  to  go  away  about  Thursday  or  Friday  sevennight, 
which  time  is  later  than  that  your  Lordship  set  for  your 
return.  If,  by  any  accident,  your  return  should  be  de- 
ferred, I  must  beg  leave  to  wait  on  you  in  the  country, 
or  desire  you  to  give  me  a  meeting,  where  it  may  be  least 
inconvenient  to  your  Lordship,  on  the  road,  for  I  cannot 
think  of  leaving  England  without  embracing  the  person, 
to  whom  I  owe  the  obligation  of  having  seen  it  once-1 
more.  I  will  not  descend  into  any  particulars  at  present, 
but  I  cannot  help  saying  that  I  see  some  clouds  rise 
which  it  is  certainly  much  more  easy  to  hinder  from 
gathering  than  to  dispel  when  gathered.  I  am,  and  shall 
be  in  all  circumstances  of  life,  and  in  all  the  countries  of 
the  world,  my  Lord, 

Your  most  faithful  and  obedient  servant, 

BOLINGBROKE. 


LORD  BOLINGBROKE  TO  LORD  HARCOURT. 

Dawley  Farm,  March  22.  1725. 
Mr  LORD, 

WHILST  I  am  here  troubling  myself  very  little  about 
any  thing  beyond  the  extent  of  my  farm,  I  am  the  subject  of 
eome  conversations  in  town,  which  one  would  not  have 
expected.  I  will  mention  one  of  these  to  your  Lordship. 
Arthur  Moore  has  in  two  several  companies,  answered 


1725.  HARCOTJP.T   PAPERS.  CXXi 

persons  who  were  inquisitive,  whether  my  attainder 
would  be  repealed  in  this  Session,  by  saying  that  it  could 
not  be  imagined  the  Government  would  do  any  thing  in 
my  favour,  whilst  I  was  caballing  against  it  with  Mr. 
Pulteney.  If  this  report  was  to  be  thrown  into  the 
world,  Arthur  Moore  might,  with  a  better  grace,  have 
left  it  to  be  propagated  by  some  other  emissary ;  and  if  it 
be  designed  as  an  excuse  for  leaving  me  in  my  present 
condition,  than  which  none  more  cruel  can  be  invented, 
I  do  assure  your  Lordship  that  the  excuse  shall  not  stand 
good. 

I  have  very  much  esteem  for  Mr.  Pulteney.  I  have 
met  with  great  civility  from  him,  and  shall,  on  all  occa- 
sions, behave  myself  towards  him  like  a  man  who  is 
obliged  to  him.  But,  my  Lord,  I  have  had  no  private 
correspondence,  or  even  conversation  with  him,  and 
whenever  I  appeal  to  the  King,  and  beg  leave  to  plead 
my  cause  before  him,  I  will  take  care  that  his  Ministers 
shall  not  have  the  least  pretence  of  objection  to  make  to 
me  in  any  part  of  my  conduct.  I  will  only  say  upon  this 
occasion,  that  if  I  had  caballed  against  them,  there  would 
have  been  other  things  said  than  were  said,  and  another 
turn  of  opposition  given.  I  dare  say  your  Lordship  ac- 
quits me  upon  this  head,  but  I  do  not  know  whether  you 
will  so  easily  forgive  me  the  length  of  this  letter  upon  so 
trifling  a  subject. 

Do,  in  this  matter,  what  you  think  proper ;  perhaps 
you  will  mention  it  to  my  Lord  Privy  Seal  *,  as  I  shall, 
when  I  have  the  honour  of  seeing  him. 

My  return  to  London  will  depend  on  the  arguing  my 
plea  in  Chancery,  and  that  cannot  be  long  delayed. 

I  am  faithfully,  &c.  &c. 

BOLINGBROKE. 
*  Lord  Trevor. 


END  OF   THE    SECOND   VOLUME. 


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